Deng on Hong Kong and Maintenance of Policy
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Dangerous Truths
Dangerous Truths The Panchen Lama's 1962 Report and China's Broken Promise of Tibetan Autonomy Matthew Akester July 10, 2017 About the Project 2049 Institute The Project 2049 Institute seeks to guide decision makers toward a more secure Asia by the century’s mid-point. Located in Arlington, Virginia, the organization fills a gap in the public policy realm through forward-looking, region-specific research on alternative security and policy solutions. Its interdisciplinary approach draws on rigorous analysis of socioeconomic, governance, military, environmental, technological and political trends, and input from key players in the region, with an eye toward educating the public and informing policy debate. About the Author Matthew Akester is a translator of classical and modern literary Tibetan, based in the Himalayan region. His translations include The Life of Jamyang Khyentse Wangpo, by Jamgon Kongtrul and Memories of Life in Lhasa Under Chinese Rule by Tubten Khetsun. He has worked as consultant for the Tibet Information Network, Human Rights Watch, the Tibet Heritage Fund, and the Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center, among others. Acknowledgments This paper was commissioned by The Project 2049 Institute as part of a program to study "Chinese Communist Party History (CCP History)." More information on this program was highlighted at a conference titled, "1984 with Chinese Characteristics: How China Rewrites History" hosted by The Project 2049 Institute. Kelley Currie and Rachael Burton deserve special mention for reviewing paper drafts and making corrections. The following represents the author's own personal views only. TABLE OF CONTENTS Cover Image: Mao Zedong (centre), Liu Shaoqi (left) meeting with 14th Dalai Lama (right 2) and 10th Panchen Lama (left 2) to celebrate Tibetan New Year, 1955 in Beijing. -
17-Point Agreement of 1951 by Song Liming
FACTS ABOUT THE 17-POINT “Agreement’’ Between Tibet and China Dharamsala, 22 May 22 DIIR PUBLICATIONS The signed articles in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the Central Tibetan Administration. This report is compiled and published by the Department of Information and International Relations, Central Tibetan Administration, Gangchen Kyishong, Dharamsala 176 215, H. P., INDIA Email: [email protected] Website: www.tibet.net and ww.tibet.com CONTENTS Part One—Historical Facts 17-point “Agreement”: The full story as revealed by the Tibetans and Chinese who were involved Part Two—Scholars’ Viewpoint Reflections on the 17-point Agreement of 1951 by Song Liming The “17-point Agreement”: Context and Consequences by Claude Arpi The Relevance of the 17-point Agreement Today by Michael van Walt van Praag Tibetan Tragedy Began with a Farce by Cao Changqing Appendix The Text of the 17-point Agreement along with the reproduction of the original Tibetan document as released by the Chinese government His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s Press Statements on the “Agreement” FORWARD 23 May 2001 marks the 50th anniversary of the signing of the 17-point Agreement between Tibet and China. This controversial document, forced upon an unwilling but helpless Tibetan government, compelled Tibet to co-exist with a resurgent communist China. The People’s Republic of China will once again flaunt this dubious legal instrument, the only one China signed with a “minority” people, to continue to legitimise its claim on the vast, resource-rich Tibetan tableland. China will use the anniversary to showcase its achievements in Tibet to justify its continued occupation of the Tibetan Plateau. -
(Hrsg.) Strafrecht in Reaktion Auf Systemunrecht
