The Secretary-General Statement to the United

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL

STATEMENT TO THE UNITED NATIONS INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN SUPPORT OF THE PALESTINIAN PEOPLE (to be delivered on his behalf by Sir Kieran Prendergast, Undersecretary-General for Political Affairs) New York, 23 September 2002

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and gentlemen,

Welcome to United Nations Headquarters, where the world's peoples meet through their government representatives - but also through citizens' groups and civil society organizations such as yours. If this planet is our global village, the United Nations Organization is where we hold our village meetings - where we discuss issues of shared concern, and try to find solutions.

The situation in the Middle East, and in particular the question of Palestine, have been on the agenda of this Organization since its earliest days. Despite hopes raised by the Madrid peace process and the Oslo accords in the 1990s, renewed tensions and the outbreak of violence over the past few years have threatened to undermine peace and security in the entire Middle East region. The locus of the conflict intersects with global political, strategic and economic interests and stands on major religious and cultural fault-lines. It thus has a potential to envenom relations between people living thousands of miles away, and to derail major international gatherings, including United Nations conferences.

The violence of the past several months has caused great suffering among innocent civilians on both sides. Until last week, there had been six weeks of relative calm in Israel itself, but during the same period in the occupied territory some 54 Palestinians were killed in Israeli military operations. Then, in the space of three days - 17-19 September - we saw a bomb explode in a Palestinian school and two suicide attacks inside Israel, after which the Israel Defence Force once again encircled President Arafat's offices in Ramallah, and carried out major demolitions.

Such sad events only strengthen my conviction, which I expressed to the General Assembly ten days ago, that the essential objectives of security and humanitarian relief cannot be achieved in isolation. We must return to the search for a just and comprehensive solution, which alone can bring security and prosperity to both peoples, and indeed to the whole region.

The organizers of this Conference have clearly stated that it is meant to garner support for the Palestinian people. This is the mandate the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People has received from the international community, through the United Nations General Assembly, and has pursued since its establishment in 1975. Indeed, the Palestinian people need the continued support of all of us, in the dire situation that they are in.

Today, Palestinians are still confined to their towns, villages and refugee camps, without a State or a functioning economy of their own. I have expressed my dismay at the excessive use of force, which has caused the deaths of so many Palestinian civilians, Time and again, I have also strongly condemned the killing of innocen irrespective of the provenance and motives of the perpetrators. Stifling curfews and closures result in mounting economic hardship for the Palestinian population. Recent military operations have caused great damage to the Palestinian Authority and its institutions, and have further weakened the Authority's capacity to provide basic services to its people.

For its part, the United Nations has been providing assistance to the Palestinians for more than half a century. UNRWA - the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East - is the longest-running relief effort undertaken by the United Nations in any part of the world, and remains a lifeline to more than 3.9 million Palestinians. The United Nations Development Programme, with its Programme of Assistance to the Palestinian People (UNDP/PAPP) likewise has a long history of participation in Palestinian development efforts, while the World Food Programme, UNICEF and other UN bodies have been offering much- needed humanitarian aid. The United Nations Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process and his team have maintained close contacts with the parties, trying to promote political and security dialogue and to facilitate cooperation on economic and humanitarian issues. Ms. Catherine Bertini recently visited the region as my Personal Humanitarian Envoy with the mandate to assess the nature and the scale of the humanitarian crisis facing the civilian population in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

In spite of all these endeavours, peace seems as far away as ever. To bring it once again within our reach, numerous factors have to be propitious, and pressure has to be brought to bear from many sides. The political leadership of both parties has to be encouraged in the direction of accepting difficult compromises. A lot has to change in the way people on both sides of the conflict think about themselves, about each other, and about the region. In that respect, joint grass roots initiatives between Palestinian and Israeli NGOs, as well as Jewish and Arab groups in the United States, Europe and elsewhere, should be encouraged. Moreover, the public all over the world, especially within the most influential countries, has to be informed, so that it can grasp the broader picture and the issues at stake. Humanitarian assistance has to be provided urgently to the suffering Palestinian population. In all these areas, civil society can play a very important role, as we have seen on numerous occasions in the past. Your commitment, and that of others like you, is enormously important. I encourage you to continue your work in a coordinated and coherent way.

This Conference is in support of the Palestinian people. It also acknowledges the Israeli people's longing for peace and co-existence. It points the way out of the impasse for both peoples, which must be to deal with the root cause of the conflict. The inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to self-determination and to a State of their own, must be restored to them.

The ultimate shape of a Middle East peace settlement is well known. It was defined long ago in Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, and its Israeli-Palestinian components were spelt out even more clearly in Resolution 1397: land for peace; an end to terror and to occupation; two States, Israel and Palestine, living side by side within secure and recognized borders.

Both parties accept this vision. But we can reach it only if we move rapidly and in parallel on all fronts.

The United Nations has been working to find ways of doing that, with its partners in the "Quartet" - that is the United States, the Russian Federation and the European Union. As you know, our most recent meeting was held here in this building last Tuesday. We met first among ourselves, then with five Arab ministers, and then with representatives of the two parties - Shimon Peres and Nabil Shaath.

