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Dangerous Truths
Dangerous Truths The Panchen Lama's 1962 Report and China's Broken Promise of Tibetan Autonomy Matthew Akester July 10, 2017 About the Project 2049 Institute The Project 2049 Institute seeks to guide decision makers toward a more secure Asia by the century’s mid-point. Located in Arlington, Virginia, the organization fills a gap in the public policy realm through forward-looking, region-specific research on alternative security and policy solutions. Its interdisciplinary approach draws on rigorous analysis of socioeconomic, governance, military, environmental, technological and political trends, and input from key players in the region, with an eye toward educating the public and informing policy debate. About the Author Matthew Akester is a translator of classical and modern literary Tibetan, based in the Himalayan region. His translations include The Life of Jamyang Khyentse Wangpo, by Jamgon Kongtrul and Memories of Life in Lhasa Under Chinese Rule by Tubten Khetsun. He has worked as consultant for the Tibet Information Network, Human Rights Watch, the Tibet Heritage Fund, and the Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center, among others. Acknowledgments This paper was commissioned by The Project 2049 Institute as part of a program to study "Chinese Communist Party History (CCP History)." More information on this program was highlighted at a conference titled, "1984 with Chinese Characteristics: How China Rewrites History" hosted by The Project 2049 Institute. Kelley Currie and Rachael Burton deserve special mention for reviewing paper drafts and making corrections. The following represents the author's own personal views only. TABLE OF CONTENTS Cover Image: Mao Zedong (centre), Liu Shaoqi (left) meeting with 14th Dalai Lama (right 2) and 10th Panchen Lama (left 2) to celebrate Tibetan New Year, 1955 in Beijing. -
Hong Kong SAR
China Data Supplement November 2006 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries 47 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations 50 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR 54 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR 61 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan 65 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Affairs Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 November 2006 The Main National Leadership of the PRC LIU Jen-Kai Abbreviations and Explanatory Notes CCP CC Chinese Communist Party Central Committee CCa Central Committee, alternate member CCm Central Committee, member CCSm Central Committee Secretariat, member PBa Politburo, alternate member PBm Politburo, member Cdr. Commander Chp. Chairperson CPPCC Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference CYL Communist Youth League Dep. P.C. Deputy Political Commissar Dir. Director exec. executive f female Gen.Man. General Manager Gen.Sec. General Secretary Hon.Chp. Honorary Chairperson H.V.-Chp. Honorary Vice-Chairperson MPC Municipal People’s Congress NPC National People’s Congress PCC Political Consultative Conference PLA People’s Liberation Army Pol.Com. -
17-Point Agreement of 1951 by Song Liming
FACTS ABOUT THE 17-POINT “Agreement’’ Between Tibet and China Dharamsala, 22 May 22 DIIR PUBLICATIONS The signed articles in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the Central Tibetan Administration. This report is compiled and published by the Department of Information and International Relations, Central Tibetan Administration, Gangchen Kyishong, Dharamsala 176 215, H. P., INDIA Email: [email protected] Website: www.tibet.net and ww.tibet.com CONTENTS Part One—Historical Facts 17-point “Agreement”: The full story as revealed by the Tibetans and Chinese who were involved Part Two—Scholars’ Viewpoint Reflections on the 17-point Agreement of 1951 by Song Liming The “17-point Agreement”: Context and Consequences by Claude Arpi The Relevance of the 17-point Agreement Today by Michael van Walt van Praag Tibetan Tragedy Began with a Farce by Cao Changqing Appendix The Text of the 17-point Agreement along with the reproduction of the original Tibetan document as released by the Chinese government His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s Press Statements on the “Agreement” FORWARD 23 May 2001 marks the 50th anniversary of the signing of the 17-point Agreement between Tibet and China. This controversial document, forced upon an unwilling but helpless Tibetan government, compelled Tibet to co-exist with a resurgent communist China. The People’s Republic of China will once again flaunt this dubious legal instrument, the only one China signed with a “minority” people, to continue to legitimise its claim on the vast, resource-rich Tibetan tableland. China will use the anniversary to showcase its achievements in Tibet to justify its continued occupation of the Tibetan Plateau. -
Say the Country Is Still Under Martial Law in Everything but in Name. No