Albin Eser / Ulrich Sieber / Jörg Arnold (Hrsg.) Strafrecht in Reaktion auf Systemunrecht Schriftenreihe des Max-Planck-Instituts für ausländisches und internationales Strafrecht Strafrechtliche Forschungsberichte Herausgegeben von Ulrich Sieber in Fortführung der Reihe „Beiträge und Materialien aus dem Max-Planck-Institut für ausländisches und internationales Strafrecht Freiburg“ begründet von Albin Eser Band S 82.9 Strafrecht in Reaktion auf Systemunrecht Vergleichende Einblicke in Transitionsprozesse herausgegeben von Albin Eser • Ulrich Sieber • Jörg Arnold Band 9 China von Thomas Richter sdfghjk Duncker & Humblot • Berlin Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Bibliothek Die Deutsche Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über <http://dnb.ddb.de> abrufbar. DOI https://doi.org/10.30709/978-3-86113-876-X Redaktion: Petra Lehser Alle Rechte vorbehalten © 2006 Max-Planck-Gesellschaft zur Förderung der Wissenschaften e.V. c/o Max-Planck-Institut für ausländisches und internationales Strafrecht Günterstalstraße 73, 79100 Freiburg i.Br. http://www.mpicc.de Vertrieb in Gemeinschaft mit Duncker & Humblot GmbH, Berlin http://WWw.duncker-humblot.de Umschlagbild: Thomas Gade, © www.medienarchiv.com Druck: Stückle Druck und Verlag, Stückle-Straße 1, 77955 Ettenheim Printed in Germany ISSN 1860-0093 ISBN 3-86113-876-X (Max-Planck-Institut) ISBN 3-428-12129-5 (Duncker & Humblot) Gedruckt auf alterungsbeständigem (säurefreiem) Papier entsprechend ISO 9706 # Vorwort der Herausgeber Mit dem neunten Band der Reihe „Strafrecht in Reaktion auf Systemunrecht – Vergleichende Einblicke in Transitionsprozesse“ wird zur Volksrepublik China ein weiterer Landesbericht vorgelegt. Während die bisher erschienenen Bände solche Länder in den Blick nahmen, die hinsichtlich der untersuchten Transitionen einem „klassischen“ Systemwechsel von der Diktatur zur Demokratie entsprachen, ist die Einordung der Volksrepublik China schwieriger. -
Cultural Genocide in Tibet a Report
Cultural Genocide in Tibet A Report The Tibet Policy Institute The Department of Information and International Relations Central Tibetan Administration Published by the Tibet Policy Institute Printed at Narthang Press, Department of Information and International Relations of the Central Tibet Administration, 2017 Drafting Committee: Thubten Samphel, Bhuchung D. Sonam, Dr. Rinzin Dorjee and Dr. Tenzin Desal Contents Abbreviation Foreword .............................................................................................i Executive Summary ...........................................................................iv Introduction ........................................................................................vi PART ONE A CULTURE OF COMPASSION The Land .............................................................................................4 Language and Literature....................................................................4 Bonism .................................................................................................6 Buddhism ............................................................................................6 Sciences ................................................................................................8 Environmental Protection ................................................................9 The Origin and Evolution of Tibetan Culture ..............................10 The Emergence of the Yarlung Dynasty .......................................11 Songtsen Gampo and the Unification -
Tablica Chronologiczna
TABLICA CHRONOLOGICZNA Około 160000 p.n.e. Żuchwa denisowianina odnaleziona przez mnichów w jaskini, w Labrangu (prowincja Gansu) i zbadana przez międzynarodowy zespół uczonych w 2019 roku. Około 40000 p.n.e. Kamienne groty i narzędzia (odnalezione w środkowym Tybecie i opisane przez międzynarodowy zespół badaczy w 2018 roku) z uznanego za najwyżej położone paleolityczne stanowisko archeologiczne na świecie. Około 18000 p.n.e. Epoka lodowcowa; ślady paleniska oraz stóp i dłoni sześciu osób w oddalonej o 85 kilometrów od Lhasy litej skale (odkryte w marcu 2002 roku). 12000 do 6000 p.n.e. Mezolit: ślady pierwszych plemion tybetańskich. 5000 p.n.e. Kości i neolityczne wyroby z gliny (odnalezione w Czamdo w 1978 roku). 1600 p.n.e. Najstarsze grobowce (odnalezione w Camdzie, w Ngari w 2018 roku). około X wiek p.n.e. Szenrab Miło z Szangszungu, twórca pierwotnej religii Tybetu, bonu (wedle kronik bonpów przed Niatrim Cenpo Szangszungiem włada osiemnastu królów). około 313 p.n.e. (wedle tybetańskich kronik 127 rok p.n.e.) Na tronie zasiada Niatri Cenpo, pierwszy król Tybetu – początek królewskiego kalendarza tybetańskiego. V wiek n.e. Pierwszy „kontakt” z buddyzmem. Za panowania Lhatotoriego, dwudziestego ósmego władcy dynastii jarluńskiej, na dziedziniec pałacu Jumbu Lakhang spada kosz z buddyjskimi pismami i przedmiotami rytualnymi. Nikt w Tybecie nie wie, co o nich sądzić, król ma jednak sen, w którym słyszy głos, wyjaśniający, iż „znaczenie owych przedmiotów stanie się czytelne dla piątego pokolenia”. około 600 Król Namri Songcen z Jarlungu zaczyna jednoczyć tybetańskie królestwo. 618–907 W Chinach rządzi dynastia Tang. około 627–649 Panowanie Songcena Gampo (609–649), pierwszego „króla Dharmy”, który jednoczy Tybet. -
