CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE

TA'ZIYEH AS FESTIVAL AND A FORM OF POPULAR THEATRE IN

A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in

Theatre

by

Javad Pishvaie

May 1987 The Tr:sis of Javad Pishvaie is approved:

Lawrence D. Stewart

William H.

California State University, Northridge

ii TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ABSTRACT v

CHAPTER

INTRODUCTION 1

I Survey of Iranian History to Early Seventh-Century • • . . . • . . . 5

Avesta and the First Stages of Zoro- asterianism . . . . . • . . . . . • 7 -- Transformation--rn-:r-rani-arr--s-ociety Before- ...... 9

II Brief Study of Islamic Religion • • . . • . 19

Muhammad: The Founder of Islamic Faith. . 24 Islam After . . . . • • . . • . 27 I I r--- Mi story or-Ta 'ziyeh -:r-n -Iran- . ----- . .----- . . -. 3 5 The Tragedy of Kerbela . . . • . 35 The Evolution of Ta'ziyeh in Iran and its its Counter Influence With the Ancient Festivals . . • ...... 41 The Establishment of Ta'ziyeh as a Form of Popular Theatre and Entertainment in Iran ...... 4 8

IV Ta'ziyeh As A Form Of Popular Theatre .•.. 51

Sources of the Subject Matter . 51 Music ...... 72 The Organization of the Ceremonies . • • . . . . • . . • 75 Physical Production. . • • . • . . . . • 80 Religious Places ...... • . . 80 Scenery . . . . • ...... 86 Lighting...... • . . 87 Properties ...... •. 88 Costume . . . . • ...... 92 Make-up and Masks . • • . . . • . . . 93

iii Contents (cont'd)

The Performance of Ta'ziyeh as it is Today . 94 Recitation rowza-khani . . . . . 94 The Street Procession ...... • . 96 The Passion Plays . . . . • . . . 99 The Performer . • ...... 101 The Spectator ...... • . . . . . 105 The Performer-Spectator Interaction . 107

CONCLUSION . . . 109

FOOTNOTES . 111

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . 119

iv ABSTRACT

TA'ZIYEH AS FESTIVAL AND A FORM OF POPULAR THEATRE IN IRAN By

Javad Pishvaie Master of Arts in Theatre

Focusing on Ta'ziyeh (religious mourning) as festi- val and a form of popular theatre in Iran, this study is a description of Muharram ceremonies in the past and the present time. The early portion of this study is devoted to a brief account of the historical background of Iranian and Arab societies before and at the time of Islam. This portion also examines the tragedy of Kerbela and traces the roots of Ta'ziyeh, its evolution and its interrelation with the rites and rituals of Ancient Iran. The major portion of the study describes the sources of the subject matter of recitation and written Ta'ziyeh plays, their language, music and the organization of the

v ceremonies. It also surveys the performances as they are performed today and portrays the relationship between the performer and the spectator.

vi INTRODUCTION

If the success of a drama is to be measured by the effect which it produces upon the people for whom it is composed, or upon the audiences before whom it is represented, no play has ever surpassed the tragedy known in the Mussulman world as that of Hasan and Husain. Sir Lewis Pelly The Miracle Play of Hasan and Husain. (London, 1879) I, Preface

Muharram is the first month of the Islamic Lunar

Calendar. It was in Muharram (September) of 680A.D. that a tragic event took place on the plain of Kerbela in . That day , the grandson of Prophet Muhammad, was martyred, along with most of his family members and supporters, by Yazid's army. The commemoration of that day is celebrated every year in Iran and other Islamic countries by the Shi'ite . " Every year the --·-~-~~---·~-~~·~~---,..~, "•'••··~ -~·~·- ...... ~···- celebration takes place ten days earlier than the previous ye~r~ This is due to the Lunar Calendar which is 355 days .. as opposed to the Solar Calendar,.,();,.,, 3 §? . days. This .,_h- fascinating celebration is called Ta'ziyeh which literally means religious mourning. The tragedy was almost unknown to the western countries as a dramatic form until the 16th century. At the beginning of the 16th century the Shi'ite Sect of Islam was declared as the state religion by the Safavid

Kings and the Muyarram ceremonies received the royal

l 2

support. It was a starting point for the Iranians as well as the western visitors to write detailed accounts of the tragedy of Kerbela. In the second half of the 19th century Ta'ziyeh was studied by some Western researchers such as Count de Gobineau and·· Matthew Arnold. But still the Ta'ziyeh remained virtually unknown to the Western dramatists and the specialists in theatre. Even in Iran itself the Ta'ziyeh was discouraged by the authorities in the 20th century. The purpose of this thesis is to describe the Muharram ceremonies as an annual festival and the performance of the passion plays, during such festival, as a popular theatre form in Iran. For this the thesis is divided into four chapters.