say the country is still under martial law in everything but in name. No Tibetan critique of the nature of Chinese rule in Tibet can match that of the late 10th Panchen Lama’s in depth, breadth and meticulous detail. Known as the 70,000 character petition, it was addressed to the top Chinese leadership, including Mao Zedong. In his capacity as the vice-chairman of the National People’s Congress, in 1962, the Panchen Lama travelled extensively throughout Tibet and wrote his observations of the conditions of the people and places he visited. With the help of the United Front, he set up a team to write the petition. When completed, after much cross-checking and having the petition translated from the original Tibetan into Chinese, the Panchen Lama presented his opinion to the Chinese premier Zhou Enlai on 18 May 1962. The Chinese premier took the criticism in the document seriously to the extent that he summoned Zhang Guohua and Zhang Jingwu, the two top Chinese leaders in Tibet, to Beijing and told them to address the mistakes in their Tibet work. However, that summer at the central committee conclave at the seaside resort of Beidahe, Mao Zedong called the Panchen Lama’s 70,000 character petition “a poisoned arrow” and labelled the Tibetan leader as “a class enemy.” The Panchen Lama was struggled or publicly criticised and humiliated before thousands of angry crowds. He was thrown in prison and served 14 years under some form of detention. Though the Panchen Lama’s critique of the nature of Chinese rule in Tibet was made in 1962, more than 55 years ago, it remains valid today, mainly because the Chinese authorities, despite a tentative foray into liberalisation in Tibet, have largely refused to address the core concerns raised by the Tibetan leader. -
Analysis of Current Provincial Leaders Cheng Li
Li, China Leadership Monitor, No.7 Analysis of Current Provincial Leaders Cheng Li China has experienced a large-scale turnover in its national leadership, as demonstrated by the recently held 16th Party Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and 10th National People’s Congress (NPC). Less noted, but equally significant, is the rapid change of political elites at the level of provincial leadership. These two national institutions’ equivalents at the provincial level have also selected their top leaders during the past few months. An analysis of the elite change at the provincial level not only sheds valuable light on the relationship between the central and provincial governments, but also provides clues about the characteristics of future top national leaders. China’s provincial-level administrations enjoy more autonomy to advance their local economic interests today than at any other time in the past half century. The dynamic interaction between the need for national integration and the demand for regional autonomy has emerged as a central issue in Chinese politics. Furthermore, provincial leadership posts have become major stepping-stones to positions of national leadership during the past decade. For example, the percentage of 16th Politburo members with previous experience as top provincial leaders (deputy party secretaries, vice governors, or above) rose sharply over the last decade: from 55 percent in 1992 to 68 percent in 1997, and again to 83 percent by 2002.1 Thus, understanding the provincial leaders’ biographical backgrounds, tenure in office, political socialization, career patterns, and rate of reshuffling is essential to the study of Chinese politics. This study focuses on the 412 current top provincial leaders, a cluster of elites that includes all current provincial party secretaries, governors (or mayors of provincial-level administrations in the cities), deputy provincial party secretaries, and vice governors or vice mayors. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
China Data Supplement May 2007 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC .......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 42 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 44 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR ................................................................................................................ 45 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR ....................................................................................................................... 52 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 56 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 May 2007 The Main National Leadership of the PRC -
The Mishu Phenomenon: Patron-Client Ties and Coalition-Building Tactics
