DOCSLIB.ORG

Class, Power, and Patronage: the Landed Elite and Politics in Pakistani Punjab

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Class, Power, and Patronage: the Landed Elite and Politics in Pakistani Punjab CLASS, POWER, AND PATRONAGE: THE LANDED ELITE AND POLITICS IN PAKISTANI PUNJAB HASSAN JAVID The London School of Economics and Political Science Class, Power, and Patronage: The Landed Elite and Politics in Pakistani Punjab Hassan Javid A thesis submitted to the Department of Sociology of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, June 2012. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 102,476 words. ii Abstract Following their conquest of Punjab, the British erected an administrative apparatus that relied heavily upon the support of the province’s powerful landed elite. The relationship between the two was one of mutual benefit, with the British using their landed allies to ensure the maintenance of order and effective economic accumulation in exchange for state patronage. Over a century and a half later, the politics of Pakistani Punjab continues to be dominated by landowning politicians, despite significant societal changes that could have potentially eroded their power. In order to answer the question of why this is so, this thesis uses a historical institutionalist approach to argue that the administrative framework emerging out of the initial bargain between the colonial state and the landed classes gave rise to a path-dependent process of institutional development in Punjab that allowed the latter to increasingly entrench themselves within the political order during the colonial and post-colonial periods. In doing so, the landed elite were also able to reinforce their bargain with the colonial state and, after independence, the Pakistani military establishment, perpetuating a relationship that facilitated the pursuit of the interests of the actors involved. In order to account for this path-dependent process of institutional development, this thesis treats the initial period of colonial rule in Punjab as a ‘critical juncture’, tracing the factors that led the British to rely on the landed elite for support, and enter into the bargain between the two actors that drove subsequent institutional developments. The thesis then explores the mechanisms used to perpetuate this arrangement over time, focusing in particular on the use, by the state and the landed elite, of legislative interventions, bureaucratic power, and electoral politics, to reinforce and reproduce the institutional framework of politics in Punjab. Finally, the thesis also looks at points in time during which this dominant institutional path has been challenged, albeit unsuccessfully, with a view towards understanding both the circumstances under which such challenges can emerge, and the lessons that can be learnt from these episodes with regards to the prospects for the creation of a democratic and participatory politics in the province. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .......................................................................................................................... VI LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES .......................................................................................................... VIII ABBREVIATIONS AND GLOSSARY ........................................................................................................ IX CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ..................................................... 1 HISTORICAL OVERVIEW ....................................................................................................................... 4 LITERATURE REVIEW ......................................................................................................................... 13 STRUCTURE OF THE STUDY ................................................................................................................ 23 CHAPTER TWO: METHODOLOGY, ANALYTICAL TOOLS, AND CONCEPTS ................................................................................... 28 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................... 28 HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGY .................................................................................................................... 29 The Case Study Method................................................................................................................. 31 Historical Institutionalism ............................................................................................................ 34 PATH DEPENDENCE ............................................................................................................................ 36 Critical Junctures and Path Dependence...................................................................................... 41 Process Tracing ............................................................................................................................ 48 A NOTE ON PRIMARY SOURCES .......................................................................................................... 52 THE CONCEPTS OF CLASS AND STATE IN PUNJAB ............................................................................... 