Challenges to the Electoral Politics of PPP in Sindh in 21 St Century
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Pakistan Social Sciences Review P-ISSN 2664-0422 December 2019, Vol. 3, No.2 [646-655] O-ISSN 2664-0430 RESEARCH PAPER Challenges to the Electoral Politics of PPP in Sindh in 21st Century Karim Haider Syed 1 Imran Khan 2 1. Lecturer, Pakistan Study Center, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan 2. Lecturer, Government Graduate College Hafizabad, Punjab, Pakistan PAPER INFO ABSTRACT Received: Provincial elections in Sindhh as special rule in the electoral September 11, 2019 politics of Pakistan. Sindh assembly rule can be understood Accepted: through its rule in parliament that include National Assembly, December 25, 2019 Senate and president as it has constitutional rule to elect the Online: senate and president. Pakistan people’s party is a leading political December 31, 2019 force that has been playing role for strengthening of democracy in Keywords: Pakistan. There have been ups and downs in the electoral politics Alliances, of PPP since 1971. The electoral politics and performance of the Elections, PPP in the Sindh remains very responsive as people in Sindh Electoral Politics, never discredit the PPP despite the fact the PPP has done nothing PPP, good for them during its rule in the province of Sindh that has Sindh prolonged on nearly three decades. Political Alliance against PPP Corresponding has been very attractive and active since 1988 but their Author performance in the field of elections remains not good and appreciable. Nature of these political alliances and their performance in elections of Sindh is basic idea of this work as [email protected]. status quo in Sindh electoral politics is intact and any change in pk this status quo cannot be predicted. Introduction The arrival of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in the politics of Sindh turned the whole thing upside down. New stages of politics appeared in Sindh. Hope, enthusiasm and new avenues of development began to open up. The democratic era began. Assemblies settled. New development projects started in Sindh. Urban and rural areas sided with Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Urdu speakers from Karachi were also a pillar of PPP power. The politics that started from this period defeated the conservatives in Sindh. GM Syed's nationalist politics remained but he could not succeed in breaking the magic of PPP. In Sindh, linguistic disputes erupted over the legalization of Sindhi language in schools by the assembly. General Zia-ul-Haq imposed military rule on the country for ten years after the overthrow of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's government. In this worst period, including the country, the PPP remained active in Sindh despite the difficulties, while many other political forces were tried to be mobilized against PPP in Sindh. In Sindh, Altaf Hussain appeared in Karachi and Pakistan Social Sciences Review (PSSR) December, 2019 Volume 3, Issue 2 gave a distinct identity to the Urdu-speaking population of Sindh on linguistic grounds (Kh̲ a̲ lid,̄ 2006). Politics is a game of impossibilities. In Sindh, various political alliances and forward blocs have been formed in different periods to break the influence of PPP in the field of elections. PPP won the 1988 elections in Sindh and formed government that could survived till 1990. When the PPP government came to an end in 1990, Jam Sadiq, Sindh's provincial liaison adviser, staged an internal revolt against the PPP. He became the caretaker Chief Minister of Sindh under a well-organized strategy. Jam Sadiq was given a task to unite other political parties against the PPP in Sindh. The strategy against the PPP in the 1990 elections was developed before the elections in which it was ensured that the PPP could not form a government in Sindh after the elections of 1990. Jam Sadiq formed the government with the help of local feudal lords, right-wing politicians and above all, with the help of Muttahida Qaumi Movement that had first entry in electoral politics in Sindh. In the same election, an electoral alliance was formed under the name of "Sindh National Front" and "Sindh National Alliance" headed by Mumtaz Bhutto, cousin of PPP founder Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and former Chief Minister of Sindh but could not succeed in harming the PPP.PPP after 1990 could return in power in the 1993 and this time retain till 1996. After 12 years it could return in power in 2008 and till date has maintained the status quo in Sindh. Looking at2002 elections, the PPP topped the list with 51 seats from Sindh, while the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) won 31 seats, the PML-Q 14, the National Alliance 12 and the PML-F bagged 9 seats. The PPP had won a majority but was not allowed to form a government in the province despite its majority. Immediately after the election, the forward bloc was formed in PPP and a government of General Musharraf's supporters