We agreed to continue working with the parties, and with key regional actors, on an implementation road map, which can guide us to a final and comprehensive settlement within three years.

Of course it is essential and urgent to make both peoples more secure, by bringing an immediate end to violence and terror. But we are all in agreement that this has to be done within the context of an overall plan, which must address the political, economic, humanitarian and institutional dimensions of the problem. It must spell out reciprocal steps to be taken by the parties in each of the phases. In short, we need a process that is both performance-driven and hope-driven, because we need both, performance and hope.

The road map will be in three phases. Progress from each phase to the next will be based on the parties' compliance with performance benchmarks, to be monitored and assessed by a mechanism of the Quartet.

The first phase will see a Palestinian security reform, Israeli withdrawals, and support for Palestinian elections to be held in early 2003. There will also be an ad hoc liaison committee meeting in November to review the humanitarian situation and identify priority areas, including the reform process for development assistance in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

In the second phase, during 2003, the focus will shift to the option of creating a Palestinian state with provisional borders, and based on a new constitution, as a step on the way to a final and comprehensive settlement.

That final and comprehensive settlement should emerge in the third phase, from 2004 to mid-2005, through direct negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians.

Palestinian reform and political progress are essential, but they must be accompanied by Israeli measures to improve the lives of Palestinians, notably by allowing the resumption of economic activity and the movement of goods, people, and essential services; by easing or lifting curfews and closures; by returning the tax revenues owed to the Palestinian Authority; and by putting an immediate stop to all Israeli settlement activity in the occupied territory.

The Palestinians must work with the United States and regional partners to reform their security services and combat terrorism. Both sides should work to enable the civilian population of the West Bank and Gaza to benefit from normal policing and law and order. Israelis and Palestinians should re-establish security cooperation.

The Quartet is continuing to discuss the timing and modalities for an international conference. It remains committed to the search for a just, lasting, comprehensive settlement in the Middle East, including the Syrian/Israeli and Lebanese/Israeli tracks.

For my part, I pledge to continue to do whatever it takes to help these peace efforts, in cooperation with all regional and international actors - including, of course, civil society actors like you. The determined and coordinated mobilization of global civil society can play a decisive part in bringing the final peace settlement closer. Once again I welcome you to this Conference and invite you all to lend your moral and practical support to the achievement of this noble goal.

I wish you all success in your deliberations.

Thank you very much. UJLJ Si K SEP

Note to Mr. Riza

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN SUPPORT OF THE PALESTINIAN PEOPLE f "22-r 1. In your note of 13 August_to Mr. Tiirk, you had asked whether the Secretary- General should accept the invitation tcTattend the opening session of the above-mentioned conference on 23 September 2002 taking into account several important factors, (attached). 2. For the valid reasons you raise, it would indeed be desirable for the Secretary- General to find an appropriate occasion to articulate his views on different aspects of the Middle East conflict. However, in my view, this conference does not provide a suitable forum for the following reasons: " i) The audience will be of the variety that would expect or wish to hear more from the Secretary-General than he may be in a position to say. ii) Given that this is an NGO gathering, it is unlikely that his attendance would make up for the negative reaction to the Jenin report in the Arab world and the SG's inability to attend the opening session of the Palestinian Rights Committee on 29 November, two of the three points you mention as factors militating in favour of his accepting the invitation. iii) I would in addition mention that the Permanent Mission of Israel has sent a fairly strong protest letter lamenting the Secretariat's perceived lack of impartiality in disseminating a Note Verbale about the conference, including what it alleges to be "observations of a political and subjective nature", (see attached correspondence). 3. I would recommend therefore, that we look for a suitable forum for the SG to speak on the Middle East. In the meantime, I would agree with Mr. Turk's recommendation that I represent the Secretary-Generai at the opening^? the conference on 23 September. 4. I attach a draft letter accordingly.

Kieran Prendergast 1 1 September 2002 cc: Mr. Turk UGH

SEP -62002 M- / r*"jC^ / ^J NOTE TO MR. RIZA * *— ' ^J / ^r~ EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY-GENERAL UN International Conference of Civil Society in Support of the Palestinian People UNHQ. 23 and 24 September 2002

With reference to the above, please find enclosed a draft of the Secretary-General's statement to be delivered at the above Conference on 23 September.

Thank you for your attention to this matter.

{ DaniloTttrk Officer-in-Charge, DP A 6 September 2002

cc: Mr. Prendergast DRAFT

THE SECRETARY-GENERAL

STATEMENT AT THE UNITED NATIONS INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN SUPPORT OF THE PALESTINIAN PEOPLE

New York 23 September 2002

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and gentlemen,

I would like to welcome you all to United Nations Headquarters, where the world's peoples meet through their government representatives but also through citizens' groups and civil society organizations, as is the case with this gathering. If this planet is our global village, the United Nations Organization is where our village meetings take place, where we discuss issues of mutual concern and try to find solutions.