53 Class.............................................................................................................................................. 54 The State ....................................................................................................................................... 65 CHAPTER THREE: THE FOUNDATIONS OF COLONIAL RULE IN PUNJAB ............................................................................................. 75 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................... 75 THE INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF COLONIAL RULE IN INDIA .................................................... 78 COLONIAL RULE IN PUNJAB : THE FOUNDING YEARS , 1849-1857 ...................................................... 84 THE ARISTOCRATIC REACTION , 1857-1868 ........................................................................................ 93 THE CANAL COLONIES ..................................................................................................................... 100 THE DEBT CRISIS AND THE PUNJAB ALIENATION OF LAND ACT 1900.............................................. 114 CONCLUSION .................................................................................................................................... 119 CHAPTER FOUR: REPRODUCING THE STATE-LANDLORD BARGAIN IN COLONIAL PUNJAB ................................................ 120 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................. 120 PUNJAB IN THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY .................................................................................. 121 BUREAUCRATIC POWER AND PATRONAGE ....................................................................................... 126 ELECTORAL COMPETITION , THE STATE , AND THE LANDED ELITE .................................................... 135 Electoral Rules ............................................................................................................................ 135 Political Parties .......................................................................................................................... 140 LEGISLATIVE POWER AND THE LANDED ELITE ................................................................................. 146 CONCLUSION .................................................................................................................................... 163 CHAPTER 5: FACTIONALISM, ELECTIONS, AND THE STATE- LANDLORD BARGAIN ...................................................................... 165 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................. 165 PARTY POLITICS , PARTITION , AND THE PERPETUATION OF LANDED POWER .................................... 167 LANDED FACTIONALISM , INTRA -CLASS CONFLICT , AND AUTHORITARIANISM IN PAKISTAN ........... 180 CONCLUSION .................................................................................................................................... 195 iv CHAPTER 6: MILITARY AUTHORITARIANISM AND THE LANDED ELITE IN PUNJAB ............................................................ 198 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................. 198 THE ENDURING ROOTS OF MILITARY POWER IN PAKISTAN .............................................................. 199 AYUB KHAN AND THE RE-ENTRENCHMENT OF THE STATE -LANDLORD BARGAIN ............................ 202 DICTATORSHIP , DEMOCRACY , AND THE PUNJABI LANDED ELITE ..................................................... 215 CONCLUSION
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Muslim Nationalism, State Formation and Legal Representations of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan
    Politics of Exclusion: Muslim Nationalism, State Formation and Legal Representations of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan by Sadia Saeed A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Sociology) in The University of Michigan 2010 Doctoral Committee: Professor George P. Steinmetz, Chair Professor Howard A. Kimeldorf Associate Professor Fatma Muge Gocek Associate Professor Genevieve Zubrzycki Professor Mamadou Diouf, Columbia University © Sadia Saeed 2010 2 Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to my parents with my deepest love, respect and gratitude for the innumerable ways they have supported my work and choices. ii Acknowledgements I would like to begin by acknowledging the immense support my parents have given me every step of the way during my (near) decade in graduate school. I have dedicated this dissertation to them. My ammi and baba have always believed in my capabilities to accomplish not only this dissertation but much more in life and their words of love and encouragement have continuously given me the strength and the will to give my research my very best. My father‘s great enthusiasm for this project, his intellectual input and his practical help and advice during the fieldwork of this project have been formative to this project. I would like to thank my dissertation advisor George Steinmetz for the many engaged conversations about theory and methods, for always pushing me to take my work to the next level and above all for teaching me to recognize and avoid sloppiness, caricatures and short-cuts. It is to him that I owe my greatest intellectual debt.