was formed in Sindh. After ousting the PPP from the government, Musharraf first gave the post of Chief Minister to Ali Muhammad Mehr, one of his allies from Ghotki district, and the second time in June 2004, giving the post of Chief Minister to Arbab Ghulam Rahim of Tharparkar. In 2008 elections PPP managed to form government in Sindh and remain successful to maintain the status quo in 2013 and 2018 elections. Literature Review In search of lost glory by Asma Faiz is very comprehensive book to study the identity politics in Pakistan that remained a very rare case in the electoral politics. Sindhi nationalism is very important part of the electoral politics of Sindh. Ethnic dissatisfaction seemed in Sindh in antagonism to the rule of the British rule; to the blitzkrieg of Punjabi immigrants in the wake of water dispute; and, most conclusively, to the entrance of millions of Urdu-speaking migrants just after the Partition of India in 1947. PPP Under the leadership of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto after his death under the leadership of his daughter Benazir Bhutto and later on under Asif Ali Zardari, it has maintained the Sindh card, even PPP has been playing the game in its federalist politics of Pakistan. It is a matter of fact that in a half century there have been uncompromising Sindhi nationalist political groups, led by provincial autonomists, and landlords. There are also pirs and liberal intellectuals in recreation of ethnic outspending.This work is very important as itdescribes the politics of 647 Challenges to the Electoral Politics of PPP in Sindh in 21st Century Bhutto family and Muhajir factor in Sindh electoral politics, differences in the nationalist ideologues, dissenting disputes amongst the elites, and the role of these force as a creator and developer of Sindhi nationalism. Moreover, it examines the role of the Pakistan People’s Party as an ethnic magnate over and done with an investigation of its electoral politics. Bringing together widespread research and reasonable studies of politic in Sindh the writer has provided many important details which are helpful for the current study (Faiz, 2019). Pakistan's Political Parties: Surviving between Dictatorship and Democracy by Mariam Mufti, Sahar Shafqat, Niloufer Siddiqui is another important work on PPP and its politics.This is precisely a significant contribution to the literature on electoral reflections and political parties in Pakistan. This work is an appropriate and dynamic contribution to the literature of political science that is on the political parties in Pakistan and the south Asian region. It presents an remarkably smooth- tongued and well-crafted scrutiny of most important political parties in Pakistan in the context of electoral politics in the country, the role and functions of these parties including PPP in a promising democracy, and their relationship with in the political alliances and to other institutions are discussed in this very important work. This magnificent work is unquestionably crucial for sympathetic study of the democracy in Pakistan and all of the chief performers and interests convoluted. The innumerable writers accomplish very efficiently to syndicate deep understanding of the political parties and social groups in Pakistan (Mufti, Shafaqat and Siddique, 2019). Hypothesis Pakistan people’s party has durable collaboration with the electable in Sindh and due to this strategy no single party can defeat it in the provincial assembly of Sindh in nearly twenty years of electoral politics of 21st century. Nationalist politics in Sindh The history of nationalist politics in Sindh is very old, looking at the British rule in terms of the formation of a modern state, Hosho Shaidi, a general of Talpur of African descent, is on the top of the list of those who fought against the colonial system in the nineteenth century. When the British troops suffered a heavy defeat in the first Afghan war, they expressed their anger by attacking Sindh under the command of Charles Napier. Hosho Shaidi, while protecting his homeland, had raised the slogan, "we will die but never give up Sindh “ marson marson sindh na desoon”((Siddi, 2019).Similarly, in the twentieth century, when there was a trend of nationalist politics all over India, the role of GM Syed remained very important in Sindh.In April 1946, GM Syed being Leader of the Opposition in the Sindh Assembly was called on by Field Marshal, Viscount Wavel in Shimla, who was leading a cabinet mission to discuss the transfer of power in the subcontinent and he wanted to know the G.M Syed views on provincial factionalism. During his meeting GM Syed demanded recognition of the right of every province of India, including the province of Sindh, to self-determination and as an "empowered unit". Through his 648 Pakistan Social Sciences Review (PSSR) December, 2019 Volume 3, Issue 2 efforts, the Sindh Assembly was the first to pass a resolution to merge Sindh, Punjab, Balochistan, NWFP, Bengal and Assam into one country (Soomro, 2004).