The situation in the Middle East and the question of Palestine are issues UN Member States have been dealing with for over fifty years, since the early days of this Organization. Despite hopes raised by the Madrid peace process and the Oslo accords in the 1990s, renewed tensions and the outbreak of violence over the past few years have threatened to undermine peace and security in the entire Middle East region. The locus of the conflict intersects with global political, strategic and economic interests and stands on major religious and cultural fault-lines, thus having a dangerous spillover potential.

The violence of the past several months has caused great suffering among innocent civilians on both sides. But there have been some promising developments too. Recent steps aimed at resuming security cooperation between the parties and improving the humanitarian situation of the Palestinian population have given us reason for hope. Perhaps even more importantly, in the course of the year it has been established beyond any doubt that a comprehensive, just and lasting settlement of the question of Palestine should be based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 1397 (2002) and should entail the coexistence of two States, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace, within secure and recognized borders. While we are still looking for the best way to get there and trying to define concrete benchmarks in order to achieve this objective within a reasonable period of time, it is important that we know what our final goal is and that we have the agreement of both parties and all other major actors in that respect.

The organizers of this Conference have clearly stated in its tide that it is meant to garner support for the Palestinian people. This is the mandate the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People has received from the international community, through the United Nations General Assembly, and has pursued it in a most commendable way since its establishment in 1975. Indeed, the Palestinian people need the continued support of all of us in the dire situation that they are in.

Today, Palestinians are still confined to their towns, villages and refugee camps, without a State or a functioning economy of their own. I have expressed my dismay at the excessive use of force, which has caused the deaths of so many Palestinian civilians, including many children. Time and again, I have also strongly condemned the killing of innocent civilians on both sides, irrespective of the provenance and motives of the perpetrators of such horrendous acts. Stifling curfews and closures result in mounting economic hardship of the Palestinian population. Recent military operations have caused great damage to the Palestinian Authority and its institutions and have further weakened the Authority's capacity to provide basic services to its people.

For its part, the United Nations has been providing assistance to the Palestinians for more than half a century. UNRWA — the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East - is the longest-running relief effort undertaken by the United Nations in any part of the world and remains a lifeline to more than 3.9 million Palestinians. The United Nations Development Programme, with its Programme of Assistance to the Palestinian People (UNDP/PAPP) has also a long history of participation in Palestinian development efforts, while the World Food Programme, UNICEF and other UN bodies have been offering much-needed humanitarian aid. The United Nations Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process and his team have maintained close contacts with the parties, trying to promote political and security dialogue and to facilitate cooperation in economic and humanitarian issues. Ms. Catherine Bertini recently visited the region as my Personal Humanitarian Envoy with the mandate to assess the nature and the scale of the humanitarian crisis facing the civilian population in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Her observations are being studied by the United Nations and by our partners in the "Quartet" - that is the United States, the Russian Federation and the European Union. We hope that urgent action will be taken with the generous support of the international donor community. And, of course, I am personally and very closely involved in the efforts of the "Quartet", which aim at assisting the parties to resume political negotiations and reach a final settlement. -

In spite of all these endeavours, a lot is yet to be done before we reach the desired outcome. Numerous factors have to be propitious and pressure has to be brought to bear from many sides. The political leadership of both parties has to be encouraged in the direction of accepting difficult compromises. A lot has to change in the way people on both sides of the conflict think about themselves, about each other and about the region. In that respect, joint grass roots initiatives between Palestinian and Israeli NGOs, as well as Jewish and Arab groups in die United States, Europe and elsewhere should be encouraged. Moreover, the public all over the world, especially within the most influential countries, has to be informed and grasp the broader picture and the issues at stake. Humanitarian assistance has to be provided urgently to the suffering Palestinian population. In all these respects, the role of civil society can be catalytic, as proven on numerous occasions in the past. I am sure that I am preaching to the converted and that you have been doing all this and more as part of your diverse activities, but I just wanted to acknowledge how important your commitment is and encourage you to continue your work in a coordinated and coherent way.

This Conference is in support of the Palestinian people. It also acknowledges the Israeli people's longing for peace and co-existence by showing the way out of the impasse, namely the need to remove the root cause of the conflict. The inalienable rights of the Palestinian people have to be restored to them, including the right to self-determination and to a State of their own. Two peacefully co-existing, independent and democratic States, would guarantee the security of their respective peoples and of the region as a whole, while economic cooperation between them and with the rest of the region would raise the living standards of everybody concerned.

This long-running conflict has gone through many tragic phases. We have seen too much bloodshed and destruction and we should have known by now that this is not the way forward. Only a just peace, achieved dirough negotiations, within the aforementioned legal framework, can really deliver to both sides what they are really longing for, that is peace, security and prosperity, for themselves and their children. It is high time that everybody realized this and acted accordingly. For my part, I pledge to continue to do whatever it takes to help these peace efforts in coordination with the "Quartet" but also in cooperation with other regional and international actors. Decisive steps must be taken without delay to restore the political process and help the Israelis and the Palestinians to reach a permanent settlement. I am sure that the determined and coordinated mobilization of global civil society will help bring that day closer.