    [Show full text]
  • ISI in Pakistan's Domestic Politics
    ISI in Pakistan’s Domestic Politics: An Assessment Jyoti M. Pathania D WA LAN RFA OR RE F S E T Abstract R U T D The articleN showcases a larger-than-life image of Pakistan’s IntelligenceIE agencies Ehighlighting their role in the domestic politics of Pakistan,S C by understanding the Inter-Service Agencies (ISI), objectives and machinations as well as their domestic political role play. This is primarily carried out by subverting the political system through various means, with the larger aim of ensuring an unchallenged Army rule. In the present times, meddling, muddling and messing in, the domestic affairs of the Pakistani Government falls in their charter of duties, under the rubric of maintenance of national security. Its extra constitutional and extraordinary powers have undoubtedlyCLAWS made it the potent symbol of the ‘Deep State’. V IC ON TO ISI RY H V Introduction THROUG The incessant role of the Pakistan’s intelligence agencies, especially the Inter-Service Intelligence (ISI), in domestic politics is a well-known fact and it continues to increase day by day with regime after regime. An in- depth understanding of the subject entails studying the objectives and machinations, and their role play in the domestic politics. Dr. Jyoti M. Pathania is Senior Fellow at the Centre for Land Warfare Studies, New Delhi. She is also the Chairman of CLAWS Outreach Programme. 154 CLAWS Journal l Winter 2020 ISI IN PAKISTAN’S DOMESTIC POLITICS ISI is the main branch of the Intelligence agencies, charged with coordinating intelligence among the
    [Show full text]
  • Bibliography
    Bibliography Aamir, A. (2015a, June 27). Interview with Syed Fazl-e-Haider: Fully operational Gwadar Port under Chinese control upsets key regional players. The Balochistan Point. Accessed February 7, 2019, from http://thebalochistanpoint.com/interview-fully-operational-gwadar-port-under- chinese-control-upsets-key-regional-players/ Aamir, A. (2015b, February 7). Pak-China Economic Corridor. Pakistan Today. Aamir, A. (2017, December 31). The Baloch’s concerns. The News International. Aamir, A. (2018a, August 17). ISIS threatens China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. China-US Focus. Accessed February 7, 2019, from https://www.chinausfocus.com/peace-security/isis-threatens- china-pakistan-economic-corridor Aamir, A. (2018b, July 25). Religious violence jeopardises China’s investment in Pakistan. Financial Times. Abbas, Z. (2000, November 17). Pakistan faces brain drain. BBC. Abbas, H. (2007, March 29). Transforming Pakistan’s frontier corps. Terrorism Monitor, 5(6). Abbas, H. (2011, February). Reforming Pakistan’s police and law enforcement infrastructure is it too flawed to fix? (USIP Special Report, No. 266). Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace (USIP). Abbas, N., & Rasmussen, S. E. (2017, November 27). Pakistani law minister quits after weeks of anti-blasphemy protests. The Guardian. Abbasi, N. M. (2009). The EU and Democracy building in Pakistan. Stockholm: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance. Accessed February 7, 2019, from https:// www.idea.int/sites/default/files/publications/chapters/the-role-of-the-european-union-in-democ racy-building/eu-democracy-building-discussion-paper-29.pdf Abbasi, A. (2017, April 13). CPEC sect without project director, key specialists. The News International. Abbasi, S. K. (2018, May 24).
    [Show full text]
  • Who Is Who in Pakistan & Who Is Who in the World Study Material
    1 Who is Who in Pakistan Lists of Government Officials (former & current) Governor Generals of Pakistan: Sr. # Name Assumed Office Left Office 1 Muhammad Ali Jinnah 15 August 1947 11 September 1948 (died in office) 2 Sir Khawaja Nazimuddin September 1948 October 1951 3 Sir Ghulam Muhammad October 1951 August 1955 4 Iskander Mirza August 1955 (Acting) March 1956 October 1955 (full-time) First Cabinet of Pakistan: Pakistan came into being on August 14, 1947. Its first Governor General was Muhammad Ali Jinnah and First Prime Minister was Liaqat Ali Khan. Following is the list of the first cabinet of Pakistan. Sr. Name of Minister Ministry 1. Liaqat Ali Khan Prime Minister, Foreign Minister, Defence Minister, Minister for Commonwealth relations 2. Malik Ghulam Muhammad Finance Minister 3. Ibrahim Ismail Chundrigar Minister of trade , Industries & Construction 4. *Raja Ghuzanfar Ali Minister for Food, Agriculture, and Health 5. Sardar Abdul Rab Nishtar Transport, Communication Minister 6. Fazal-ul-Rehman Minister Interior, Education, and Information 7. Jogendra Nath Mandal Minister for Law & Labour *Raja Ghuzanfar’s portfolio was changed to Minister of Evacuee and Refugee Rehabilitation and the ministry for food and agriculture was given to Abdul Satar Pirzada • The first Chief Minister of Punjab was Nawab Iftikhar. • The first Chief Minister of NWFP was Abdul Qayum Khan. • The First Chief Minister of Sindh was Muhamad Ayub Khuro. • The First Chief Minister of Balochistan was Ataullah Mengal (1 May 1972), Balochistan acquired the status of the province in 1970. List of Former Prime Ministers of Pakistan 1. Liaquat Ali Khan (1896 – 1951) In Office: 14 August 1947 – 16 October 1951 2.
