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§2 The Early Kassite Period (pp. 45-92) by Frans van Koppen The generally neglected Early Kassite period is discussed at length by van Koppen. This chapter provides in-depth study discussing first the in the Old Babylonian period and their military background, i.e., military specializa- tion, command structure, settlements and social organization, followed by a careful description of Kassite-Babylonian interactions in the Late Old Babylonian period, i.e., the Samḫarû and Bimatû under Ammī-ṣaduqa and the Kassite kingdoms in the Diyala under Samsu-ditāna, and finally the role of the Kassites in the Fall of and their position thereafter. §3 Political Interactions between Kassite and , and Ḫatti during the Amarna Age (pp. 93-111) by Jared L. Miller Miller focuses on political history in the Late , providing a concise introduction to the political interactions between Kassite Babylonia and its neighbours in the Amarna Age. An interesting contribution is Miller’s update of the chronological synchronisms between Babylon, Assyria, Egypt and Ḫatti, resulting in a helpful chart (pp. 105-106). Finally, an enticing scenario is presented, based on a passage in a prayer of Muršili II (KUB 14.4 ii 3’-8’) regarding the Hittite tawannanna, the Babylonian wife of Šuppiluliuma I: here, Miller advocates a different reading than hitherto accepted, suggesting that she was siphoning off wealth from Hattuša to Babylon and discusses its possible political implications. §4 Of Kings, Princesses, and Messengers: Babylonia’s ASSYRIOLOGIE International Relations during the 13th century BC (pp. 112- 122) by Elena Devecchi BARTELMUS, A.S. and K. STERNITZKE (eds.). — This paper summarizes the relations maintained by the Karduniaš. Babylonia under the Kassites. The Proceed- Kassites with Assyria, Ḫatti and Egypt and discusses there- ings of the Symposium held in Munich 30 June to 2 July after the problems related to two specific historical details, 2011 / Tagungsbericht des Münchner Symposiums vom i.e., the chronological setting of the interdynastic marriages 30. Juni bis 2. Juli 2011. Volume 1–2. (Untersuchungen between Babylon and Ḫatti (pp. 117-120) and the struggle zur Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie, 11). for the Babylonian throne that followed the end of the Assyr- De Gruyter, Boston/Berlin, 2017. (28 cm, XII, 574). ian interregnum (pp. 120-122). ISBN 978-1-5015-1163-9 / 978-1-5015-1216-2. ISSN §5 Die Kassiten, das mittelbabylonische Reich und der 0502-7012. € 149,95. Zagros (pp. 123-165) by Andreas Fuchs This long-awaited monograph, in two volumes, is the The traditional view by Assyriologists that the Kassites result of a conference held in Munich in 2011 and provides and Second Dynasty only had a minor role in the Zagros the first overview of recent studies on the Kassite period in mountains is disputed in this paper. In retrospect, Fuchs Babylonia. In total there are 18 contributions discussing meticulously outlines the interests of Neo-Assyrian kings a wide variety of topics, i.e., history, politics, socioeconomics, (9th-7th centuries BCE) in the West-Iranian plateau. On sev- religion, divination, architecture and archaeology. In the fol- eral expeditions they encountered Kassites, although no lowing all contributions are discussed separately. longer a political entity, and Babylonians, who had lost their §1 Babylonia under the Kassites: Some Aspects for Con- military and political power by comparison with their Assyr- sideration (pp. 1-44) by J.A. Brinkman ian counterparts. After evaluating the evidence, Fuchs con- The leading expert in the field of Kassite studies starts off cludes that the presence of Kassites and Babylonians in the with a general history of Babylonia under the Kassites, Zagros during the first millennium BCE echoes a clear ear- divided into the Early, Middle and Final Kassite periods lier influence and interest in the region during the Middle respectively. A crossover on the Early Kassite period Babylonian period. Fuchs continues his argument by ques- (pp. 3-10) with the extended contribution by van Koppen tioning the possible earlier presence of Babylonian kings (§2) is unfortunate, but inevitable. Although not taken up for before the Middle Babylonian period (Appendix 1, pp. 158- discussion by Brinkman, but rightfully remarked upon, is the 162), but reaches a negative conclusion. importance to Kassite history of two minor dynasties which §6 Kassite and Elamite Kings (pp. 166-195) by Michael followed the Kassite era, i.e., the Second Dynasty of the Sealand Roaf (1025-1005 BCE) and the Bāzi Dynasty (1004-985 BCE). In this paper, Roaf investigates the relationship and inter- Brinkman raises the tentative question whether they had at actions between Kassite and Elamite kings by examining least a nominal affiliation with the Kassites. nine principal sources. Five of these sources may be 559 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ASSYRIOLOGIE 560 classified