~ Chapter One is a survey of almost 1500 years pre­ Islamic history of Iran. The belief and customs of Ancient Iranians and also the political, social and economic situation of the period are briefly discussed. This chapter provides information about Iran's ancient religious rituals from which the Ta'ziyeh of later centuries was derived. Chapter Two is divided into three parts. The first part is a survey of political, social, and economic conditions in Arabia before and at the time of Muhammad. The second part describes the Prophecy of Muhammad and his 3

struggle for establishing the Islamic faith. The third

part deals with the dispute over the leadership of Islam after the death of Muhammad, the Arab conquest of the Iranian Empire, and the division of the Muslims into two major sects, the Shi'ite and the sunnite. Chapter Three is a survey of the history of the Muharram ceremonies in Iran and is also divided into three parts. The tragedy of Kebela and the political circumstances of the time in the Islamic Empire is described in the first part. The birth of the Ta'ziyeh, its evolution in Iran, its influence on Ancient festivals of Iran and the political reasons behind it are discussed in the second part. The estabishment of the Muharram ceremonies as a festival and popular theatre is surveyed in the third part. Chapter Four is divided into five parts. The first part describes the sources of the subject matter, language, and the literary changes in the Ta'ziyeh during its evolution. The second part deals briefly with the music, musical instruments and their importance in the ceremonies. In the third part the organization of the Muharram ceremonies in the past and the present time is discussed . The fourth part describes the places in which the Ta'ziyeh is performed. It is also focused on the scenery, lighting, properties, costume, masks and make-up. The fifth and the final part discusses the performance of 4

the Ta'ziyeh, the performers, the spectators and the

performer-spectator interactions.

~(Note): Following are samples of names and terms which

appear in the thesis and are spelled differently by various historians, researchers and authors.

Ali, Alee Akbar, Alee Akbar Achaemanid, Achaemenian

Fatemeh, Fatima, , Fatimeh Ghasim, Kasim, Qase, Ghasem Hassan, Hasan

Hussein, Husain, Hosein, Hossein, Husayn, Hussain, Hossain Ibn Sa'd, Ibn Said

Kerbela, , Karbela Mu'awiya, Moaviyeh Muhammad, Mohammad, Mohamad, Muhamad

Muslims, Moslems Muslim (name), Moslem, Muslem, Moslim Otteman, Osman Rowzat'ul Shuhada, Rowzatu'l Shuhada Sasanied, Sasanid, Sasanian Shi'ite, Sheah, Shi'yah, Shi'a , Shemer Umayyads, Ommiades Chapter I

SURVEY OF IRANIAN HISTORY TO EARLY-SEVENTH-CENTURY

Throughout its history, Iran, because of geograph- ical circumstances, located between the East and the

West, and also because of its plentiful natural re- sources, has been the scene of internal uprisings and external attacks by foreign forces.

Internal uprisings and small assaults have been caused by class discrepancies, contradictions and antagonism between tribes, feudal lords and dynasties of the kingdoms. However, the external and greater attacks have taken place as a result of insufficiency, lack of merit and corruption in government organizations, disturbed situations of the country's economy, oppression and suffocation of thoughts imposed on people. A good example of internal assault in Iran's history was one by the Sasanied dynasty against the Parthians. After five hundred years, the Parthian culture of about two thousand years ago was destroyed. There were also foreign attacks, by Macedonians, Arabs and Mongolians. The effect of all these domestic and exotic insur- gencies and invasions on Iranians was so great that in some stages, it causgq,totaldestruction of their cu1ture and civilization. These effects were mostly on architec- ture, painting, music and more than anything else on theatre.

5 6

In fact the expanded but disorderly Iranian culture has never seized the o:ppo.;:turiity to estc3.blish itself securely for many reasons~ QI1~ . rep. scm wc3.s internal revolts and external wars within the three thousand years of the hi·story of Iran. The second was conversion of the regimes to political-military 9overnments .anc1 the resulting creatiori of an undemocratic atmosphere for the people.

The third, and probably the most important reason, was the existence of a slavery system and feudalism.

The above conditions provided motives for the governments to stifle any expression of the world outlook opposing the official ideology of the time. As a result, performance of any contradiction, partidtilarly if it was presented through the most live form of art, theatre, was considered as a kind of disobedience and revolt and was banned. Nevertheless, regardless of all the suffocation of thoughts and oppression, a form of popular theatre,

Ta'ziyeh, has long existed in Iran and is still alive.