    [Show full text]
  • Reimagining the Role of Mian Muhamad Mumtaz Daultana in Colonial and Post-Colonial Punjab
    Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan Volume No. 57, Issue No. 1 (January – June, 2020) Farzanda Aslam * Muhamad Iqbal Chawla ** Zabir Saeed *** Moazzam Wasti **** Forgotten soldier of Pakistan Movement: Reimagining the role of Mian Muhamad Mumtaz Daultana in Colonial and Post-colonial Punjab Abstract Plethora of works have been produced on the colonial and post-colonial history of the Punjab but the role of Mian Muhammad Mumtaz Daultana has been academically overnighted by the historians to date and this paper intends to address it. He was an important leader of the Punjab who remained committed to the Pakistan movement, remained loyal and worked hard under the leadership of Quaid-i-Azam in the creation and consolidation of Pakistan. He was president of the Punjab Muslim League and also the first chief Minister of Pakistani Punjab. Therefore it is of immense importance to understand the role of Mian Muhammad Mumtaz Daultana in the creation and consolidation of Pakistan in the light of primary and secondary sources. Before the inception of Pakistan, his father Ahmad Yar Daultana was a popular politician from the Daultana family in the Punjab region. His house was the focal point for important political activities. Daultana was selected by Quaid-i- Azam to contend on behalf of the Muslim League against the Unionist Party because this party was not in favour of the Muslim League, by looking for the certainty of the Mumtaz Daultana, Quaid-i-Azam made him the individual from the member of Direct-action committee. The other member of the committee was ministers of the Muslim League s’ parliamentary and interim government.
    [Show full text]
  • Evolution of Religious Political Parties in Pakistan During Military Regimes
    Orient Research Journal of Social Sciences ISSN Print 2616-7085 June, 2021, Vol.6, No. 1 [47-60] ISSN Online 2616-7093 Evolution of Religious Political Parties in Pakistan during Military Regimes Sidra Karamat 1 Dr. Ali Shan Shah 2 1. Ph. D Scholar, Department of Political Science and International Relations, GC University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan 2. Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, GC University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan Abstract This Paper discusses the intricacies of civil-military relations to the trends of the religious political parties in Pakistan's strategy. Consequently, every diktator has always had the eye on religious political parties and vice versa. Each military regime's key objective in spreading the cause of Islam was related to its political compulsions. The Zia dictatorship, associated with Islam's state patronage, only strengthened the position of religious influence in politics. Musharraf, however, attempted to move beyond Zia's model, and look at the Ayub Khan era, but he helped the religious parties by adopting certificates issued from madrasahs (ijazahs) as higher school degrees in the name of optimizing the level of parliamentary member by thus removing many veterans.This paper ends with the remarks that Khaki-Mullah Nexus reveals a basic political party approach to extremism. Key Words: Khaki-Mullah, Military Regimes, Nexus, Extremism, Political Engineering Introduction The religion has had tremendous influence on the lives of ordinary people in the less developing, developed and also developed communities particularly over the last 30 years. The revolution in Iran has found this religious growth and the religious identity of public life was detrimental to secularism and also needs the liberal religious position in the general life of the people, especially in the mainstream state politics.
    [Show full text]
  • PRINT CULTURE and LEFT-WING RADICALISM in LAHORE, PAKISTAN, C.1947-1971
    PRINT CULTURE AND LEFT-WING RADICALISM IN LAHORE, PAKISTAN, c.1947-1971 Irfan Waheed Usmani (M.Phil, History, University of Punjab, Lahore) A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY SOUTH ASIAN STUDIES PROGRAMME NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2016 DECLARATION I hereby declare that this thesis is my original work and it has been written by me in its entirety. I have duly acknowledged all the sources of information which have been used in the thesis. This thesis has also not been submitted for any degree in any university previously. _________________________________ Irfan Waheed Usmani 21 August 2015 ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT First I would like to thank God Almighty for enabling me to pursue my higher education and enabling me to finish this project. At the very outset I would like to express deepest gratitude and thanks to my supervisor, Dr. Gyanesh Kudaisya, who provided constant support and guidance to this doctoral project. His depth of knowledge on history and related concepts guided me in appropriate direction. His interventions were both timely and meaningful, contributing towards my own understanding of interrelated issues and the subject on one hand, and on the other hand, injecting my doctoral journey with immense vigour and spirit. Without his valuable guidance, support, understanding approach, wisdom and encouragement this thesis would not have been possible. His role as a guide has brought real improvements in my approach as researcher and I cannot measure his contributions in words. I must acknowledge that I owe all the responsibility of gaps and mistakes in my work. I am thankful to his wife Prof.