as primary sources, i.e., contemporaneous records already published (2011), together with the omina compen- of events, while four are identified as secondary sources, i.e., dium IM 44093, which was previously classified as Seleucid, later compositions. A helpful and clear chart on the sequence but which is, according to Heeßel (p. 221, n. 13), of Middle of Middle and Late Kassite kings and their possible synchro- Babylonian dating as well. All are classified as ‘forerunners’ nisms with Elamite kings — together with their sources — is to the bārûtu series and do not yet display signs of serializa- listed in Table 6.01 (p. 167). Of great interest is Roaf’s eval- tion. Heeßel concludes with an interesting exception, KAL 5, uation of the so-called Berlin Letter (= VAT 17020 = Bab 8 (VAT 9512), which has a colophon denoting it as the 13384 = VS 24, 91) and the Kedor-Laomer Texts (= BM “eighth tablet” of a series. In order to determine the level of 34062, BM 35404 and BM 35496). He questions van Dijk’s standardization of KAL 5, 8, Heeßel compares this tablet in assessment of the relative chronology of the Kassite and Partitur with largely hitherto unpublished material for the Middle Elamite dynasties, founded on his analysis of the eighth tablet of šummatīrānū of the bārûtu series of the First Berlin Letter, by displaying the difficulties and inconsisten- Millennium. Although KAL 5, 8 largely complies with the cies which have now arisen from Elamite royal inscriptions. structure of individual omina of the later series, significant Previous attempts to reconcile both sources did not take into variants in content are still apparent. Heeßel argues that KAL account the mentions of Kudur-naḫḫunte in the Kedor- 5, 8 is most likely not part of a Middle Babylonian bārûtu Laomer Texts. Roaf offers a new chronological scheme series but rather is from a different, earlier series from the based on the primary evidence discussed in this paper and second millennium BCE. comes to the conclusion that the Berlin Letter is not a relia- §10 The Babylonian Kudurru Inscriptions and their Legal ble, historically accurate document. The marriages recorded and Sociohistorical Implications (pp. 229-244) by Susanne in that document cannot have taken place: Adad-šuma-uṣur Paulus is said to be the son of Dunna-Saḫ, whereas contemporary The evolution of kudurrus is investigated by Paulus in this sources record him as the son of Kaštiliaš IV. The Berlin paper. By examining their form and use in the Early to Mid- Letter and the Kedor-Laomer Texts are propagandist in char- dle Kassite periods (1595-1225 BCE), the Late Kassite acter and were written in the late Achaemenid Period or later, period (1225-1155 BCE), the Isin II period (1155-1026 BCE) serving a ruler from who claimed kingship of Babylon. and the Early Neo-Babylonian period (1025-625 BCE), she §7 Kaššû: Cultural Labels and Identity in Ancient Meso- concludes that kudurrus were first commissioned as a reac- potamia (pp. 196-208) by Nathanael Shelley tion to the introduction of a new system of land ownership This paper examines the linguistic foundation for a Kassite during the Kassite period. This changed when the system identity by investigating the use of the term kaššû in various finally collapsed in the Early Babylonian period. Kudurrus contexts. Shelley divides the evidence for references to Kas- were now made to adapt to new purposes, such as the assign- sites as kaššû between individuals, groups and non-human ment of prebends and small private property transfers. This referents, and comes to the conclusion that kaššû was used new arrangement no longer needed royal arbitrariness or in the Old Babylonian period by non-Kassites to describe divine protection and for this reason, Paulus explains, kudur- a minority group with economic interactions and military rus disappeared. associations in and around Babylonia. Later during the Kas- §11 Die Götter der Kassitenzeit. Eine Analyse ihres site period, kaššû is used as a professional or official desig- Vorkommens in zeitgenössischen Textquellen (pp. 245-312) nation, further elaborated by Shelley in the final section of by Alexa Bartelmus this paper. After the fall of the Kassite dynasty, kaššû is In this paper Bartelmus investigates which deities were of generically used to describe a foreign population and corre- importance to the Kassite kings and their subjects. She exam- sponds more closely to a stereotype. It is repeatedly stated ines the use of theophoric elements in royal names, the by Shelley that this is a preliminary survey. New material occurrence of deities in the Early Kassite royal inscriptions — e.g., from CUSAS 8, 9, 28 and 30 — can be added to his and building and votive inscriptions of the Middle and Late list of references in Appendices 1 and 2. Kassite periods. This is followed by a section on personal §8 A Servile Population in Kassite : A Brief Over- religion focusing on private votive inscriptions, view (pp. 209-218) by Jonathan S. Tenney inscriptions