Local Leadership and Economic Development: Democratic India Vs
No. 24 | 2010 China Papers Local Leadership and Economic Development: Democratic India vs. Authoritarian China Bo Zhiyue China Papers ABSTRACT What is the impact of the type of political regime on economic development? Does democracy foster economic growth? Or is an authoritarian regime in a better position to promote material welfare? The conventional wisdom, as detailed in Adam Przeworski et al (2000), is that the regime type has no impact on economic growth. Democracy neither fosters nor hinders economic development. However, the cases of India and China seem to suggest otherwise. In the past three decades, India—the largest democracy in the world—has sustained a moderate rate of economic growth while China—the largest authoritarian regime— has witnessed an unprecedented period of economic expansion. Using data on economic growth at the state/provincial level from India and China, this study attempts to understand the impact of political regimes on economic development. The chapter will review the literature on regimes and economic development, highlight the contrast in economic growth between India and China in the past six decades, examine the two countries at the state/provincial level, and explore the impact of local leadership on economic development in a comparative framework. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Zhiyue BO is a Senior Research Fellow at the East Asian Institute of the National University of Singapore. China Papers Local Leadership and Economic Development: Democratic India vs. Authoritarian China Bo Zhiyue I. Introduction What is the impact of the type of political regime on economic development? Does democracy foster economic growth? Or is an authoritarian regime in a better position to promote material welfare? The conventional wisdom, as detailed in Adam Przeworski et al (2000),1 is that the regime type has no impact on economic growth. -
On 10 March 1959 an Anti-Chinese and Anti-Communist Popu
CTheTen Jibianetan Rebellion of 1959 The Tibetan Rebellion of 1959 and China’s Changing Relations with India and the Soviet Union ✣ Chen Jian On 10 March 1959 an anti-Chinese and anti-Communist popu- lar revolt erupted in Lhasa, the capital of Tibet, which had been under the reign of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) since 1951. One week later, the 14th Dalai Lama, Tibet’s political and spiritual leader, ºed the capital to avoid a Chinese crackdown. In the meantime, the revolt in Lhasa rapidly esca- lated into a full-scale rebellion. The authorities in Beijing kept the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) in Tibet on the defensive for ten days, but on 20 March they ordered the army to crush the rebellion. The CCP also hur- riedly transferred more PLA units to Tibet from other parts of China. In subsequent weeks, the PLA ruthlessly mopped up the resistance in Lhasa and many other parts of Tibet.1 On 28 March, Zhou Enlai, the premier of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), formally announced the dissolution of the Kashag (the Tibetan local government), putting political power in Tibet into the hands of the “Preparatory Committee of the Tibet Autono- mous Region.” Zhou also called on the people of Tibet to “unite” in “seeking to construct a democratic and socialist new Tibet.”2 Three days later, on 31 March, the Dalai Lama and his followers crossed the border to take refuge in northern India. By the end of May 1959, as many as 7,000 Tibetan refu- gees had entered India to seek asylum there, causing serious tension in Sino- Indian relations—relations that until 1959 had been characterized by friend- ship and high-level cooperation. -
Sixty Years Since Peaceful Liberation of Tibet Preface(2011)