    [Show full text]
  • The Mirage of Power, by Mubashir Hasan
    The Mirage of Power AN ENQUIRY INTO THE BHUTTO YEARS 1971-1977 BY MUBASHIR HASAN Reproduced By: Sani H. Panhwar Member Sindh Council PPP. CONTENTS About the Author .. .. .. .. .. .. i Preface .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ii Acknowledgements .. .. .. .. .. v 1. The Dramatic Takeover .. .. .. .. .. 1 2. State of the Nation .. .. .. .. .. .. 14 3. Meeting the Challenges (1) .. .. .. .. 22 4. Meeting the Challenges (2) .. .. .. .. 43 5. Restructuring the Economy (1) .. .. .. .. 64 6. Restructuring the Economy (2) .. .. .. .. 85 7. Accords and Discords .. .. .. .. 100 8. All Not Well .. .. .. .. .. .. 120 9. Feeling Free .. .. .. .. .. .. 148 10. The Year of Change .. .. .. .. .. 167 11. All Power to the Establishment .. .. .. .. 187 12. The Losing Battle .. .. .. .. .. .. 199 13. The Battle Lost .. .. .. .. .. .. 209 14. The Economic Legacy .. .. .. .. .. 222 Appendices .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 261 ABOUT THE AUTHOR Dr. Mubashir Hasan is a well known figure in both academic and political circles in Pakistan. A Ph.D. in civil engineering, he served as an irrigation engineer and taught at the engineering university at Lahore. The author's formal entry into politics took place in 1967 when the founding convention of the Pakistan Peoples' Party was held at his residence. He was elected a member of the National Assembly of Pakistan in 1970 and served as Finance Minister in the late Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's Cabinet from 1971-1974. In 1975, he was elected Secretary General of the PPP. Following the promulgation of martial law in 1977, the author was jailed for his political beliefs. Dr. Hasan has written three books, numerous articles, and has spoken extensively on social, economic and political subjects: 2001, Birds of the Indus, (Mubashir Hasan, Tom J.
    [Show full text]
  • Prospects of Civilian Rule in Pakistan
    Rtqurgevu"qh"Ekxknkcp"Twng"kp"Rcmkuvcp" Attar Rabbani ∗ " Cduvtcev" In direct contravention to founding fathers’ envision, Pakistan was ruled, by the military for much of its existence. Whenever civilian rule manage to come about has been compromised at best and distorted at the worst, at the behest of the men in Khaki. The Pakistani military is often held responsible for and accused of undermining institutional growth. Moreover political representatives when in power did not deliver on ‘stability’ and ‘development’ front due to ideological and structural inadequacies, giving an excuse for military to intervene. Besides the power relations that Pakistan inherited – feudal dominance – continued unabated even after independence, establishing its iron hold onto state institutions including that of the military. In fact, social composition of feudal elites did not alter all these decades, pushing majority of people out of the corridors of power. Even presently unraveling social, economic and political upheavals, it seems not powerful enough to rupture and debase elites. Given these socio- political and economic realities prevalent in Pakistan as to what are the prospects of civilian rule in the country? This paper explores answers to that question in a context of renewed optimism that is sweeping the country at present - because a democratically elected government is completing its full five year term (2008-2013) - a rare political achievement; and argues that civil-military relations shall continue to radiate disappointment in view of ever growing role of security establishment on account of extremely volatile neighborhood and violent politics within. " " Mg{yqtfu : Military rule, Civilian rule, Institutional development, democracy, Pakistan " " Kpvtqfwevkqp" Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the Father of the Nation of Pakistan was a peculiar political breed of the time, who in his initial career championed social causes of united India, democratic living and secular politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Fields and Religious Movements: the Exclusion of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan
    POLITICAL FIELDS AND RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: THE EXCLUSION OF THE AHMADIYYA COMMUNITY IN PAKISTAN Sadia Saeed ABSTRACT This paper examines the Pakistani state’s shift from the accommodation to exclusion of the heterodox Ahmadiyya community, a self-defined minority sect of Islam. In 1953, the Pakistani state rejected demands by a religious movement that Ahmadis be legally declared non-Muslim. In 1974 however, the same demand was accepted. This paper argues that this shift in the state’s policy toward Ahmadis was contingent on the distinct political fields in which the two religious movements were embedded. Specifically, it points to conjunctures among two processes that defined state–religious movement relations: intrastate struggles for political power, and the framing strategies of religious movements vis-a` -vis core symbolic issues rife in the political field. Consequently, the exclusion of Ahmadis resulted from the transformation of the political field itself, characterized by the increasing hegemony of political discourses Political Power and Social Theory, Volume 23, 189–223 Copyright r 2012 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 0198-8719/doi:10.1108/S0198-8719(2012)0000023011 189 190 SADIA SAEED referencing Islam, shift toward electoral politics, and the refashioning of the religious movement through positing the ‘‘Ahmadi issue’’ as a national question pertaining to democratic norms. In 1953, a group of prominent ulema1 in Pakistan launched a social movement demanding that the state forcibly declare the heterodox Ahmadiyya community (in short Ahmadis) a non-Muslim minority. At this moment, state authorities explicitly rejected this demand. In 1974, Pakistan’s National Assembly responded to the same demand by con- stitutionally declaring Ahmadis a non-Muslim minority.