and personal names. The paper is concluded by After his 2011 monograph on the subject, Tenney presents a helpful tabular overview of the separate sections, listing the in this paper a summary of selected parts of that work along occurrence of all deities in their context. with additional commentary and comparative material that §12 Babylonische Kunst zur Kassitenzeit (pp. 313-332) by was not previously available. Tenney compares the statistical Ursula Seidl measures of Kassite Nippur with , medieval Three features of Kassite art are discussed in this paper, Tuscany and Russian serfs and comes to the conclusion that i.e., glyptic on cylinder seals, kudurrus and brick reliefs. servile labourers in the Kassite period were a group who Although certain earlier Babylonian aspects of iconography came under abnormal population stress and worked under continued during the Kassite reign of Babylonia, new inno- duress. This group was large and significant enough to be vations in imagery appear in the 14th century BCE. For cyl- a prime concern of the Nippur administration. inder seals, Seidl summarizes a second group of glyptic art §9 Zur Standardisierug und Serialisierung von Texten displaying nature (plants, animals, water) and genii; for the während der Kassitenzeit am Beispiel der Opferschau-Omina kudurrus, she addresses the use of demons to avert evil and (pp. 219-228) by Nils P. Heeßel the creation of an abstract figurative pantheon; and for the In this paper Heeßel presents the Middle Babylonian mate- brick reliefs, she turns to the introduction of figurative reliefs rial for the later bārûtu omina series of the first millennium such as the famous façade of the temple of Kara- BCE. He evaluates the known MB tablets (Bab 36400; indaš in (Abb. 12.21 p. 327). Of special interest are the BRM 4, 15; BRM 4, 16; “Tablet Carré”), which he had depictions on the kumpum kiduia in , which denote 561 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXXV N° 5-6, september-december 2018 562 a mixture of both Babylonian and Elamite styles. Seidl ten- occurrence of Dūr-Kurigalzu in administrative documents in tatively explains this with reference to the interdynastic mar- Babylonia, together with an overview and discussion of the riages of this period as mentioned in the Berlin Letter (note, architectural remains and various finds, is provided. A brief however, Roaf’s criticism on its historical accuracy in §6) outline follows on Dūr-Kurigalzu after the end of the Kassite and the consequent desire to depict the religious interests of dynasty. This paper concludes with a convenient catalogue both houses. of all tablets known to have come from Dūr-Kurigalzu. §13 Die Sakralarchitektur in zur Kassitenzeit (pp. 333- §17 Dūr-Kurigalzu: Insights from Unpublished Iraqi 350) by Peter A. Miglus Excavation Reports (pp. 479-491) by Helen Malko Kassite sacral architecture is partly a continuation of ear- In this paper, Malko examines Dūr-Kurigalzu’s spatial lier tradition. In this paper, Miglus investigates the innova- organization through its architectural and material culture, as tions of Kassite sacral architecture by examining the struc- recorded in unpublished Iraqi excavation reports. The paper tures of the Nanna complex in Ur, i.e., the Gipar, the Ningal specifically investigates the temple complex and ziqqurrat temple, the Edublamaḫ and the Enunmaḫ. He comes to the area of Dūr-Kurigalzu, together with new observations on conclusion that the Kurigalzu’s building activities in Ur evi- Ahmar and Mound 1 (palace/administrative building) dence a conservative approach to construction — following 1 km south-east of Tell Ahmar. Unfortunately, the figures the traditions of the Ur III and Isin- periods — but that 17.11-13 (p. 489) are very pixelated and would have served they simultaneously display minor innovations in the indi- the publication better at a smaller size. vidual areas of the complex, i.e., the sanctuary of Ningal and §18 Isin in the Kassite Period (pp. 492-507) by Kai Kaniuth the figurative display on the temple façades. Kaniuth provides a preliminary survey of Kassite finds §14 Bestattungen in der Kassiten- und Isin II-Zeit (pp. 351- from Isin and demonstrates that the site was of a substantial 420) by Katja Sternitzke magnitude during the Kassite period, arguing against the In this paper, Sternitzke investigates at length the burial common opinion that Isin was mostly devoid of inhabitatants practices of the Kassite and Isin II periods, focusing on during the interval between Samsuiluna and Adad-apla- a total of 241 graves containing 266 inhumations. By first iddina. delineating the primary find spots, i.e., Ur, Uruk, Isin, Nip- In conclusion, these proceedings lay the groundwork for pur, Babylon, Tell ed-Der (-Amnānum), Tell es-Saw- contemporary and future studies on the Kassite period. These wan, Tell Zubeidi, Tell Imlihiye, Tell Yalkhi and Tell Kesa- two volumes cover a multitude of facets of Kassite history, ran, she continues with an examination of burial