BEIJING, July 11 (Xinhua) -- The Information Office of the State Council, China's cabinet, on Monday published a white paper on the sixty years since peaceful liberation of Tibet. Following is the full text: Sixty Years Since Peaceful Liberation of Tibet Preface(2011) On May 23, 1951 the Agreement of the Central People's Government and the Local Government of Tibet on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet ("17-Article Agreement" for short) was signed in Beijing, marking the peaceful liberation of Tibet. The peaceful liberation of Tibet was an important part of the cause of the Chinese people's liberation, a great event in the Chinese nation's struggle against imperialist invasion to safeguard national unity and sovereignty, an epoch-making turning point in the social development history of Tibet, and a milestone marking the commencement of Tibet's progress from a dark and backward society to a bright and advanced future. Over the 60 years since its peaceful liberation, Tibet, under the leadership of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the Central People's Government, has undergone a great historic process starting with democratic reform, and proceeding to the establishment of the Tibet Autonomous Region, socialist construction, and to the reform and opening-up era, made unprecedented achievements in the modernization drive, and witnessed great changes in its social outlook and profound changes in its people's life. These achievements were attained by all the ethnic groups in Tibet through concerted efforts, and vividly manifest how China implements the ethnic minority policy of promoting unity and achieving common prosperity and development. -
Reflections on Tibet
INNER MONGOLIA CHINA Pacific Ocean GANSU Lanzhou Tibetan ethnolinguistic areas Xining 0 500 km 0 300 miles QINGHAI Golmo Chongqing AMDO Chengdu XINJIANG Jyekundo KHAM SICHUAN Tachienlu Derge GUIZHOU (unpopulated) Lithang Chamdo AKSAI TIBET Nagchu CHIN AUTONOMOUS Gyamda REGION Kunming Rutog Lhasa JAMMU & KASHMIR YUNNAN Ü-TSANG Shigatse VIETNAM BHUTAN Yatung INDIA INDIA NEPAL MYANMAR LAOS wang lixiong REFLECTIONS ON TIBET n the current debate on Tibet the two opposing sides see almost everything in black and white—differing only as to which is which. But there is one issue that both Chinese authorities and Tibetan nationalists consistently strive to blur or, better still, Iavoid altogether. At the height of the Cultural Revolution hundreds of thousands of Tibetans turned upon the temples they had treasured for centuries and tore them to pieces, rejected their religion and became zealous followers of the Great Han occupier, Mao Zedong. To the Chinese Communist Party, the episode is part of a social catastrophe— one that it initiated but has long since disowned and which, it hopes, the rest of the world will soon forget. For the Tibetan participants, the memory of that onslaught is a bitter humiliation, one they would rather not talk about, or which they try to exorcise with the excuse that they only did it ‘under pressure from the Han’. Foreign critics simply refuse to accept that the episode ever took place, unable to imagine that the Tibetans could willingly and consciously have done such a thing. But careful analysis and a deeper reflection on what was involved in that trauma may shed light on some of the cultural questions at stake on the troubled High Plateau. -
Of China: Evidence from Official Data
Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies Copyright 2018 2018, Vol. 5, No. 2, 118-139 ISSN: 2149-1291 Evaluating Xinjiang and Tibet as “Internal Colonies” of China: Evidence from Official Data Chien-peng Chung1 Lingnan University, Tuen Mun, New Territories, Hong Kong This study attempts to relate the discontent and occasional violence expressed by Tibetans in Tibet and Uyghurs in Xinjiang to the imposition of Internal Colonialism in Xinjiang and Tibet by the Chinese state, by drawing particularly on primary sources for analysis. Tibet and Xinjiang are the only provincial-level units in China where the majority Han Chinese constitute a demographic minority, and Tibetans and Uyghurs respectively comprise the majority and plurality. The discourse of Internal Colonialism focuses on three aspects: political domination, economic inequality and resource exploitation, and socio-cultural marginalization, by the core nation, of the periphery ethnic or cultural minorities and their territories, within a country. To test