Looking Back at Accident Compensation
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What Makes a Good Prime Minister of New Zealand? | 1 Mcguinness Institute Nation Voices Essay Competition
NATION VOICES ESSAY COMPETITION What makes a good About the author Brad is studying towards a BCom/ Prime Minister of BA majoring in Economics, Public Policy, International New Zealand? Relations and Political Science. He is a 2016 Brad Olsen Queen’s Young Leader for New Zealand after his work with territorial authorities, central government organizations and NGOs. He’s passionate about youth voice and youth participation in wider society. Leadership is a complex concept, necessitating vast amounts of patience, determination, and passion to work with others towards a position of improvement in the chosen field of expertise or service. Leaders not only bear the burden of setting the direction of actions or inactions for their team, but are also often accountable to stakeholders, with varying degrees of accountability and size of the cohort to which a leader is accountable. However, there is no more complex job in existence than the leadership of a country like New Zealand — this burden falls squarely on the Prime Minister, in charge of policy both foreign and domestic, all the while totally accountable to each and every citizen in his or her realm. Unsurprisingly, some make a better fist of it than others, with the essence of this good leadership a highly sought commodity. Three areas are critical to ensuring a Prime Minister can effectively lead — a measurement of how ‘good’ they are at their job — these fall under the umbrellas of political, social, and economic leadership ability. Politically, Prime Ministers must have foreign credibility, alongside the ability to form a cohesive support team. Socially a Prime Minster must not only recognize and promote popular ideas, but must also be relatable in part to the people. -
Maintenance of State Housing Offi Ce of the Auditor-General PO Box 3928, Wellington 6140
Performance audit report Housing New Zealand Corporation: Maintenance of state housing Offi ce of the Auditor-General PO Box 3928, Wellington 6140 Telephone: (04) 917 1500 Facsimile: (04) 917 1549 Email: [email protected] www.oag.govt.nz Housing New Zealand Corporation: Maintenance of state housing This is an independent assurance report about a performance audit carried out under section 16 of the Public Audit Act 2001 December 2008 ISBN 978-0-478-32620-8 2 Contents Auditor-General’s overview 3 Our recommendations 4 Part 1 – Introduction 5 Part 2 – Planning for maintenance 7 Information about the state housing asset 7 Assessing the condition of state housing properties 8 Strategic position of long-term planning for maintenance 9 Planning and programming 10 Part 3 – Managing maintenance work 13 The system for carrying out maintenance 13 Setting priorities for maintenance work 15 Involving tenants and contractors in addressing maintenance issues 17 Staffi ng for maintenance functions 18 Part 4 – Monitoring and evaluating maintenance work 21 Monitoring maintenance work 21 Comparisons with the private sector 22 Improving maintenance performance and processes 23 Figures 1 Average response times for urgent health and safety and general responsive maintenance 22 Auditor-General’s overview 3 State housing is the largest publicly owned property portfolio in the country, with an estimated value in 2008 of $15.2 billion. Ensuring that the state housing stock is well-maintained is important for tenants and for protecting the value of these properties. Housing New Zealand Corporation (the Corporation) is the agency responsible for maintaining state housing. My staff carried out a performance audit to provide Parliament with assurance about the eff ectiveness of the systems and processes the Corporation uses to maintain state housing. -
The Honourable Ruth Richardson
THE HONOURABLE RUTH RICHARDSON SEPTEMBER 2019 CREDENTIALS Public office New Zealand’s reforming Minister of Finance (1990-93) Member of the NZ Parliament, Selwyn Electorate (1981-94) Banking Member of the Finance and ExPenditure Committee resPonsible for the Passage of the Reserve Bank Act 1989 through the NZ Parliament As Minister of Finance, signed the Policy Targets Agreement with the Reserve Bank Governor on taking office in 1990 Served as a Director on the Board of the Reserve Bank (1999-2004) Directorships Director, Bank of China (New Zealand) Ltd (current) Director, Synlait Milk Ltd Chairman, New Zealand Merino ComPany Ltd Chairman, Kula Fund II Advisory Committee Director, Mont Pelerin Society CONSULTANCY Public policy Extensive world-wide consultancy to sovereign states, international institutions and global business organisations on economic and Public poly reforms Mentoring Promotion of career develoPment for young PeoPle from many countries, mentoring to make well informed education and work choices A lifetime of advocacy for women to take their Place as Political, business and society leaders. Member of Global Women (NZ), an organisation dedicated to advancing women into Positions of resPonsibility PERSONAL PHILOSOPHY For me, three things matter in life: 1. Nation building, hence my 14 years in Public office culminating in serving a term as Minister of Finance resPonsible for an era of fundamental structural reform to better assure sustainable growth; 2. Business building, my focus for the last 25 years serving as a director on many Public and Private comPanies in NZ, the Pacific, the USA and the UK; 3. Family, the foundation on which everything is built. -