places, which make them not only interesting for Assyriologists and typology of graves and burial traditions. This is followed by archaeologists of the Ancient , but also for those a comprehensive study on grave goods, e.g., types of pottery, interested in social, political and art history. jewellery and clothing accessories. Sternitzke concludes with an evaluation of the regional and chronological aspects of the Philipps-Universität Marburg Elyze ZOMER topic, followed by an extensive and helpful catalogue July 2018 (pp. 401-419) of relevant material. §15 Babylonian Pottery in the Kassite Period (pp. 421- * 436) by James A. Armstrong * * In this paper, Armstrong examines the pottery assemblage of the Kassite period, dividing the material according their GEORGE, A.R., T. HERTEL, J. LLOP-RADUA, K. RAD- basic shapes, i.e., bowls, footed cups, goblets, small jars, NER, and W.H. VAN SOLDT — Assyrian Archival storage jars, very large vessels and new types of vessels Texts in the Schøyen Collection and Other Documents appearing around the 12th century BCE. He provides an eval- from North and . (Cornell University uation of the development of Kassite pottery and the regional Studies in and Sumerology, 34). CDL setting of the production of Babylonian pottery. The study is Press, Bethesda, 2017. (28,5 cm, XXII, 133, 92 Plates). concluded by a concise catalogue of the examples of pottery ISBN 978-1-934309-71-1. $ 90.00 used in this paper. §16 Dūr-Kurigalzu: New Perspectives (pp. 437-478) by In this book a variety of texts from Northern Mesopotamia Tim Clayden and eastern are published. The texts are published in Clayden first examines the exact location of Dūr-Kurigalzu copy (often by George) and photo and the commentaries can in the landscape, concluding that the city was built amid be extensive. The 38 Old Assyrian texts were already circu- small settlements and agricultural activity. Furthermore, he lating in Europe since a long time (nos. 1-38). Two, now in argues that it was located across the north-south and east- the Schøyen collection, were altready known and the group west routes, making it an important centre of trade in of “Mixon” texts are published for the first time. Much its vicinity. Thereafter, he briefly discusses the name of the attention is paid to the identities of persons mentioned; in toponym in context with other eponymous cities of the sec- particular Puzur-Aššur (nos. 1-11) and Waqqartum (p. 26). ond millennium BCE, suggesting the possibility that this Seven texts are Middle Assyrian (nos. 40-46), ten Neo- name was used to give the city an ancient lineage. As for the Assyrian (nos. 47-56); two among them are from Ma’allanate construction of Dūr-Kurigalzu, Clayden denotes that it is (nos. 47, 50). Seven Old Babylonian texts from Tell Leilan the only major city to have been founded by Kassite rulers and Tigunanum (nos. 57-63) (with two more from Tiguna- and was never a capital, but rather a palatial city. As such, num, in the Lambert Folios; p. 98-99), two Mittanni letters he argues that its function was to reflect the political and (nos. 64-65). Seven texts from (nos. 69-74), mostly religious authorities of the core cities of the First Dynasty of the already known “Claremont texts”, republished in new Babylon, i.e., Babylon and Nippur. An evaluation of the photos, and a curious text with names of towns near Ugarit, 563 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ASSYRIOLOGIE 564 inscribed in the local script (obverse) and on the reverse digressions. It begins with some examples: inscriptions on a list of personal names in the syllabic Babylonian script. particular vessels that were dedicated (11-13), followed by Probably an exercise. At the end of the book new photos of the general terminology for containers (udû, unūtu, karpatu). contracts in , published by A. Lemaire (2001) The central part with full discussions of each container (25- (nos. 75-84, with the Catalogue, p. xix); see the remarks by 304) follows these categories: vessels, chests, baskets, boxes, K. Radner on p. 82. sacks, leather bags, censers, crucibles (crogioli – consult A few marginal remarks on this excellent book: your ). Next come devices supporting vessels; No. 48 rev. 17: Arkāt-Ištar-damqā, “Good is the future of their sizes, parts, techiques and decorations (305-342). Ves- Ištar” (and parallels), on rev. 14 (!), is obscure. Stamm, Die sels invite to study their dimensions and capacities and akkadische Namengebung (1939) 236, translates “Hinter the next chapter “Misure di capacità” is lengthy study of the Gott zu sein (zu gehen) ist schön”; probably wrong. Note the Assyrian sūtu(Hebrew seah) and qû (qa) (343-355, cf. 509- imaginative translation in CAD A/2 282, arkītu 1.b, 513). Lists of vessels mentioned in religious appellatives, “The-Future-(Offered-by)-the-Gods-Is-Fine”. occupations, personal and geographical names, and in simi- No. 59, fodder in the bītniprî (šà.gal ni-ip-ri-i, ii 6): les, conclude this encyclopedic survey. linking niprî