I once again welcome you to this Conference and invite you all to lend your moral and practical support to the achievement of this noble goal for the benefit of both Palestinians and Israelis, as well as for the good of the region and the entire world.

Congratulations to the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People for its initiative to convene this Conference. I wish you all success in your deliberations.

Thank you very much. Note to Mr. Turk International Conference of Civil Society In support of the Palestinian People

I received your note dated 8 August recommending that Mr. Prendergast be designated to represent the Secretary-General at this Conference.

I would like to suggest that Mr. Prendergast be consulted on his return to New York to consider whether the Secretary-General should accept the invitation to attend the opening session of the Conference on 23 September. One could consider the Secretary-General's attendance in view of the following factors:

current catastrophic humanitarian situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territories;

widely negative reaction to the Jenin report in the Arab region; and

the Secretary-General is unable to attend the opening session of the Palestinian Rights Committee on 29 November.

A draft letter consistent with Mr. Prendergast's advice could then be prepared.

Thank you.

S. Iqbal Riza 13 August 2002

vTV' The Secretary-General Off the Cuff Page 1 of 11

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Daily Briefing Latest Remarks Search Off the Cuff t Highlights available by 17 September 2002 3:00 p.m. EST New York - Press conference with |Past2 weeks jj > Summary available the representatives of the "Quartet" - the following morning United States, the Russian Advanced Search t Live webcast Noon EST Federation, the European Union, and Archives Secretary-General the United Nations (unofficial > Latest Statements transcript) t "Off the Cuff' Remarks > Articles >. Press Releases > Daily Schedule t Biography New York, 17 September 2002 - Press conference with > Official Travels Deputy Secretary- representatives of the "Quartet" - the United States, the General Russian Federation, the European Union, and the United »Daily Schedule i Bio and Statements Nations (unofficial transcript) Press Conferences ^ Schedule Spokesman: If you'll permit me, Sir, I'll just quickly introduce the members. > Procedures Backgrounders SG Annan: Yes, yes. > Global Fund > Article 19 countries > Budget Honour Roll Spokesman: Starting from your right, my left, European Commissioner for > Messengers of Peace External Relations, Chris Patten; to his right, the Foreign Minister of Denmark t Sanctions and President of the European Union, Per Stig Moller; to his right, Russian News .Links Federation Foreign Minister, Igor Ivanov; Secretary-General Kofi Annan; t UN News Centre Secretary of State, Colin Powell, from the U.S.; and finally, European Union »UN System High Representative for Common, Foreign and Security Policy, Javier Solana. Contact Us Mr. Secretary-General.

SG Annan: Thank you very much.

Ladies and gentlemen, as you know, we've been in a series of meetings this morning, and we will be issuing a communique, which should reach you shortly.

And I can assure you that the — it was a historic meeting in the sense that this is the first time the "Quartet" has met by itself with five Arab states and then with the Israeli and the Palestinian team. And you should be receiving the communique, as I said, later.

What I want to do instead of summarizing the communique, as we did the last time, is to give you the highlights of what we agreed on.

The Quartet is continuing to work with the parties and key regional actors on an implementation road map to achieve final and comprehensive settlement within three years.

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Comprehensive security performance is essential, as is an end to the morally repugnant violence and terror. But we are all in agreement that the overall plan must address political, economic, humanitarian and institutional dimensions. It should spell out reciprocal steps to be taken by the parties in each of the phases. In short, we need a process that is both performance-driven and hope-driven, because we need both, performance and hope.

The implementation road map will be in three phases. Progress between each phase will be based on the parties' compliance with performance benchmarks to be monitored and assessed by a mechanism of the Quartet.

In the second phase, during 2003, our efforts shift focus on the option of creating a Palestinian state with provisional borders, and based on a new constitution, as a way station to a permanent status settlement.

In the third phase, from 2004 to mid-2005, we envision Israeli- Palestinian negotiations aimed at a permanent status solution.

Both the Palestinian reform effort and political progress must include Israeli measures to improve the lives of Palestinians, to allow the resumption of economic activity and the movement of goods, people, and essential services; to ease or lift curfew and closures. Israel must also return the tax revenues owed to the Palestinian Authority. And all Israeli settlement activity in the occupied territory must stop.

The Palestinians must work with the U.S. and regional partners to reform their security services and combat terrorism. And both sides should work to allow policing and law and order for the civilian population of the West Bank and Gaza. Israelis and Palestinians should re-establish security cooperation.

The Quartet is continuing to discuss the timing and modalities for an international conference.

As you know, the Quartet also had two other meetings this morning, and I think I have indicated that to you. And the Quartet remains committed to the search for a just, lasting, comprehensive settlement in the Middle East, including the [Syrian/Israeli and the Lebanese/Israeli] tracks.