Li, China Leadership Monitor No.4 The Mishu Phenomenon: Patron-Client Ties and Coalition-Building Tactics Cheng Li China’s ongoing political succession has been filled with paradoxes. Jockeying for power among various factions has been fervent and protracted, but the power struggle has not led to a systemic crisis as it did during the reigns of Mao and Deng. While nepotism and favoritism in elite recruitment have become prevalent, educational credentials and technical expertise are also essential. Regional representation has gained importance in the selection of Central Committee members, but leaders who come from coastal regions will likely dominate the new Politburo. Regulations such as term limits and an age requirement for retirement have been implemented at various levels of the Chinese leadership, but these rules and norms will perhaps not restrain the power of Jiang Zemin, the 76-year-old “new paramount leader.” While the military’s influence on political succession has declined during the past decade, the Central Military Commission is still very powerful. Not surprisingly, these paradoxical developments have led students of Chinese politics to reach contrasting assessments of the nature of this political succession, the competence of the new leadership, and the implications of these factors for China’s future. This diversity of views is particularly evident regarding the ubiquitous role of mishu in the Chinese leadership. The term mishu, which literally means “secretary” in Chinese, refers to a range of people who differ significantly from each other in terms of the functions they fulfill, the leadership bodies they serve, and the responsibilities given to them. -
(Hrsg.) Strafrecht in Reaktion Auf Systemunrecht
Albin Eser / Ulrich Sieber / Jörg Arnold (Hrsg.) Strafrecht in Reaktion auf Systemunrecht Schriftenreihe des Max-Planck-Instituts für ausländisches und internationales Strafrecht Strafrechtliche Forschungsberichte Herausgegeben von Ulrich Sieber in Fortführung der Reihe „Beiträge und Materialien aus dem Max-Planck-Institut für ausländisches und internationales Strafrecht Freiburg“ begründet von Albin Eser Band S 82.9 Strafrecht in Reaktion auf Systemunrecht Vergleichende Einblicke in Transitionsprozesse herausgegeben von Albin Eser • Ulrich Sieber • Jörg Arnold Band 9 China von Thomas Richter sdfghjk Duncker & Humblot • Berlin Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Bibliothek Die Deutsche Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über <http://dnb.ddb.de> abrufbar. DOI https://doi.org/10.30709/978-3-86113-876-X Redaktion: Petra Lehser Alle Rechte vorbehalten © 2006 Max-Planck-Gesellschaft zur Förderung der Wissenschaften e.V. c/o Max-Planck-Institut für ausländisches und internationales Strafrecht Günterstalstraße 73, 79100 Freiburg i.Br. http://www.mpicc.de Vertrieb in Gemeinschaft mit Duncker & Humblot GmbH, Berlin http://WWw.duncker-humblot.de Umschlagbild: Thomas Gade, © www.medienarchiv.com Druck: Stückle Druck und Verlag, Stückle-Straße 1, 77955 Ettenheim Printed in Germany ISSN 1860-0093 ISBN 3-86113-876-X (Max-Planck-Institut) ISBN 3-428-12129-5 (Duncker & Humblot) Gedruckt auf alterungsbeständigem (säurefreiem) Papier entsprechend ISO 9706 # Vorwort der Herausgeber Mit dem neunten Band der Reihe „Strafrecht in Reaktion auf Systemunrecht – Vergleichende Einblicke in Transitionsprozesse“ wird zur Volksrepublik China ein weiterer Landesbericht vorgelegt. Während die bisher erschienenen Bände solche Länder in den Blick nahmen, die hinsichtlich der untersuchten Transitionen einem „klassischen“ Systemwechsel von der Diktatur zur Demokratie entsprachen, ist die Einordung der Volksrepublik China schwieriger. -
2004 Annual Report I
CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ANNUAL REPORT 2004 ONE HUNDRED EIGHTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION OCTOBER 5, 2004 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.cecc.gov U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 95–764 PDF WASHINGTON : 2004 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2250 Mail: Stop SSOP, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate 11-MAY-2000 16:26 Sep 24, 2004 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 95764.TXT China1 PsN: China1 CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS House Senate JIM LEACH, Iowa, Chairman CHUCK HAGEL, Nebraska, Co-Chairman DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska CRAIG THOMAS, Wyoming DAVID DREIER, California SAM BROWNBACK, Kansas FRANK WOLF, Virginia PAT ROBERTS, Kansas JOE PITTS, Pennsylvania GORDON SMITH, Oregon SANDER LEVIN, Michigan MAX BAUCUS, Montana MARCY KAPTUR, Ohio CARL LEVIN, Michigan SHERROD BROWN, Ohio DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California DAVID WU, Oregon BYRON DORGAN, North Dakota EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS STEPHEN J. LAW, Department of Labor PAULA DOBRIANSKY, Department of State GRANT ALDONAS, Department of Commerce LORNE CRANER, Department of State JAMES KELLY, Department of State JOHN FOARDE, Staff Director DAVID DORMAN, Deputy Staff Director (II) VerDate 11-MAY-2000 16:26 Sep 24, 2004 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 0486 Sfmt 0486 95764.TXT China1 PsN: China1 C O N T E N T S Page I. Executive Summary and List of Recommendations .......................................... 1 II. Introduction: Corruption—The Current Crisis in China ................................ -
Mass Line Education Important Visits to Tibet S P E C I a L R E P O R T O N