About 2,000 B.C. migrants of Arian tribes who lived on the eastern side of the Caspian Sea, were divided into two groups. One group (the majority) traveled to the land of and the other headed to the western part of

Iran, Armenia and Azarbaijan. The uncultivated land of Iran naturally made the new travelers realistic, active and talented because they had continually to strive to earn a livelihood. Therefore, they chose agriculture and 7

animal husbandry. The Arians who spoke in Iranian languages1 were scattered in vast lands where they were able to survive in the political conditions of the time and to assimilate the natives or make them dependents. Although in some areas the natives could hold on to their own culture and had established primitive types of

governmental systems, around 800 B.C. Iranian speaking people were in the majority. The Medes and Achaemenid empires had great roles in disseminating the Iranian languages and culture in Iran. ?f ,::~LA~e~ta and the First Stages of Zoroasterianism Avesta, which is a collection of holy texts of the Zoroastrian religion, the religion that was spread in Iran, Afghanestan and Central Asia up until the Arab conquest of Iran and even later, is the basic source for research on Ancient Iran. There is no definite informa- tion about Zoroaster's date of birth. Some scholars believe that according to the Avesta, the most probable time of his life was between the tenth and sixth century B.C. 2 Other researchers, however, have suggested different dates. 3 There are also indications that Zoro- aster was born in the west of Iran, but because his faith was rejected in his homeland in the early years of his teachings, he went to the east, the land of Vishtasp (Zoroaster's Patron). 8 (l •

Zoroaster preached about Ahura Mazda, the greatest god of his faith. The importance of his religion is mostly based on economic reform, moral teachings and theism which is linked to the struggle between good and evil. In Gathas and small Avesta, special emphasis has been given to animal husbandry, extension of pastures and agriculture. At the beginning of Zoroastrianism, sacrifice and eulogy played little roles. Many of the ancient customs of Iran were restrained by Zoroaster including collective immolation of domesticated animals. Fire worship which was practiced by ancient Arians, -·------·------~------~ ------continued to be one of the principle customs. Soon after Zoroaster, his followers while preserving some of his dogmatic standards, accepted many ancient beliefs and customs; worship of old gods - Mithra, Anahita started over again. Songs about these gods entered into Avesta. Zoroastrianism spread in this form, in the western part of Iran where dualism and fire worship were basic beliefs. The Medes and Achaemenid kings established Zoroastrianism as the official religion of Iran and in Media (Medes' state/northern Iran) Zoroaster's followers gained majority and the Magies (the priestly caste) of the area had no choice but to accept the new faith. At the beginning of the sixth century B.C. the {J ' 9

Magies had gained religious posts in the court of Medes.

The reason for this penetration, as Igor Mikhailovich

Diakonov indicates, was that the Medes, in order to confront or to live equally with the two superpowers of the time, the Assyrian and Babylonian Kingdoms, had to convert themselves to a military kingship. In order to establish such power, before anything else, annihilation of local separatists was necessary. To carry out such important and difficult tasks without having a unique ideological slogan would have seemed impossible. Therefore, Magies who publicized monotheism and negated the local gods were engaged by the Medes• court to serve for the purpose. After surrender of local governments, the Medes established the first dynasty of kingship in Iran. 4

Transformation in Iranian Society Before Islam

This period of Iran's history which consists of almost 1500 years, begins with the Median kingdom (7th century B.C.) and ends -:.vi th the Sasanied dynasty (652

A.D.). During the first 250 years of this period the Median dynasty established towns and developed agriculture and the economy of the country.

The period of the Achaemenid (546-330 B.C.) dynasty coincided with one of the highest points of civilization of all times. Agriculture was expanded to a very high 10

degree, metals such as iron, gold and silver were ex­

tracted and foreign trade was increased. Governorship in Iran was _centralized and in the heart of the power,

bloodthirsty and ruthless shahs (kings) calling themselves "king of kings", surrounded by a number of oppressive aristocrats, gained unlimited authority. The king's power, Durant states, "was theoretically absolute; he could kill with a word, without trial or reason given, few even of the greatest nobles dared offer any

criticism or rebuke, and public opinion was cautiously

impotent."5 A system of tax collection and duties on land, ports, roads and industrial productions was shaped

and expanded. In addition, each province (Satrapy) had

to send the king a fixed amount of money as annual tax. The tax collected from Satrapies equalled the equivalent

of 160 to 218 million dollars a year. 6 Governmental organizations were established and thousands of kilometers of commercial roads were constructed. Resting between Asia and Europe, the Achaemenids' Iran became the center for eastern and western cultural interchange, fruitful to both the East and West. The religion of the Persians in the Achaemenids' time shares common aspects with Zoroasterianism. Most likely Mazda-Yasna was the predominant faith. The king was theocratic. For example, Darius the First called himself a Divine King-an emissary of Ahura Mazda. In 11

fact, Ahura Mazda was the greatest god of the Persians but not the only one.