I would now open the floor for questions, but I have one appeal: if we can focus on the Israeli-Palestinian issue, and then at the end, when we have time, we can talk about other things on your mind. So, the floor is open.

Spokesman: The first question will go to the Correspondents Association [President], Azim Mian. http://www.un.org/apps/sg/offthecuff.as]: 18/09/2002 The Secretary-General Off the Cuff Page 3 of 11

Q: Secretary-General, you have talked about the performance-driven and hope- driven. Now, is this mechanism, you Mr. Annan know -- about this mechanism my question is would the parties can have any hope at — and that the mechanism will not be derailed as it has happened in the past?

SG Annan: On our side, we intend to be steadfast. And, of course, we'll be working with our regional partners and the parties. But in the end, real success will depend on the will and the actions the parties take. But we are going to stick with them and monitor performance. And as I have also indicated, there has to be hope - the hope of a political future, a hope of the solution to keep the process alive and to give the Palestinians an incentive to do what is necessary for us to get to where we want to be.

Spokesman: Andrea Mitchell, would you activate the microphone by pushing the button? Thank you.

Q: Secretary-General, acknowledging that all of your efforts in the Middle East are going to be overshadowed by the other issue, if I could encourage you while there is time to permit me to ask you and your colleagues to all comment on the letter from Iraq and how it might affect the time table, frankly how it might complicate what is the obvious American concern from this administration that much more than disarmament is at issue, that there are 15 other ~ or 16 resolutions, I should say, as the President explained in his speech, and that, to be frank, the administration does not think that this letter accomplishes what it needs and that there still has to be Security Council action and enforcement in a timely manner on Iraq before a lot of these other issues can be dealt with. I would welcome Minister Ivanov's conclusions as to whether this changes the timetable or the urgency of the Iraqi question, and obviously Secretary Powell, and our European contributors as well.

SG Annan: This is a very important question, and we will come back to that. But let me take more questions on the Israeli- Palestinian conflict. I know you linked it, but we'll come back. We are not going to duck it.

Spokesman: Raghida Durgham, al-Hayat. Press the button.

Q: Can I do a two-stage thing? I don't want to overrule your decision, but I also want to do Iraq, if I may —

SG Annan: Then - men we'll give you the floor later. Let's — let's ~

Q: Sorry.

Spokesman: Barbara Slavin, USA Today.

Q: My question is for Secretary Powell.

A senior Israeli official who was in Washington last week said that Israel would not permit elections, period, in January in the West Bank, that as long as Arafat

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was there, there would be no elections.

Have you come to any decision, any conclusion on when the Palestinians should be allowed to have elections? Arafat gave a date, I believe, of January the 20th. And should Israel be in a position to block this? Thank you.

Sec. Powell: As you heard from the Secretary-General's statement earlier and from the communique you have from the Quartet, we believe that elections are appropriate next year, and we will have to work out the modalities, whether people are able to get back and forth to participate in such an election process. And this all goes to the question of movement throughout the area, accessibility and the basis upon which such elections are held and for what purpose those elections are held. So I take note of what the senior Israeli official said, but we believe we have to move down a track that will permit the Palestinian people to express their view in elections.

Spokesman: Thank you. Mr. Talal, Abu Dhabi TV.

Q: [inaudible]... Powell, the five foreign ministers of the Arab world who have joined you today in the meeting — they made very clear their respect of the will of the Palestinian people in choosing their leader and their respect to democracy, which you hold very high. Has this affected you at all vis-a-vis your view concerning the choice of the Palestinian people to choose Mr. Arafat or otherwise? And are you prepared to work with any leader that the Palestinians choose to lead them, even if it was Mr. Yasser Arafat?

Sec. Powell: I have expressed the view previously that we understand who was elected by the Palestinian people in the past, but we view Mr. Arafat's leadership as having been failed leadership. And he is still in the position given to him by the Palestinian people both in terms of the authority as well as the position which he's held within the society. But we believe that the Palestinian people are also now looking for new kinds of leadership. You can see a great deal of "churning" within the Palestinian community. You saw what happened with the cabinet last week. So I think there is also an understanding within the Palestinian community that the leadership provided by Chairman Arafat has not succeeded in moving them closer to their goal.

So we will not dictate to the Palestinian people who they may choose to have in their legislature or elsewhere in their governing body, but we also have to retain the option of deciding who we would deal with and who we think is an effective leader to move us toward a path that would get us moving toward peace.

Spokesman: Benny Avni, Israel Radio.

Q: Secretary of State Powell, I believe there is a problem in Israel, in the North, with some Hezbollah people trying to move the waters of the Hasbani River. How is this going to be handled? Are you going to work on that?

Sec. Powell: Yes, we are. I had a conversation about this matter with Foreign Minister Peres this morning. We have American experts who are examining the http://www.un.org/apps/sg/offtheciiff.asp 18/09/2002 The Secretary-General Off the Cuff Page 5 of 11

situation and the nature of the diversion from the river, and we will be sending other experts in to make a judgment as to whether what is happening is consistent with rules, regulations and agreements that have been made over the years. And I expect we will have a judgment on that in the near future.