Constitutional Nonsense? the ‘Unenforceable’ Fiscal Responsibility Act 1994, the Financial Management Reform, and New Zealand’S Developing Constitution
CONSTITUTIONAL NONSENSE? THE ‘UNENFORCEABLE’ FISCAL RESPONSIBILITY ACT 994, THE FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT REFORM, AND NEW ZEALAND’S DEVELOPING CONSTITUTION CHYE-CHING HUANG* ‘Once again, in promoting this legislation New Zealand leads the world. This is pioneering legislation. It is distinctly New Zealand – style.’ (22 June 1994) 541 NZPD 2010 (Ruth Richardson) ‘[It] is constitutional nonsense. The notion that this Parliament will somehow bind future Governments on fiscal policy…is constitutional stupidity.’ (26 May 1994) 540 NZPD 1143 (Michael Cullen) The Fiscal Responsibility Act 1994 (the ‘FRA’) was part of New Zealand’s Financial Manage- ment Reform, a reform said to have introduced new values – efficiency, economy, effectiveness and choice – into the law.1 The FRA is peculiar because the courts may not be able to enforce it. Despite this, the authors of the FRA expected it to impact profoundly on the thinking and behav- iour of the executive, Parliament, and the electorate.2 The debate about how the FRA has affected the executive, Parliament, and the electorate con- tinues.3 Yet no one has analyzed thoroughly how the FRA has affected – or might affect – judicial reasoning.4 This article attempts that analysis, and concludes that the FRA may have profound legal and even constitutional effects, despite being ‘unenforceable’. The finding that the FRA may have legal and constitutional effects could be useful for two reasons. First, the FRA’s constitutional effects suggest that judicial reform of the constitution may tend to privilege the neo-liberal values that the Financial Management Reform wrote into law. Parliamentary sovereignty could be said to encourage a free and contestable market place of ideas, but this supposed strength may be paradoxically used to legally entrench values. -
Well Being for Whanau and Family
Monitoring the Impact of Social Policy, 1980–2001: Report on Significant Policy Events Occasional Paper Series Resource Report 1 Monitoring the Impact of Social Policy, 1980–2001: Report on Significant Policy Events Occasional Paper Series Resource Report 1 DECEMBER 2005 Stephen McTaggart1 Department of Sociology The University of Auckland 1 [email protected] Citation: McTaggart, S. 2005. Monitoring the Impact of Social Policy, 1980–2001: Report on Significant Policy Events. Wellington: SPEaR. Published in December 2005 by SPEaR PO Box 1556, Wellington, New Zealand ISBN 0-477-10012-0 (Book) ISBN 0-477-10013-9 (Internet) This document is available on the SPEaR website: Disclaimer The views expressed in this working paper are the personal views of the author and should not be taken to represent the views or policy of the Foundation of Research Science and Technology, the Ministry of Social Development, SPEaR, or the Government, past or present. Although all reasonable steps have been taken to ensure the accuracy of the information, no responsibility is accepted for the reliance by any person on any information contained in this working paper, nor for any error in or omission from the working paper. Acknowledgements The Family Whānau and Wellbeing Project was funded by the Foundation of Research, Science and Technology, New Zealand. Practical support from the Department of Statistics and the University of Auckland is also gratefully acknowledged. Thanks also to the members of the Family Whānau and Wellbeing Project team for their academic and technical support. The author would like to thank those who assisted with the report’s preparation. -
New Zealand Hansard Precedent Manual
IND 1 NEW ZEALAND HANSARD PRECEDENT MANUAL Precedent Manual: Index 16 July 2004 IND 2 ABOUT THIS MANUAL The Precedent Manual shows how procedural events in the House appear in the Hansard report. It does not include events in Committee of the whole House on bills; they are covered by the Committee Manual. This manual is concerned with structure and layout rather than text - see the Style File for information on that. NB: The ways in which the House chooses to deal with procedural matters are many and varied. The Precedent Manual might not contain an exact illustration of what you are looking for; you might have to scan several examples and take parts from each of them. The wording within examples may not always apply. The contents of each section and, if applicable, its subsections, are included in CONTENTS at the front of the manual. At the front of each section the CONTENTS lists the examples in that section. Most sections also include box(es) containing background information; these boxes are situated at the front of the section and/or at the front of subsections. The examples appear in a column format. The left-hand column is an illustration of how the event should appear in Hansard; the right-hand column contains a description of it, and further explanation if necessary. At the end is an index. Precedent Manual: Index 16 July 2004 IND 3 INDEX Absence of Minister see Minister not present Amendment/s to motion Abstention/s ..........................................................VOT3-4 Address in reply ....................................................OP12 Acting Minister answers question......................... -
Are We There Yet?