Because of the wars in Greece, Egypt and Lydia, the Achaemenid kings gained many possessions. They plundered the Indian and the Syrian resources and collected heavy taxes from the occupied countries, the shrines of Babylon and and from the general public. In con- structing splendid palaces such as Persepolis, they used slaves and prisoners of war. The situation, however, created in the upper class society, the Royal Family, the Aristocrats and the Magies an atmosphere of wealth, luxury, laziness and corruption. One researcher in particular believes that the Iranians under the Achaemnids took unusual pride on such splendid empires and considered the king as a god. R.F. Nyrop states: "The king, not a god, becomes the symbol of all that is great and the instrument by which his people vicariously enjoy greatness.'' 7 Further, he states that the loyalty of the Iranians to the Kings begins in this period: ''The institution of monarchy as a central theme of Iranian history, and the apparent devotion of the Iranian people to it, certainly begins in this period."8 It is true that formation of a centralized imperial power takes place in this period, but this by no means indicates that Iranian people were loyal to cruel monarchs. On the contrary, the revolutionary movements 12

during 2500 years of monarchy in Iran illustrate a great dissatisfaction and hatred by the people of imperial powers. During the Achaemenid period alone history records many uprisings: the Magians' led by Gomate in March 522 B.C. in Babylonia, the Marghians' in December of 522 B.C. in north-eastern Iran and Elamis' in the south in February of 521 B.C. 9 Apparently the Achaemenid empire was magnificent and dignified. Such qualities can be attributed to its mostly mercenary armies. But dissatis- faction among the craftsman and farmers increased, and a young Macedonian adventurist commander, Alexander, could take power.

During his sovereignty in Iran, Alexander spent mos~ of his time overcoming the resistance of Iranians, particularly in the East. By appointing Persians to govern his Satrapies, he tried to bring the two nations together. Apparently he wanted to accomplish his concept of "the fusion of peoples in one world" 10 and "the brotherhood of man."11 But in fact he was forming a superior group, consisting of the aristocrats of the two nations, who could be dependable for his rule and become his weapons of oppression against other people of his empire. From the death of Alexander until the Parthian take- over, Iran was ruled by his successors, the Seleucids. In this period, however, a new culture, the Hellenistic, 13

came into existence. This new culture aggravated the positive aspects of socio-economic growth of the Achaemenids' empire. It was in this great period of cultural interchange that the West absorbed many Iranian and Indian material and spiritual values and the East obtained Greek philosophical, scientific and industrial achievements. The association of civilizations was the cause of flourishing trades, craftsmanship, civil constructions, agriculture and exploitation of mines. Art and science were expanded. Mixed religions and mixed races came into existence. Greek temporarily became the official language of Iran. Cities, schools and worship places were built according to Greek architectural concepts. Despite all of Alexander's reforms, resistance to the Greeks and Macedonians became apparent in Eastern Iran especially by the Parthians. Finally, around 250 B.C., Iranians could free themselves from foreign domination but their society at this time had been changed to a new society which materially and intellectually moved to a higher stage. The Parthian government had its own values which were the result of political and economical growth. It was shaped under the influence of three basic elements: the heritage of the Achaemenids; the military system of the Seleucids; the customs and beliefs of Nomads. The King was at the center of government and his rule was 14

considered as a gift for the Arsacides: only members of their family could succeed to the throne. The authority of the Kings in the Parthian period, because of the tribes' democratic tradition, was comparatively limited. A commi tt.ee consisting of aristocrats and Magies appointed the Shah to the throne or deposed him from it. Although the Parthian Kings tried to replace the local governments with members of their own family and aristocrats, separatism continued to cause problems for the central power. It was in this period that a strong ideological interchange took place between the East and the West.

Although there is a lack of information about the official religion of Iran at this time, it seems that Zoroastrianism survived and in some cases prospered. According to Denkart, the Avesta which was destroyed by

Alexander, or scattered by him, was collected together again by an Arsacid King. 12 For the first time the symbols of Zoroastrianism (in the form of a fire temple) appeared on the Parthian coinage, which indicates that the faith was expanding and perhaps became an official religion.