We understand the sensitivity of the issue, and we don't want to see a new crisis develop over the diversion of water out of the river.

Spokesman: Tony Jenkins, Expresso.

Q: I guess this is for the Secretary-General. If I could sort of put myself in the shoes of a Palestinian would-be suicide bomber, I would ask the question, "What's in it for me?" There's no mention made of halting the process of expanding the settlements in the occupied territories. And as I understand it, in the first year, you're saying the Palestinians should stop fighting to free their land, and if they do so, the Israelis will withdraw to where they were a couple of years ago, where they were illegally occupying 40 or 50 percent of the occupied territories, in defiance of the Security Council. If I were that would-be suicide bomber, why would I not look at this as a humiliating defeat for Palestine and say, "I'm going to strap on those bombs"?

SG Annan: I'm not sure if you've seen the whole text of the communique, but the communique offers more than that. We also stress that there is a need to make progress on all fronts — economic, social, political and security. And we do refer to withdrawal by Israel to September-October 2000 positions. And not only that - we also offer the prospect of statehood, which should be an — and are going to take concrete steps towards achieving that. We should hopefully give the Palestinians the incentive to work with us and focus their energy and activities on institution-building and preparing for the state that is on the horizon.

And I think this is why I made the comment that the approach should not only be performance-driven, but also hope-driven, so there is hope and there is horizon in this proposal for the Palestinians.

Thank you.

Spokesman: Al-Jazeera?

Q: This is a question on the Middle East. It's taken you a long time to get not very far with this plan. I wonder — and there are people dying in Palestine every day, and in Israel. And I wondered whether you could explain to us why it's taken you so long. Is it just that you're distracted by other matters, or are there disagreements among the Quartet on the way to proceed? And if so, what are they?

SG Annan will make a brief comment and open it up for my colleagues.

This is a very complex issue we are all trying to deal with. It is not a situation where the Quartet can come in and impose a solution. By the nature of the meeting we had this morning, it should convey the complexity. We had a meeting http://www.un.org/apps/sg/offthecuff.asp 18/09/2002 The Secretary-General Off the Cuff Page 6 of 11

that brought in the Foreign Ministers of Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Egypt, Jordan, Syria - - I'm sorry, not Iraq — Syria and Lebanon. And in addition, we had the Palestinians and the Israelis there. And this is an issue where you need to move with the parties and you need to get the regional players working with you. And I have indicated that anything we are going to achieve will depend on the political will and the actions of the parties. We are going to maintain the pressure. We are going to work with them, and we are going to monitor performance. So I think as we judge progress, we have to be aware of the complexity of the issues that we are dealing with.

I don't know if the Secretary or anybody wants to say -- okay, yes, Minister Moller.

Min. Moller: I should like to add that it has not taken a long time. The situation in the Middle East has taken a very long time, but I think the Quartet, which worked in July, which started the task force process in July, has worked with a very good speed.

You will see — you must remember that when we make a road map or we make a plan, we make consultations, then you have to speak to a lot of countries. It cannot be dictated. And these countries we have consulted: European Union has consulted all the Arab countries, Israel, and so forth. And then the Quartet has to be the focal point. It's only by one initiative, the initiative of the Quartet, that we can hope to impose something which is reciprocal and which combines the performance and the hope, as the Secretary-General has talked about. So I really do not think it has taken a long time.

SG Annan: Iraq.

Spokesman: All other subjects now. We'll take it from the top. Andrea Mitchell.

SG Annan: I think — we have your question. Can we — or you want to...?

Q: Just briefly, Mr. Secretary-General, the administration has been very dismissive of the Iraqi letter. Do you think they're being too pessimistic? And Secretary Powell and Minister Ivanov, do you ~ how do you see it proceeding? Do we still need a Security Council resolution, and with what urgency?

SG Annan: Let me say that the decision by Iraq to allow the return of the inspectors should be seen as a beginning, not an end, as a beginning in our efforts to return the inspectors who are going to disarm Iraq.

We must also remember that between 1991, and 1996 in particular, the inspectors did an incredible job destroying Iraq's weapons, from ballistic missiles to chemical and biological — they didn't do as much in the biological area — and in the nuclear field by our atomic agency. So the only way to disarm effectively is to have the inspectors back. But, of course, given the history of the past, there are delegations and member states who feel that we should not return to business as usual, and that we should take steps to ensure that the inspectors are able to go about their work unimpeded and with the full cooperation of Iraq. And I think http://www.un.org/apps/sg/offthecuff.asp 18/09/2002 The Secretary-General Off the Cuff Page 7 of 11

they would want Iraq to understand that this is not going to be business as usual or a repeat of what happened in the past.

Thank you.

Sec. Powell: And the only way to make sure that it is not business as usual and to make sure that it is not a repeat of the past, it seems to me, anyway, is to put it in the form of a new U.N. resolution.