Reducing Child Poverty in Aotearoa: Are we there yet? Innes Asher Professor Emeritus Department of Paediatrics: Child and Youth Health, The University of Auckland Health Spokesperson, Child Poverty Action Group www.cpag.org Today I will talk about Background/history Labour-led government initiatives from 2017 Latest child poverty statistics What is needed now Reducing Child Poverty in Aotearoa: Are we there yet? nah yeah The $2-3 billion Child Poverty per year needed Reduction Act for benefit incomes has not Minister for Child been delivered Poverty Reduction There is no plan to do so Small increases in incomes and Government’s decreases in vision for income hardship adequacy, dignity and standard of Some poverty living for those in mitigation the welfare measures system has not been delivered Increases in minimum wage About 15% of children remain in severe poverty Why has child poverty increased? Factors which impact on child poverty rates: • Policy changes • Society’s structural and cultural norms • The economy and labour market • Demographic shifts Some history • Labour 1984-1990 “Rogernomics” (Roger Douglas Minister of Finance) – Free-market policies introduced – Up to 1990 income support benefits for working age adults (benefits) were near adequate • National 1990-3 “Ruthanasia”(Ruth Richardson Minister of Finance) – 1991 Budget: benefits were slashed by up to 27%, family benefit abolished “Mother of all budgets” Child income poverty following income policy changes Main source of parent’s After 1991 Before 1991 benefit cuts income of parent benefit cuts (1994)* Parent in paid work Income poverty 18-20% 18-20% Parent on benefit Income poverty 25% 75% Perry B. -
The New Zealand Housing Strategy for the 21St Century
HOUSINGNEW ZEALAND MORTGAGE HOUSING & HOUSING STRATEGY TRANSACTION FOR 21ST CENTURY IN CHINA The Remaking of Housing Policy: The New Zealand Housing Strategy for the 21st Century By David C. Thorns, Director of the Social Science Research Centre and Professor of Sociology at the University of Canterbury (New Zealand) Introduction of New Zealand’s welfare development to its Through these policies New Zealand was ‘second way’, which was constructed more firmly integrated into the global Analysing shifts in policy requires us to around a strong neo liberal agenda. The economy in a way that was thought would appreciate that they are embedded in the current post 1999 agenda, then can be improve its competitive edge and internal past as well as in the present. Parsons in a interpreted as New Zealand’s version of a efficiency. Improved productivity would recent examination of policy development ‘third way’ influenced by movements in then lead to faster rates of economic growth argues that “it is existing policies which set other social democratic societies and and improved overall financial performance. the agendas for new problems and provide particularly articulated by the Blair Thus, like a number of other developed the discourse within which problems will be Government in the United Kingdom and the western countries during this period, state constructed” (Parsons 1995:231). Clinton Administration in the USA (Dalziel assets were privatised, new forms of Understanding the development of New 2001, Giddens 2001). management for state enterprises were Zealand’s housing strategy for the 21st introduced creating state owned enterprises century requires us to understand both the In order to explore these changes first an (SOE’s), to be run as private companies and past transformations that occurred through identification of the significant return a dividend to the government. -
Reflections on the Heavy Drinking Culture of New Zealand
O OPINION Reflections on the heavy drinking culture of New Zealand By Doug Sellman Professor of Psychiatry & Addiction Medicine, University of Otago, Christchurch A mistake was made 30 years ago with the Sale and Supply of Alcohol Act (1989); a new liberalizing alcohol act right in line with the economic revolution sweeping across the Western World at the time, championed by the UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and US President Ronald Regan - neo-liberalism. Here in New Zealand Roger Douglas, the Finance Minister of David alcohol harm, especially following the violent murder of South Lange’s 4th Labour government spearheaded radical changes to Auckland liquor store owner Navtej Singh in June 2008, that the the economy doing away with a lot of “unnecessary regulation”, Labour government of the time instituted a major review of the including alcohol regulation. NZ neoliberalism was termed liquor laws. “Rogernomics” and later by the more pejorative term “Ruthanasia” The review was undertaken by the Law Commission, the most when Ruth Richardson was Finance Minister of the next National extensive review of alcohol in New Zealand’s history. Major government and brought in major cuts to social benefits with her reforms were recommended (along with a plethora of minor “Mother of All Budgets”, working closely with Jenny Shipley at the recommendations as well). But the National-led government time. Shipley in time became PM and in 1999 oversaw the extension decided to play a deceptive political game of pretending they of supermarket alcohol (superconvenient) with the introduction of were taking the review and its bold recommendations seriously, beer as well as wine, and to cap off the liberalization of alcohol she but in fact engineered a cynical response by passing an Alcohol facilitated the dropping of the purchase age of alcohol from 20 to Reform Bill, which contained no substantial alcohol reforms. -