In the western part of the Parthian empire, civili­ zation and class formation had been growing for a few thousand years while in the eastern part, according to

Avesta, transition to a class society took place around '1 ' 15

1000 B.C. The slavery system, which existed in the

Achaemenids time, continued to expand and played an im­ portant role in the Parthian's lifestyle, especially in the western part of the kingdom. During their rule, the Parthian Kings (Arsacides) were engaged in erosive wars with the Roman Empire. Furthermore, the complex circumstances of the country caused by the changing social structure, a slavery crisis and dispute among the members of the Royal Family brought the Arsacides Kingdom to an end and cleared the way for the Sasanied dynasty. In many ways, Iranian society in the Sasanied period was similar to the Achaemenids' Iran. The differences, however, remain in the role of central authority which was far more powerful than that of the Achaemenids. Self-interest of the Sasanied Kings extended to where they called themselves "King of Kings of Iran and non- Iran."13 This reveals that they considered the world itself their kingdom. The king had to be a member of the Royal Family but there was no particular regulation for appointing him to the throne. Zoroastrianism was declared the official religion of Iran by Ardashir, the founder of the Sasanied dynasty. Zoroastrian Magies and land owner aristocrats were Ardashir's essential supporters. By owning vast lands, the Zoroastrians became one of the outstanding political 16

and economical forces. The Holy book~ Avesta, was edited in the 3rd Century A.D.; then in the 4th and 6th centuries its codes and laws were collected. The evolution of agriculture, craftsmanship, construction of the cities and the roads, and expansion of foreign trade which was started in the Achaemenid's period gained its peak in the Sasanieds' society. Inherited from the Arsacids, Feudalism was a disturbing force and caused class contradictions between the peasants and the landowners. In this period, Iranian society faced two extremes of poverty and wealth. War with the neighboring countries continued. Challenges among the aristocrats on one hand and between the fire temples and the government on the other continued to be major problems. Consequently, the country experienced such popular uprisings as the Manism and the Mazdakism which eventually were eliminated cruelly by the Kings. In fact the most important of all was the revolutionary uprising of the Mazdakites. Derived in the main from the teachings of Mani, the movement took the name Mazdakism after its leader's name, Mazdak, at the end of the Fifth Century A.D. 14 One scholar has called it the Iranian Communist Movement. 15

The Mazdakites preached social and economical equalities and called for abolishment of feudalism and 17

the rent imposed on lands by the feudal lords. It found

support among the poor. Most of Mazdak's followers were

slaves, workers, poor and ordinary street people.

At the beginning, the Mazdakites' movement was

supported by King Kavad (488-531) and the properties of

wealthy people were confiscated. Perhaps the policy of

King Kavad had two basic motivations: first, he wanted

to weaken his opposition, the aristocratic leaders of his

army and the priests; secondly, he was unable to subdue

the movement. He was finally overthrown as the result of

a plot, put into prison and tried. Later, he managed to

escape and reign again in 499 A.D. After his

restoration, Kavad not only did not support the

Mazdakites, but he decided to join the Zoroastrian

Priesthood and the Christian clergy in opposing the

Mazdakites' ideology.

Finally, Mazdakites suffered gravely at the hands of

King Kavad's son, Khusroe Anosharvan, who invited the

Mazdakite leaders to Ctesiphon, the capital of the

Sasanied empire, and with a cowardly plot killed them

all. Thereafter, bloody, crushing, massive arrests and killings started all over the country by the government

forces.

Regardless of the existence of a dreadful class discrepancy, the Sasanied period was the period of expansion of material and spiritual culture. Many 18

schools of medicine, logic, astrology, philosophy and

religion were constructed and architecture, dance and costume were widely regarded. In short, flourishing and decay existed side by side. In conclusion, the rotten elements of social structure shattered the empire when confronting the Arab invasion. The blooming factors, however, continued their evolution and manifestation even after defeat by the Arabs, and profoundly influenced the and civilation not only in Iran but in the entire Islamic world. The expansion of feudalism along with other factors such as wars with the Byzantine empire, expenditures of the fire temples and high costs of luxurious life of exceptionally arrogant and selfish aristocracy finally destroyed the Sasanied dynasty. "The civilization of the Sasanian state might dazzle the eye and its armed force seem omnipotent, but its social structure was rotten, and this delivered the country into the arms of the conqueror. It proved powerless against the Arab invader". 16 CHAPTER II BRIEF STUDY OF ISLAMIC RELIGION

Historical Background The appearance of Islam in Arabia at the beginning of the 7th Century A.D. is related to a complicated

social and political movement involving Northern

Arabians. Islam became an ideological movement which

resulted in the establishment of a s~rong Arabian government, and political and military expansion of that government abroad. With the Arabs' military success, Islam spread rapidly in Iran and the Byzantine empire.