Let's reflect on what we saw yesterday with this letter from Iraq. We didn't see Iraq suddenly acknowledging the error of its ways of the past 12 years, or suddenly realizing that they had been in the wrong. What we saw was Iraq responding to what happened last week when the President of the United States came before the international community and laid out the indictment clearly. And the entire international community came together and said "This is unacceptable." And enormous pressure was put on Iraq as a result.

And Iraq responded to that pressure. But we cannot just take a one- and-a- quarter-page letter signed by the Foreign Minister as the end of this matter. We have seen this game before. And so in order for us to keep the pressure on, and in order to make sure if we start down this road, it is a new road, a different road than what we have seen in the past, with tough conditions, tough standards ~ anytime, anyplace, any person — to make sure that we satisfy the need for disarmament — remember, the issue is not inspectors; the issue is, in the first instance, disarmament. And then there are many other issues at stake here ~ having to do with the treatment of minorities in the country, having to do with terrorism, having to do with a number of other issues to include the return of prisoners — that have to be dealt with before the will of the United Nations is satisfied.

And so we note the letter. It's a letter that perhaps should've been written many years ago, but we note the letter. And now we will go back into consultation with our colleagues in the Security Council to see what appropriate action is now before us. And as far as the United States is concerned, the position we have taken over the last several days since the President's speech is that the Security Council should speak again in light of the strong presentation that President Bush made last week and what we have seen in the way of change in the political environment and not essentially say, "All things are right now because we have seen this one short letter from the Iraqi Foreign Minister."

Spokesman: Does Mr. Ivanov want to respond?

FM Ivanov: (interpreted from Russian) In recent years, the Security of the United Nations and the international community have sought to bring about the return of the international inspectors to Iraq. They left the country in December ?. Why the return of international inspectors? Well, because we are all concerned and we're still concerned about the fact of whether Iraq has programmes for production of weapons of mass destruction. That's the simple problem around which — about which there are appropriate resolutions. And we need to have an answer to this question. And the answer to this question is whether they have weapons of mass http://www.un.org/apps/sg/offthecuff.asp 18/09/2002 The Secretary-General Off the Cuff Page 8 of 11

destruction, whether there are programs to produce them.

That answer can only be produced by international inspectors. That's why we are so active in seeking an answer to this. And we welcome the fact that thanks to efforts, the coordinated efforts of the international community, now we have got to a situation where Iraq has given its consent, without any preconditions — and I stress that point — to the return of the inspectors without any preconditions.

Of course there could be many views about this, whether we can believe this — trust this letter or not. I think only facts alone should corroborate this. In order to get the facts, we need to bring about the speedy return of the inspectors to Iraq. Therefore, Russia believes that the main job now is to see to it that the inspectors, without any artificial delays, without any artificial obstacles, should go to Iraq and get down to discharging their functions. We know what they have to do, we know very well what they have to do, now what procedures they should follow, well, we know those too. All of these matters were cleared, were agreed to during the preliminary inspections, and I stress the fact that, as was just said by the Secretary-General, over these years of work by the international inspectors, three of the four dossiers have been basically closed, about 700 facilities were dealt with, the concerns were dealt with. So only by having the inspectors there and cooperating with Baghdad, only thus can we find an answer to all of these matters of concern.

Now, no, this is not the only question that needs to be resolved. There are other resolutions, there are other questions that need to be considered by the Security Council. But I repeat, everyone stressed, and this was the common view, that the central theme is the problem of weapons of mass destruction, and the inspectors have to find an answer to those questions. That is why we favour the speedy dispatch of the inspectors to Iraq and getting down to work, which doesn't mean that other matters should not be considered, but they should be considered in the Security Council.

Spokesman: Thank you. Raghida Dergham, Al-Hayat, and please keep it brief.

Q: I have a follow-up to all three distinguished representatives. Mr. Ivanov ~ (interrupted) Can I go on?

Spokesman: Yes, please.

Q: Yes? Mr. Ivanov, if I understand you correctly, you are saying that you really are not on board for yet another new resolution at this point; you feel that the inspectors should be the next ~ the return of the inspectors should be next? Please, if you could, straighten the record on this.

And Mr. Secretary Powell, what are these new conditions, the new steps that you want in the resolution? Do you still want the use offeree as a threat to Iraq if they do not comply, and what do you think of the Russians not being on board?

And Mr. Secretary-General, you seem to be caught in between. Are you willing ~ to each of you, sir — are you willing to dispatch Mr. Blix right away before a http://www.un.org/apps/sg/offthecuff.asp 18/09/2002 The Secretary-General Off the Cuff Page 9 of 11

Security Council resolution? Isn't this the next step you should take?

Sec. Powell: She has asked a lot of questions.

SG Annan: You're asking very precise questions which I'm not sure one would want to debate or discuss here. But let me say that as far as Mr. Blix is concerned, I have discussed it, his own issue, with him, and I think he's ready to move as quickly as is practicable. And, of course, if the Council were to give him further guidance, he will factor that into his work. But for the moment, he has to base himself on the existing resolutions, on the understanding that he will have to make adjustments if further guidance were to come from the Council. But we will move as quickly as is practicable.