to nēparu“workhouse” is problematic. Can we Each entry begins with “attestations” of the word in Neo- think of Old Assyrian nabrītu; a paddock for donkeys, Assyrian sources — not all of them (those will be found at Dercksen, Old Assyrian Institutions (2004) 267, or OB the end, in the Glossario, 469-491), but only the meaningful nebrītu‘fodder”? — The animal fodder kiššānuin the text passages, within their full context, with a translation. If pos- is without any doubt “vetch”; still named kešenin rural sible, the Practical Vocabulary of (PVA; see p. XII, Syria, see the Bulletin of Sumerian Agriculture 2 (1985) and 512) is quoted under “Liste lessicali”. “Observations” 130-132. follow, on the earlier or later history of the word, archaeo- No. 51:8, witness “Upaqa-ana-Aššur”. The text offers logical evidence and dimensions (if available), and always Pa-qa-and the form is Upaqqa-; CAD P 513b. at the end appear cognate words in other languages. An No. 63:2-3, 8-9: () ib-lu-lu-maú-ta-aš-še-ru, fol- Observation can be quite extensive, as the case of “the lion’s lowed by: (silver) maṭi(“was missing”). Can we think of the head” showed already and we learn much from them. For verb ašāru, in: () ašir-ma in Riftin 50:3, 9, with Joan- example when a vessel is mentioned in the protocol of the nès, RA 83 (1989) 144 (“équilibré”); or kù.babbar šaa-ša- royal meal Müller MVAeG 41 (= SAA XX 33) (p. 70, 113, ru-úulaibašši, AbB 9 218:17 f.? 236-237, 286, 315), or in the long booty list after Sargon’s p. 98, lines 25, 27 qà-ša-ti, qà-aš-ta “bow(s)” (not: “gift”, Eighth Campaign (60, 85-6, 156, 222-3, 348-350) we hear qīštu), cf. Sum. giš ban “bow”, p. 99:28. much about the context. Kanūnu“kiln, stove”, also informs Also reviewed by D. Charpin, RA III (2017) 180 f. us about heating a house (283-9, 536 fig. 36). The discus- sion of the vessel ḫariu in rituals gets much space (179- Leiden Marten STOL 186). A warning: of some texts only the museum or excava- Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten tion number are given (ND, etc.). How to find the place of publication? Most of them are hidden in footnote 41 on p. 19, but there often the original, “tav(ola)”, * only is given. * * When one has collected such a large corpus of Assyrian words, the temptation comes up to analyze them and this is GASPA, S. — Contenitori neoassiri. Studi per un repertorio done on the following one hundred pages (377-468): orthog- lessicale. (PHILIPPIKA, 67). Verlag Otto Harrassowitz, raphy (377-405), phonology and morphology (the plurals: Wiesbaden, 2014. (24,5 cm, XIX, 566). ISBN: 978-3- 393-399!) (406-452), the words (types, dialectal, loan-words, 447-10126-4. ISSN: 1613-5628. € 98,-. literary forms) (453-455), syntactical combinations, the In 2012 Assyriology was enriched by Salvatore Gaspa’s (fixed?) order of vessels in texts (456-468). Much of this book on Neo-Assyrian food, Alimentiepratichealimentari could only be written thanks to the great progress made in inAssiria:lemateriealimentarinelcultoufficialedell’Assiria Neo-Assyrian since Salonen, HAM 1-2 (1965-66) (23). delprimomillennioA.C.(HANEM XIII). A complete survey In three appendixes are discussed: the uses of vessels in vari- based on all sources and adducing comparable material from ous situations (“funzioni”; cf. the Tables on the metals used, other periods and languages. We now have in our hands p. 512-513); their measures of capacity (with the Tables on a comparable work, on all kinds of containers in Assyria: p. 509-511); the vessels in The Banquet of Assurnasirpal II made of metal, clay, leather, etc. With the same broad edu- (493-505). cational background and the archaeological evidence in addi- The book offers many lists of containers of all types, but tion to that. So the first item discussed, kaqqudu, the Assyr- at the end a general index of all containers (and other words!) ian word for Babylonian qaqqadu“head”, informs you not is missing. only that this “head” can stand for a vessel shaped like the The Neo-Assyrian corpus is defined by the databaseof head (of an animal), a rhyton(“Tiergefäss”), but continues the Neo-Assyrian Texts Corpus Project in Helsinki which the by giving the various kinds, giving the sizes of excavated author could consult (18-20). This means that medical texts, “cephalomorphic” vessels, referring to the illustrations in written in Standard Babylonian, were not taken. When the palace reliefs, with fig. 1 at the end of the book (517), and Assyrian word nakuaru, based on nakmuru(= SB nakmaru) in addition to all that it delves into the “lions’ head” in ritu- appears in such a text, from Assur, it is mentioned in the als, discussing the symbolic meanings of the lion at the commentary (BAM 49:36, p. 255; explained on p. 409-410) Assyrian court (25-33). The book is full of interesting and we are grateful. The adjective šaḫarratu “porous”, said 565 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXXV N° 5-6, september-december 2018 566 of vessels, is relevant to this book but does