This exceptional social and political movement was 17 called, "Islamic Revolution" by one social scientist 18 and "Religious Revolution of Muhammad" by another. Many historians and researchers who have studied the , wonder why Islam spread so rapidly in the world, why millions of people in different nations with different beliefs were attracted to it and renounced their old ideology. Although many false or distorted theories have been proposed, there are perhaps some clear and logical explanations: Mufti; Ziyauddin Khan Ibn Ishan Babakhan writes:

... Anyone who proceeded from the natural developments in human society and wanted

19 20

to depict historical events truthfully could not fail to ask himself whether one ideological system or another can quickly become widespread among the masses and master their minds for centuries if it is contrary to the interests of the peoples and encounters their resistance. Any unbiased researcher who seriously ponders ~his quest~on will ~ost likely answer it 1n a negat1ve way. 1 About Islam and its attractiveness, the opinions of H.G. Wells and Jawaharlal Nehru are very interesting. Wells wrote:

What appealed to them [the bulk of the people to whom the challenge of Islam came] was that this God, Allah, he [Muhammad] preached, was by the test of conscience in their hearts a God of righteousness, and that the honest acceptance of his doctrine and method opened the door wide, in a world of uncertainty, treachery, and intolerable divisions, to great and increasing brotherhood of trustworthy men on earth, and to a Paradise not of perpetual exercises in praise and worship, in which saints, priests, and anointed kings were still to have the upper place, but of equal fellowship and simple and understandable delights such as their souls craved for. Without any ambiguous symbolism, without any darkening of altars or chanting of priests, Muhammad had brought home those attractive doctrines to the hearts of mankind Islam prevailed because it was the best social and political order the time could offer. It prevailed because everywhere it found politically apathetic peoples robbed, oppressed, bullied, uneducated, and unorganized, and it found selfish and unsound governments out of touch with any people at all. It was the broadest, freshest, and cleanest political idea that had yet come into actual activity in the world, and it offered better te2~s than any other to the mass of mankind. 21

While in a colonial jail, Nehru wrote:

The religion he (Muhammad] preached, by its simplicity and directness and its flavour of democracy and equality, appealed to the masses in the neighbouring countries who had been ground down long enough by autocratic kings and equally autocratic and domineering priests. They were tired of the old order and were ripe for a change. Islam offered them this change, and it was a welcome change, for it bettered them in ma9I ways and put an end to many ~ old abuses.- I ! ~-In short, Islam, offered social progress, dependency of people on one another, friendship and cooperation, peace among the peoples of the globe and equality of mankin<:!._] _ It encouraged people to master science, and to contribute to the culture and civilization of all humanity. It favored the overthrowing of a system of violence and oppression and prescribed that the interest of the society must be put ahead of that of individuals. It encouraged labors and recognized them as the only sources of private ownership. Islam did not support sluggishness. It condemned racism and nationalism. One view about the social system and family life in Northern Arabia before Islam which is shared by many historians is the following: Slavery existed in southern Arabia in the 6th century and in the early 7th century. Parallel to this, the slavery system grew in the area of , in and . These areas were important to the Arabians because caravans of merchants had to pass through them on their way from southern Arabia to Europe.

In the central part of the country, farming and sheepherding was the way of life. Because of this social system, the development of classes took longer time than in other parts of Arabia. In the evolution of class formation in Arabia there carne into existence people who were rich merchants -- slave and big land owners and people who were extremely poor. This of course does not mean that the slavery system became the only way of production; on the contrary, during their conquest of the Southwestern Asian countries, the Arabs were drawn into Feudalism which was the dominant system of that part of Asia. Slavery, however, co-existed with Feudalism in Asian countries, flourished and remained as the secondary style of life for a period of time after the Arab . I conquests. The rising of Islam undoubtedly was a reflection of a scattering and shattering process of patriarchalism, a tribal social system, and the appearance of class society among Northern Arabs. The sharp edge of Islam's sermons and teachings was against this dying system and its beliefs, the idol worship of the Arabs. A caravan road used for trade between the Byzantium states of , Palestine and Egypt with Ethiopia and India, was extended from the rich area, (in Arabia), to Syria passing Hejaz. Yemen, which played an 23

important role in trade and tr~nsaction between these parts of the globe, was occupied by Sasanied Iran in the second half of the 6th century. Petrochevsky indicates

that: '' ... after 572 A.D., Sasanied kings came to prevent the trade by way of Yaman and tried to establish another channel by way of Iran to deliver Indian merchandise to Byzantium and vice versa. The act of the Sasanied kings caused a sharp reduction in trade in Arabia. This situation, and also sdcial disputes and aggravation of social antithesis in the Arab tribes, caused a deep soc1a. l an d econom1ca . l cr1s1s. . . 1122

Two populated cities in Northern Arabia of the time played great roles in social changes and rising Islam. One was Mecca the home of the Ghoreish tribe. Participation of people of Mecca in trade (imports and exports) made this city rich, with a vast inequality and inflation. In the Ghoreish tribe there were large families such as Bani-Omayeh who became wealthy by way of usury and participation in big businesses. Other families such as Bani-Hashem either had petty businesses or were peasants. In the other city, Medina, however, lived five tribes, two of which were idol worshippers and the other three were Jewish.