On the question of the two issues, I leave the two gentlemen to answer. But on the other hand, I think it is something that we probably should wait for the Council to tackle and deal with it in the Council Chamber.

FM Ivanov: On the question of the work of the international inspectors and the work of UNMOVIC, from our standpoint we don't need any special resolution for that to occur. All the necessary resolutions, all of the necessary decisions about that are at hand. But the Security Council has differing views about considering the possibility of adopting a resolution which would encompass the various other problems or questions relating to the settlement of the question around Iraq and the compliance with other resolutions which don't refer to weapons of mass destruction. All these questions are being considered in the Security Council to find agreement that would make it possible, on the one hand, to maintain clear control by the Security Council over the process of resolving this question relating to the Iraqi settlement.

Sec. Powell: This really is a debate that will take place in the Security Council as to whether Mr. Blix needs additional instructions or how to deal with it. There were shortcomings in the previous inspection regime that I don't think would be acceptable in any future inspection regime. But this is really a debate that we should have in the Security Council before we have it publicly.

Spokesman: Last two questions.

SG Annan: Fred, the Foreign Minister of Denmark would want to add to this.

Min. Moller: Yes, I think I should, on behalf of the Presidency of the European Union, tell you what we think. We have noted with interest the letter from Iraq, and that it is without conditions. It is good. But we must be sure that it is good enough. That's why we think that exactly the Security Council should consider whether the Iraqi acceptance corresponds to the demands of the Council where the weapons inspections are concerned.

It is evident that the admittance of the inspectors is not sufficient. The Iraqi authorities will also have to extend their full cooperation. So we must have full clarity on these aspects, and there it's required that we know exactly what has been offered, what can be done. http://www.un.org/apps/sg/offthecuff.asp 18/09/2002 The Secretary-General Off the Cuff Page 10 of 11

If I were sitting in the Security Council, which I'm not, I would in the next days sleep with my eyes wide open and the boots on. Thank you.

Spokesman: Andrea Koppel.

Q: Yes. My question is directed towards the Russian Foreign Minister. Sir, I recognize this sounds quite hypothetical, but with 16 resolutions ~ with the history of 16 resolutions and Iraq not complying with a single one — surely you would be prepared to answer what happens if Iraq refuses access to any site within the country to UN weapons inspectors. Should there be consequences? Is this something that you think should be spelled out before the weapons inspectors go back into Iraq?

And also, if Secretary Powell could respond, is that something reasonable, to expect that this would be discussed prior to the inspectors going back in? Thank you.

FM Ivanov: We have now a clear, specific question, but if we start considering them in a hypothetical way, well, we would never complete our discussion on them. You have thoughts on the subject. We do.

Today we have an opportunity. We have a decision taken by Iraq to receive the inspectors without conditions. They have to get there now. And after the work of the inspectors, we have to judge by the specific facts whether they can do their job or not. If they can, then they will report back to us. Each six months they will be reporting back to the Security Council on their work, whether the conditions are present or not. If we see that the conditions are not there, then the Security Council would have to consider all necessary measures to make sure that the inspectors can do their job. But to just think in hypothetical terms is not very useful.

Thank you.

Spokesman: Do members of the podium wish to make any concluding remarks?

Sec. Powell: The only point I would make is, I think, these are issues that have to be discussed now and not at some later time. We have experience on how Iraq deals with the inspection team. That's why they're not there now. They made it impossible for them to do their work once before. And so I think it's quite appropriate, in light of the fact that the inspectors have not been there for the past four years, for the Security Council to consider the circumstances under which they might return, what they must be free to do, what additional instructions may be appropriate. And I think it is a reasonable discussion for the Security Council to have as to what the consequences for inaction or failure to abide by on the part on the Iraqis would have for Iraq. I think it is very appropriate for us to do it, to do all of this.

What has changed in the last few days is not the letter that came in yesterday; it's the full will of the international community being directed to this problem. And it is the international community, through its agency, the United Nations and the http://www.un.org/apps/sg/offthecuff.asp 18/09/2002 * The Secretary-General Off the Cuff Page 11 of 11

Security Council, that should make the judgment as to when, where, if, under what set of circumstances and with what potential consequences. And that is, I think, going to be a very useful debate within the Security Council in the days ahead.

SG Annan: I just wanted to stress the question of unity. From my experience, the Security Council has lots of impact and gets a lot done when they work in unison and union. And I think we should we should try and retain the unity of purpose that has emerged over the last few days as we move forward.

I would also want to thank the ladies and gentlemen of the press for accepting my rules that we deal with Israeli-Palestinian issues first and then move on to Iraq. I see Andrea is shaking her head, but perhaps she's right. The guest is always the prisoner of the host. And this morning, you were my prisoners, so you have to accept my rules. But thank you very, very much.

http://www.un.org/apps/sg/offthecuff.asp 18/09/2002