not appear in 196-7 (a kind of salt). Actually, the author follows SAA V Assyrian context, so it is missing (mentioned only in passing 242 rev. 2 in translating the word as “crescione” (344 note on p. 190). We cannot resist the temptation to give some 9, end). references: said of pursītu(203-206, 227), see CAD P 524b p. 152, on top, NA4.MEŠ ku-ú-ri, “amuletstones (against) (Sum. SAR = sáḫar); also said of kannu(117-8), see BAM depressions (kūru)” (not: pietre artificiali, following SAA 5 480 II 7. VII 126 rev. 2). Many containers are attested in earlier or later periods. p. 169, in a quote: ZÌ EŠA = siltu. Normally equated with Here follow a few additions. sasqû. Siltuis often mentioned in Gaspa, Alimenti, as “un Earlier: tipo di tritello e di farina di frumento” (Index, 296), but not p. 125, 362, kūtu: there are now many more OB refs. for discussed. In this book “farina o granaglie spulate”, cf. Ara- kuttum(so, plur. kuttātum) than those given in CAD K 611-2. maic soletand sult(109). Contains the flour zíd sag (= takkasû) in TLB I 133; now p. 203 note 1376, b/purussu“Schlauchverschlüsse”, still confirmed by lines 1-2 in YOS 13 176,177, 179, 184. Con- following AHw. Of course purussu “stopper”, verb parāsu. tains 30 litres of lard, or sweet reed, in OBTR 204:14, 205:2. p. 264-265, TÚG sāgu: here, the author offers new argu- Wine in the Mari texts, Chambon, Flor. Mar. XI 2009) p. 24. ments to identify this “cloth” with Babylonian saqqu, “sack”. Which may fit “the servant of the Palace, carrying the k. Already suggested by Postgate in Studies K.R. Veenhof (2001) (na-ašku-ú-tim), AbB 1 47:7, with von Soden, BiOr 23 384. (1966) 53b. Chambon: possibly identical with ḫuttum, p. 265 note 10: it is a surprise to see “(farina) kakkallu” mainly attested in MB and NB (CAD Ḫ 264a). Ḫuttum: as the Akkadian word for ZÍD.GAL.GAL. This was suggested ARM 14 77:5, 9,15, 16, with coll. Durand, LAPO 18 p. 64 by Gaspa in his Alimenti, 279-280. notes (OB); BE 14 163:38 (MB); Joannès, Bor- p. 242, tupninnu: or umninnu, cf. unnīnu (247)? Discus- sippa (1989) 49, 356 YBC 9403:6 (NB). Kuttum: ARM 31 sion of the problem on p. 392-393. Add the unpublished p. 219, CT 43 118:8, 22, DCS 102:6 (otherwise CAD M/1 OB letter A. 7456:23, ùtu-up-ni-na-amanummiambilam; 189, maluṭṭu), Atram-ḫasīs I 11 (?), see Shehata, Annotierte University of Chicago thesis J.B. Christian, no. 5; coll. Bibliographie (20901) 28 (OB); Llop, CUSAS 34 (2017) K.R. Veenhof. p. 71b (MAss); perhaps CUSAS 30 no. 422:8-9 (tamarisk Afewadditions: wood a-naku-te-e) (MB). 1. p. 283, ḫulupaqqu in Maqlû: Schwemer, The anti- p. 186-188, kukkupu: de Meyer, Tell ed-Dēr II 181 no. 66:7 witchcraft ritual Maqlû (2017) 7b (a vessel for burning (silver/a tablet inaku-ku-b[í-i]maškun) (OB); Veenhof, figurines). Kültarı Tabletleri V (2010) no. 14:8, with p. 105 (wine and 2.tarīḫu in medical texts, elsewhere preceded by DUG ) (OAss); Postgate, 35 (1973) 14:27, šaÌ ki-ir-ki “pot”. CAD:(a medical preparation); AHw: (ein wertvolles (MAss). Gefäss). A pot indeed; new references with discussion: p. 169, adakurru: also OAss, as a sherd of the vessel S. Jakob, Mittelassyrische Verwaltung (2003) 407 note 99. shows; J.G. Dercksen, Old Assyrian Institutions (2004) 55 Cf. what Guichard, ARM 31 (2005), writes on tarḫum: (alluded to by Gaspa, 170 n. 1143). Also in BAM 6 555 II “Semitic” (178), “cruche à bière (pour libation)” (315). 23 (SB) and Durand, TÉBR plate 46 AO 17623 I 10 (NB). CAD terḫurefers to tirḫu(a vessel), restored in the NA (!) p. 190, mākassu, in funeral context (192): thus also OB text BBR 61 rev. (?) 10 (ter-ḫa-a-te) = Parpola, SAA XX 68 mākaltu; Studies F.A.M. Wiggermann (2017) 263. no. 25 rev. 10 (še-e-ḫa-a-te) (not in Gaspa, šēḫtu, 298 ff.). p. 194, masraḫu, Bab. maslaḫu: van Lerberghe, AOF 24 I interpret t.in medical texts as a dish named after the bowl (1993) 36 no. 5:2, ma-ás-la-ú, in the cult of of Annunītum; in which it was made or served. Compare ḫuruppu(44), more in Durand, ARMT 21 p. 356 (OB). sometimes referring to its “contents”, “a banquet of many p. 220, kurkurru: Steinkeller, Third-Millennium Texts courses”; Ermidoro, Commensality and ceremonial meals (1992) 53-4 (OAkk); Stol, Studies B. Hrušká (2015) 87 n. 173 (read there UET 5 no. 636). (2011) 248-9 (wine, beer) (OB). 