The social system, life style, and rising Islam have been studied by many social scientists, some of whom have materialistic points of view. According to Petrochevsky, rising Islam was the result of the evolution of private ownership of land, rising inequalities, and antithesis between wealthy and poor, and the scattering and 23 shattering of the tribe's social system.

To abolish the above crisis, a central power or government based on a new ideology was necessary.

Because the medieval society had known only one sort of ideology, religion, the appearance of the new idea, therefore, had to have a religious form. "Only with these world religions, arisen more or less artificially, particularly Christianity and Islam, do we find that the more general historical movements acquire a religious . . ,,24 1mpr1nt. Extermination of patriarchalism and the tribe system of life provoked the necessity of the fall of old Arab beliefs -- polytheism and idol worship in order to create a new faith, based on the oneness of God. Before Islam, however, there were other religions, such as Christianity and Judaism that were based on the oneness of God, but the philosophy of Islam was quite different from previous ones.

Muhammad: The Founder of Islamic Faith

Muhammad was from the Bani-Hashim family of the Ghoreish tribe that had lived in Mecca. He was born in

570 or 571 A.D. in Mecca. His father was a poor 25

merchant, . and his mother died when he was six years old. As it is written in the Koran, God found Muhammad with no protection or asylum. Then God gave him ·Shelter and showed him the way of life, and ordered him to be compassionate and not to offend orphans or the poor in the future. In his childhood, Muhammad worked for Abu'Taleb, his uncle. Abu'Taleb was also a poor man who could barely support his family. Muhammad was a young man when he started working for a wealthy woman, Khadi'Jeh, as a trade executive. It happened that Khadi'Jeh liked Muhammad and married him when he was 24. Khadi'Jeh was 40 at the time. Regardless of the age difference, the marriage was happy and stable. There were a few children, but only one girl, Fatemeh, survived. Marriage secured Muhammad's life financially, and it allowed him to take an interest in other affairs that interested him. He was always curious about religion, and he talked to Christians and Jews about religious problems.

Finally, in 609 or 610, A.D, by pronouncing his prophecy, Muhammad began to persuade people to convert to the Islamic religion. The first group of people to accept Muhammad's religion, Islam, were his wife Khadi'Jeh, his daughters, and his cousin Ali. Among the others who joined Muhammad were Abu-Bakr, Zobear, Sa'ad- 26

ibn-Abi'Waghass, and Otteman, all of whom played important roles after Muhammad's death. For many years, Muhammad did not have great success because slave and land owners were among Muhammad's enemies. This animosity toward the prophet was not only because of the new religions beliefs, but was also because of his programs which were against slavery, idol worship, and usury. Naturally the wealthy families of the Ghoreish tribe and especially Bani-Omayeh were his enemies. Muhammad's movement progressed very slowly. It became worse for him when his faithful wife and his uncle, who was the head of Bani-Hashim's family, died. He first decided to go to the oasis of Ta'ef, but when he got there, the people of Ta'ef welcomed him with stones. Shortly after that, he found new friends in Medina. The people of Medina were not very happy with the wealthy people of Mecca. Muhammad, after establishing a friend­ ship treaty between the people of Medina and most of his followers, including Omar who had accepted Islam in 615 A.D., went to Medina on September 20, 622 A.D. This date became the beginning of the in later years. The year 622 was named the year of Heg'rat (Hegira) in the Islamic world. Muhammad continued his efforts in Medina with the help of his followers: He organized the people in such a way that they were all friends to one another. A kind of 27

brotherhood was created with the people of Medina. They were enemies only to those wealthy people of Mecca. Muhammad gradually built the basis of Islamic government. While in Medina, Muhammad and his followers had many wars with the people of Mecca and with those who had not yet accepted Islam. The most crucial of these wars took place in January of 630. In that war, Muhammad, with

10,000 Muslims, attacked Mecca. Mecca had no choice but to fall into the hands of the Muslims. Muhammad continued his struggle to the last days of his life. In the spring of 632 A.D., he visited the holy place of Ka'ba in Mecca for the last time. After a short illness, he died on June 8, 632 A.D. He was buried in Medina, and his tomb became a sacred place for the Muslims.