the applicability of Internal Colonialism in Xinjiang and Tibet, the paper posits several propositions containing these aspects, and employ evidences to affirm or refute, entirely or to some extent, their existence. Findings reveal that the paradigm is more convincingly sustained in the case of Xinjiang than Tibet. Introduction Since the early 1990s, writers have applied an Internal Colonialism paradigm to examine the rule of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) over its restive autonomous regions of Xinjiang and Tibet, where Turkic Muslim Uyghurs and Buddhist Tibetans still form respectively the demographic plurality and majority, unlike the rest of China where Han-Chinese dominates. While overseas Uyghur and Tibetan groups and many non-Chinese scholars have contended that Xinjiang and Tibet are internal colonies of China (Ingram, 1990, 1996; ICJ, 1960, 1997, 2001), others have counter-argued that the two regions do not fit the case of internal colonialism (Sautman 1999, 2005, 2006; Yan, 2000). -
Glossary of Chinese and English Terms
Glossary of Chinese and enGlish Terms The main Chinese and English terms, slogans, and names used in the book are listed here with their equivalents in Chinese characters and in pinyin, the standard form of romanization used in the PrC. An asterisk indicates a personal name. achieving a basically well- off society成就小康社会 chengjiu xiaokang shehui. A slogan developed by Hu Jintao, ccp Secretary from 2002 to 2012, and declared by Xi Jinping to be an objective that China should achieve by 2021. agricultural production mutual aid groups 农业生产互助组 nongye shengchan huzhuzu. Mutual aid groups (also called mutual aid teams) were created by the ccp during the first stage of land reform in the 1950, prior to the creation of communes. The groups shared labor and some capital but individual households remained the basic unit of ownership and production. By 1960, eight thousand mutual aid teams had been established in Tibet. amban 安办 anban. The Manchu term for the imperial commissioners posted to Tibet and other areas during the Qing dynasty to oversee and liaise with local rulers. anti- splittism 反分裂主义 fan fenlie zhuyi. A term used by regime critics and dissidents from the late 1990s onward to mock officials who exaggerate reports of “splittism” (see below) in order to enhance their positions or to increase their access to government funding. April 1 Directive 四‧一指示 siyi zhishi. Instructions issued by Mao and the Central Cultural Revolution Small Group in April 1967 ordering the military to stop suppressing rebels and Red Guards. The April 1 Directive praised leftist students and others who had earlier attacked the military. -
Introduction to Tibetan History
བོད་དང་བོད་མིའིབདེན་པའི་ལོ་རྒྱུས་ཀི་ཉིང་ཁུ། TIBET AND ITS PEOPLE –AN ESSENCE OF TRUE HISTORY A presentation of the facts from 127 BCE to 1959; Chinese occupation of Tibet, The Middle-Way Approach, striving for a peaceful resolution on the issue of Tibet and Tibetan Democracy in Exile An Educational Supplement to Build Awareness of Tibet’s Cultural, Religious and Political History Compiled by: Kalsang Gyatso Kunor Compiler’s Note The situation in Tibet, under the Chinese Communist rule, is as grim as it was more than 60 years ago when the Chinese Communists first began their era of devastation in Tibet. As each new Tibetan generation ages without ever setting foot in Tibet, and because of my regular contacts with people from different countries, I have been urged to compile a brief factual history of Tibet that includes reliable original documents and authentic pictures from various sources. In an incident while I was working in a middle school students there ,during a project discussion, said that the “the Tibetans demanded independence from China and the Chinese government kicked them out of Tibet, “ rather than realizing that Tibet was independent and the Tibetans were asking the Chinese to leave Tibet. In a second incident, while meeting a Chinese student to help him with a class assignment, the student, without any hesitation, proclaimed “Tibet is a part of China. Tibetans peel off human beings and drink blood, but now Tibetans are very happy under the Chinese rule,” all in our introduction! I told him “I am really sorry that your government has misled you with wrong information about Tibet.