3. qû, “vessel of one litre” is missing. One expects this p. 264, ḫimtu: Durand, ARM 30 (2009) 164 (OB Mari). measuring vessel on p. 140 where the (higher) ten-litres sūtu p. 342: uḫḫuzuis widely attested in OB; Arkhipov ARM is studied. Obviously, there is no syllabically written attesta- 32 (2012) 70-1, cf. iḫzum, 59-60; CAD U/W 44, tion in the NA corpus. In Old Assyrian qu’um, see CAD Q “overlaid”. qû B, 1.; add Dercksen, The OA copper trade (1996) 232, 7 p. 279, ziqqu (KUŠ.SAL): in 4 kuš zi-qúšageštin, Dalley, qú-a-timkirānam(kt a/k 1060:20). In DUG qú-’u-ú, OBTR 251:10 (OB). plural qú-a-ta; see D. Fleming, The installation of Baals Later: highpriest at Emar (1992) 145. In Old Babylonian only in p. 305-306, 463 (GIŠ) kankannu: NB gangannu or kankannu Sumerian: giš.1.sìla (and giš.1/2.sìla), Veenhof, BiOr 27 (quoted 161-162); MB kan-gan-nu (so!), Sassmannshausen, (1970) 35b, bottom. Beiträge zur Verwaltung Babyloniens in der Kassitenzeit This is a most welcome book and of the highest quality. (2001) 338 no. 219:2, 5, cf. no. 302 III 8. In 2014 its introductory Ringraziamenti were written in p. 274, (TÚG) zurzu: NB zi-ir-zi in McGinnis, The arrows Copenhagen where the Centre for Textile Research is. And of the Sun (2012) 107, to no. 49:2 (Aramaic). yes, in this current year Gaspa’s new book was published, Problems: “Textiles in the Neo-Assyrian ” (2018). In English, so p. 142, 177 n. 1184, kudimmu “cardamomo”, cf. Gaspa, it seems. Double welcome! Alimenti 213, 222: according to this reviewer Assyrian for Babylonian saḫlû “cress”; JEOL 28 (1983-4) 29-30. Possi- Leiden, August 2018 Marten STOL bly confirmed by M. Guichard, Flor. marianum III (1997) Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten 567 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ASSYRIOLOGIE 568

KORTE AANKONDIGINGEN dried figs. — B.M. Zonta, Food and death at the Ur Royal Cemetery (353-373), discusses the archaeological evidence MILANO, L. (ed.) — Paleonutrition and Food Practices in (with photos) and concludes with a discussion on funeral the . Towards a Multidisciplinary offerings in the texts. Remark: YBC 4190 (p. 366) was pub- Approach. (History of the Ancient Near East Mono- lished by M. Sigrist in StudiesBaruchA.Levine (1999) 111- graphs, 14). Sargon, Editrice e Libreria, Padova, 2014. 149. — N. Bellotto, Names indicating bread in the ritual texts (29 cm, VII, 437). ISBN 978-88-95672-11-3. € 70,-. from Emar (375-384), discusses the 34 types in alphabetical order. — S. Ponchia, Management of food resources in the In this book the proceedings of a congress (Venice 2016) Neo-Assyrian empire: data and problems (385-412), a com- are published. In the first half archaeological contributions prehensive description of the organisation of food in (1) cen- (with case studies on particular sites), in the second the focus tral Assyria (including the initiatives of , 389- is historical, with special attention to consumption when 390), the royal decrees, the many lists of products delivered travelling. to temples, etc.; (2) in the close-by regions (Cizre, Upper G. Willcox, Food in the early Neolithic of the Near East , Jazira and Khabur); (3) the other provinces. — (1-10). — T. Molleson, Craftsmen for food production. The F.M. Fales, M. Rigo, Everyday life and food practices in human bone evidence for methods of food processing at Abu Assyrian military encampments (413-437): the iconography Hureyra (11-24). — M. Schultz a. o., The role of deficiency of encampments, combined with the textual information on diseases in infancy and childhood of Bronze Age populations the food cycle. (25-42). — H. Schutkowski a. o., Diet and subsistence during the Middle Bronze Age at , . First isotopic evi- dence of coastal Levantine food ways (43-52). — A. Solty- * siak, Frequency of dental caries as a proxy indication of * * mobility: the case of the Khabur Basin human populations (53-70). ANDO, C. and S. RICHARDSON (eds.) — Ancient States Four case studies on Mersin-Yumuktepe, by I. Caneva a. o., and Infrastructural Power. Europe, Asia, and America. C. Minniti, G. Siracusano (71-120); four on TellBeydar, (Series Empire and After). University of Pennsylvania by E. Rova (on the tannūr), L. Marigliano (plastered basins), Press, Philadelphia, 2017. (23,5 cm, VI, 309). ISBN: B. De Cupere (animals), F. Bertoldi a.o. (121-236, including 978-0-8122-4931-6. $ 69.95. L. Milano, on the food rations according to the texts, 221- The Introduction, “States and State Power in Antiquity” 227); two on TellMishrife/, by D. Morandi Bonacossi (p. 1-16, by C. Ando), informs the reader that the book (crops and storage), A. Canci a. o. (teeth, bones and diet) “seeks to assess the power of ancient states. Its method is (237-260). historical and comparative rather than ideal-typical. (…) The G.J. Selz, Feeding the travellers. On Early Dynastic travel, choice of method (…) is rather that contemporary ideals of travel networks and travel provisions in the frame of Third the state and state power are — as has long been recog- Millennium Mesopotamia (261-279), follows the travelling nized — historically contingent. (…) The volume is histori- foreigners in their trading posts (uru-kas4) from the cities cal insofar as the chapters take a strictly empiricist approach” with “sealings”, and on, comparing them with the “messen- (p. 1). Recent discussions about infrastructural power of the gers”. — L. Milano, Eating on the road. Travel provisions in ancient imperial states are surveyed and seminal articles by the archives (281-296), first describes travellers buying S. Richardson (“Early Mesopotamia: The presumptive or exchanging animals for food, based on the treaty State”, in PastandPresent 215 [2002] 3-49), W.J. Novak with Abarsal and the annual