    [Show full text]
  • Varying Written Perspectives on Politics of Pakistan Sajid Mahmood Awan Sana Hussan†
    Global Social Sciences Review (GSSR) DOI: 10.31703/gssr.2017(II-I).07 p-ISSN 2520-0348, e-ISSN 2616-793X URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2017(II-I).07 Vol. II, No. I (Spring 2017) Page: 106 - 114 Varying Written Perspectives on Politics of Pakistan Sajid Mahmood Awan Sana Hussan† Abstract Every discipline has its own specific perspective. The very difference of varying perspectives draws a line primarily between scientific and non- scientific knowledge. Then, amongst sciences it differentiates the rational from the empirical sciences. Apart from the natural sciences social sciences also utilize both rational and empirical approaches to science. Even, with in both of these perspectives there are also some other perspectives of social sciences. The present paper attempts to explore these perspectives as per the varying approaches of the respective writers contributing to the domain of the politics of Pakistan. A number of scholars have explored the politics of Pakistan. A brief review of them shows that they have studied the phenomenon of politics in Pakistan as per their respective approaches. The varying perspectives of these researchers can broadly be categorised into four main approaches i.e. ‘Elitist Approach’, ‘Marxian Approach’, ‘Ideological Approach’, and ‘Praetorian Approach’. Every researcher of social science should necessarily understand the difference of these perspectives before initiating his investigation in to the politics of Pakistan. This paper aims to engulf the writings of all the potential writers in this field. Key Words: Politics, Elitist, Marxist, Ideological, Praetorian, Approaches, Perspectives, Pakistan. Introduction A number of scholars have explored in to the politics of Pakistan.
    [Show full text]
  • Challenges to the Electoral Politics of PPP in Sindh in 21 St Century
    Pakistan Social Sciences Review P-ISSN 2664-0422 December 2019, Vol. 3, No.2 [646-655] O-ISSN 2664-0430 RESEARCH PAPER Challenges to the Electoral Politics of PPP in Sindh in 21st Century Karim Haider Syed 1 Imran Khan 2 1. Lecturer, Pakistan Study Center, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan 2. Lecturer, Government Graduate College Hafizabad, Punjab, Pakistan PAPER INFO ABSTRACT Received: Provincial elections in Sindhh as special rule in the electoral September 11, 2019 politics of Pakistan. Sindh assembly rule can be understood Accepted: through its rule in parliament that include National Assembly, December 25, 2019 Senate and president as it has constitutional rule to elect the Online: senate and president. Pakistan people’s party is a leading political December 31, 2019 force that has been playing role for strengthening of democracy in Keywords: Pakistan. There have been ups and downs in the electoral politics Alliances, of PPP since 1971. The electoral politics and performance of the Elections, PPP in the Sindh remains very responsive as people in Sindh Electoral Politics, never discredit the PPP despite the fact the PPP has done nothing PPP, good for them during its rule in the province of Sindh that has Sindh prolonged on nearly three decades. Political Alliance against PPP Corresponding has been very attractive and active since 1988 but their Author performance in the field of elections remains not good and appreciable. Nature of these political alliances and their performance in elections of Sindh is basic idea of this work as [email protected]. status quo in Sindh electoral politics is intact and any change in pk this status quo cannot be predicted.
    [Show full text]