Government in New Zealand, 1940–511
4 An Age of the Mandarins? Government in New Zealand, 1940–511 John R . Martin The passage of more than half a century allows us to view the period following the end of the Second World War until the 1950s genuinely as history. Research materials, principally in archives, are supplemented by official histories, and biographies, with a few interviews enriching the story. I have been struck by the number of leading public servants of the period who were still in office during the 1950s and 1960s and who influenced the public service in which I spent 35 years. I was privileged to have known a number of them. In this chapter, after sketching the political and economic situation in New Zealand in 1945, I identify two principal challenges – managing the economy and national development – facing the Labour Government led by Peter Fraser. I also examine changes in organising government business made after the National Government came to office late in 1949. I then describe briefly the state of the public service as New Zealand emerged from the war. I consider the role played by several prominent public servants – a team to set against the Seven Dwarfs – and reflect on what we know about their working relationships with ministers. In essence, the picture is, first, of a group of outstanding and long-serving public servants who worked very closely with Prime Minister Fraser and his deputy, Walter Nash, the minister of finance, through the war and afterwards. With the change of government in 1949, the close, personal and somewhat haphazard methods of working under Labour were succeeded by a more conventional (in the Westminster model) relationship between ministers and officials, conducted within a more formal machinery for the handling of Cabinet business – a change sought unsuccessfully by officials when the Labour Government was in office.2 1 In writing this chapter I have benefited greatly from discussions with Dr Brian Easton, Professor Gary Hawke, Sir Frank Holmes and Mr Noel Lough. -
State Housing in Auckland the Facts: the Liberal Government State House Tenants Can Do Anything
ITINERARY n.32 6 7 5 4 3 8 14 12 9 11 2 1 13 15 10 State Housing in Auckland The Facts: The Liberal government State house tenants can do anything. After growing up in a state house in Christchurch, John Key passed New Zealand’s first became an investment banker and then Prime Minister. The official Prime Ministerial residence, Vogel Workers Dwellings Act in House in Lower Hutt, is one of the nation’s flashest state houses. In between these two poles, New 1905, building 650 houses in small groups. Between Zealand’s state house designs span diverse types produced over more than 100 years. This history starts 1919 and 1935, public with workers’ cottages built from 1906, and includes semi-detached houses (duplexes), one and two support for worker housing storey row houses, and blocks of flats, some medium-density and others high-rise. was largely in the form of Yet amid this diversity, the image of the standard ‘brick and tile’ state house endures. Some would go so low-interest loans rather than far as to call these houses icons of New Zealand architecture. The reason they are recognisable to all of house construction. Better us is because the country’s first Labour government built so many of them – about 30,000 up and down known than these early twentieth-century initiatives the country – during its 1935-49 term. A survey conducted in 1935 had concluded that about a quarter is the extensive housing of the country’s housing stock was substandard and worthy not of repair but of demolition. -
Low-Income Housing in High-Amenity Areas
ISSN 1178-2293 (Online) University of Otago Economics Discussion Papers No. 1115 August 2011 Low-income housing in high-amenity areas: Long-run impacts on residential development Paul Thorsnes, Robert Alexander and David Kidson Address for correspondence: Paul Thorsnes Department of Economics University of Otago PO Box 56 Dunedin, New Zealand 9054 Email: [email protected] Abstract Centre-left governments from the 1940s into the 1970s developed several large areas in the urban fringe of Dunedin, New Zealand for low-density, mostly single-family public rental housing. The public housing in these areas is now accessible, well endowed with natural amenities, and allocated to very low-income households. Analysis of sales of private housing reveals the expected discount on sales of nearby houses. But analysis of the influence of spatial variation in natural amenities on incomes and structural characteristics indicates large- scale effects of the public housing developments: diversion of higher-income housing to other suburban areas and possibly maintenance of older high-quality housing in central areas. Interestingly, centre-right governments may have opened the door to market forces by encouraging tenants to purchase their public rental house. We find evidence that the recent increase in house prices has encouraged relatively high income households to purchase ex- state rentals in these high natural amenity areas. Keywords: housing, local public goods, neighbourhood amenities I. Introduction From the late 1930s into the 1970s, centre-left central governments developed five relatively large areas for subsidised public rental housing in Dunedin, New Zealand. An unusual aspect of these developments is that they were built in what was then the undeveloped urban fringe.