accounts of metal objects. and J.C. Scott are mentioned. Chapter 1 will interest the Next comes vegetal food, primarily flour and beer, in the readers of BiOr: SethRichardson, “Before things worked: “tablet of clarification with Mari” and other documents. — a ‘low-power’ model of Early Mesopotamia” (p. 17-62). F. Pomponio, L’Alimentazione dei “messageri” in periodo After a programmatic introduction (17-20), two themes are neo-sumerico (297-307), begins with the rations of the “for- investigated, “Babylon and territoriality”, and “Babylon and esters of ” (actually a salary?) and focusses on the the discourse of law”, where Babylon stands for its First high rations of the messenger from Umma (299-302), Dynasty (ca. 2000-1600 BC), here from king to and Iri-sagrig (with sufficient vitamines), and the terminol- its end. As to territoriality (21-28), in the Old Babylonian ogy (like gaba = the border of the province). — C. Michel, period political entities were not, at the basic level of denom- Se restaurer en voyage en haute Mésopotamie et Anatolie au ination, realized in geographical terms, and the sources do début du IIe millénaire av. J.-C. (311-326), first and last sur- not mention other states after the 28th year of king Samsu- veys the many data on feeding soldiers, the travelling king iluna (1728 BC). Internally, royal power is mainly evident or ambassadors in the Mari texts; in between the Assyrian from the (royal) “clients” on their estates. It had “a mixed merchants. — P. Corò, Food for the humans and food for the basis of urban kingship, institutional patronage, and domain gods: ṣidītilānīand ṣidītu (327-337), translating the first lordship which had a diluting effect on what state spatial expression as “travel provisions of the gods” (NINDA- control there was” (23). The military power was waning (23- KASKAL), follows the offerings in Late Babylonian cultic 24). During the following Kassite period (24-26) emerges the texts and contracts, liquids and flour or loaves; and ordinary fiction of a state, “the land of Babylon”, from the assump- provisions (cf. kurummatu, 334). — H. Brunke, On the role tion that Babylonia had been a natural political unit (25). The of fruit and vegetables as food in the Ur III period (339-352), Old Babylonian membership of a city, followed by a grow- shows that these products were consumed by the upper ing trend of ruralisation had developed into cities with char- classes. With an excursus on soups and the strings of fresh / ters and grants (26). In the late Old Babylonian period the 569 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXXV N° 5-6, september-december 2018 570 administration was being mediated through networks of mer- chants and local officials, actors who negotiated the collec- tion of rents and conversion of staples into silver. Later, the types of charter concessions granted to cities had their inter- face with negotiated authority. Refugees from the South were distinct groups, city communes, and the kings protected them in their decrees — here the author refers to his publication (2017), not yet available (27). — Remark: much remains unknown about these issues because we hardly have docu- mentation from the capitals Babylon or Larsa — as we do from the kingdom of Mari. In the second part, “Babylon and the discourse of law”, correspondences between the law collections of Hammurabi (LH) and actual practice (as found in letters) or royal decrees (ṣimdatum) are compared; a problem also studied by M. Roth (28 f.). In three cases they “loosely correspond” but in nine cases there are discrepancies (31-33), viz. MAH 16506, AbB 9 32; 13 12, 125; 14 98; 13 18; 11 183; 13 27; 11 101 (see notes 85-90, 92-94). The roles of the king/Crown as seen in the letters are described; for example, he accepts other juris- diction (33-36). The laws in LH are embedded between pro- logue and epilogue, two “paeans” praising the king, indicat- ing that justice was enacted through his law, through divine authorization (40-41). His “laws”, however, are “a mere habitus of legal process within the king’s larger field of jus- tice” — and “the effect is one of domain ambiguation”. It is “shocking” that the presence of king or Crown here is low; in some cases the king is mentioned as the last resort (37-39). Often the laws are formulated in the third person, “they”, which refers to self-help (38). There is a “broad unspecifity as to enforcement” (not so in practice documents!) (38 f.). The laws “generated imaginative power” and the actual legal powers of the State largely did not yet exist. “So let us con- sider the matter from a rhetorical and imaginative instead of a juridical perspective” (36-37). Thus, the state “avoided financial and political costs by eschewing responsibility and liability for the social conflicts and resentments that judg- ments inevitably produce” (41). The other chapters of the book discuss the archaic Greek world, China, the Later , Sasanian Iran, the empire of the Incas, Visigothic Iberia, and the .