August 2014 Special Report on TIBET Mass line Education Council for their concern and support for work in Tibet. TAR plans to deploy forces to actively Deng Xiaogang pointed out that ever since promote activities regarding mass line the liberation of Tibet, it has undergone education massive transformation. The policies of Xi 31 August Jinping have been a major force in The Party Committee of TAR convened a promoting scientific development, harmony Standing Committee meeting to convey the and stability, in improving the livelihood of importance of studying the speech delivered the people, safeguarding the unity among by Xi Jinping and the Henan Party the ethnic groups, protecting the ecological Committee reports on the activities that environment, and in strengthening the have been carried out regarding mass line building of the party. education, to deploy forces and practically Denx Xiaogang said the economy of Tibet promote activities for mass line education in is growing at a steady pace. The increase in the entire region. This speech of Xi Jinpin the income of farmers and the herdsmen was delivered at the Lankao County has been in double digits for the past 11 Committee. years, the efficiency of comprehensive social governance has improved, the mechanism for maintaining stability has further Important visits to Tibet improved, there has been overall harmony and stability in the society, social stability Deng Xiaogang meets Liu Shijin and his has been realised and Tibet is working hard entourage to reach the goal of becoming a well off August 31, 2014 society by 2020 along with the rest of the On 29 Deng Xiaogang (Secretary, Political nation. -
China's Provincial Leaders Await Promotion
Li, China Leadership Monitor, No.1 After Hu, Who?--China’s Provincial Leaders Await Promotion Cheng Li China’s provincial leadership is both a training ground for national leadership and a battleground among various political forces. Provincial chiefs currently carry much more weight than ever before in the history of the PRC. This is largely because the criteria for national leadership have shifted from revolutionary credentials such as participation in the Long March to administrative skills such as coalition-building. In addition, provincial governments now have more autonomy in advancing their own regional interests. Nonetheless, nepotism and considerations of factional politics are still evident in the recruitment of provincial leaders. Emerging top-level national leaders--including Hu Jintao, Zeng Qinghong, and Wen Jiabao--have all drawn on the pool of provincial leaders in building their factions, hoping to occupy more seats on the upcoming Sixteenth Central Committee and the Politburo. At the same time, new institutional mechanisms have been adopted to curtail various forms of nepotism. The unfolding of these contradictory trends will not only determine who will rule China after 2002, but even more importantly, how this most populous country in the world will be governed. During his recent visit to an elementary school in New Mexico, President George W. Bush offered advice to a child who hoped to become president. “If you want to be President, I would suggest you become a governor first,” said President Bush, “because governors make decisions, and that’s what presidents do.”1 What is true of the career path of American leaders seems also to be true of their counterparts in present-day China. -
Cultural Genocide in Tibet a Report
Cultural Genocide in Tibet A Report The Tibet Policy Institute The Department of Information and International Relations Central Tibetan Administration Published by the Tibet Policy Institute Printed at Narthang Press, Department of Information and International Relations of the Central Tibet Administration, 2017 Drafting Committee: Thubten Samphel, Bhuchung D. Sonam, Dr. Rinzin Dorjee and Dr. Tenzin Desal Contents Abbreviation Foreword .............................................................................................i Executive Summary ...........................................................................iv Introduction ........................................................................................vi PART ONE A CULTURE OF COMPASSION The Land .............................................................................................4 Language and Literature....................................................................4 Bonism .................................................................................................6 Buddhism ............................................................................................6 Sciences ................................................................................................8 Environmental Protection ................................................................9 The Origin and Evolution of Tibetan Culture ..............................10 The Emergence of the Yarlung Dynasty .......................................11 Songtsen Gampo and the Unification