ISLAM AFTER MUHAMMAD

The second most important person in the history of Islam was Muhammad's cousin and son-in-law, Ali. Raised under Muhammad's guardianship from his childhood, Ali was the first person who accepted the Islamic faith. 25 In almost every battle that Muhammad had with Islam's enemies, Ali was the pioneer and one of the bravest commanders of the Islamic Army.

Besides being brav~, Ali was a scholar, eloquent, pious and uncompromising in obeying the religious 28

standards himself and expecting others to do so. Therefore, well-intentioned friends and other true Muslims were proudly fond of him. To the last day of his life, Ali remained on the justice loving and equality seeker side of Islam and was given such titles as: "The Lord (or Prince) of the Virtuous" and "The King of Men." It was in the second year of Hegira that Ali married Muhammad's daughter Fatemeh, and the result of this marriage were two sons, Hassan the elder and Hussein the younger. After Muhammad's death a "tumult of succession" was raised and a "power struggle" began among his followers. According to Petrochevsky, Muhammad had not left instructions for his succession. 26 Shi'ites believe, however, that Muhammad chose Ali for the "general guardianship" of the people at a site called Ghadir Khumm. 27 Therefore, the and religious authority belonged to Ali. On the day of Muhammad's death while Ali, his household and friends were occupied with providing for the Prophet's burial and services, another group which was later to form the majority, gathered in a to select a successor or a caliph for the Muslims without consulting the household of the Prophet or providing them with the least bit of information. Ali's friends and followers protested against the 29

selection of the Caliph, and also against those who were responsible for carrying it out. "The answer they received was that the welfare of the Muslims was at stake and the solution lay in what had been done." 28 Because of this protest and criticism, Muslim society was divided into sections comprised of a majority and a minority.

The minority that were following Ali came to be known as the "Partisans" or "Shi'ite" of Ali. Despite criticism from his followers, Ali did not have any "personal temptation" for exercising power. Therefore, he did not participate in the power struggle.

The first elected caliph, Abu-Bakr (Muhammad's father-in-law), ruled the Islamic society for two years before he died in 634 A.D. Umar-Ibn-Al-Khattab succeeded

Abu-Bakr as the second Caliph. During the rule of Umar (634 A.D. - 645 A.D.), the Arab conquest gained its greatest momentum. In ten years most of the Middle-East fell to his armies, fanning out simultaneously into Iran and North Africa. In Iraq, Sa'ad-Ibn-Abi'Waghass withered the forces of Yazdegird III like a searing desert wind and took the fertile land between the Tigris and Euphrates. The King of Kings fled northward to Merv, in what is today the Soviet Union, and Iran ceased to be.

Umar was assassinated in 645 A.D. and Otteman was elected as the third Caliph of Islam. Otteman's caliphate was a great opportunity for the family of Bani- 30

Omayeh (the Umayyad family) to occupy important positions in the Islamic empire. Otteman gathered all the rich Arab chiefs around him. He appointed Mu'awiya (the wealty man of the Umayyad family) as the governor of Syria. Rising inequalities during Otteman's caliphate (645 - 656 A.D.), and also his attention to the upper class of the Arab society and his generosity over the public treasury caused deep dissatisfaction among the people. The citizens were fed up with the bribery, corruption and cruelty of the Umayyad family. Naturally uprising began from every corner of the Caliphate's territory. Gradually militants of the large cities, particularly the Egyptians, the Kufans and the Basrans, went to Medina, besieged Otteman's residence and demanded his abdication. This situation brought more popularity than ever for Ali. . I In fact, most people were regretful that they had not taken Ali's side for the Caliphate in the first place. Despite the clamour and demand by the people for his resignation, Otteman did not step down. Finally on June 17, 656 A.D., the people stormed the Caliph's residence and killed him. Soon after Otteman's death, the aristocrats of the Ghoreish-tribe and all the people who hated Ali because of his purity in Islamic behavior, used this incident as a pretext against him. They accused Ali (a man who was exempt of hypocrisy and intrigue) as the main conspirator in the uprising against Otteman. After Otteman, however, Ali was elected to the Caliphate. This election created even more enemies for Ali, because he was devout and anti-bribery, he ruled society according to the Islamic justice, and he protected the public treasury from embezzlement. In judgments he sided with the truth. Obviously, such style of action was not acceptable to those who were gathered, like parasites, around the treasury and spoils of war obtained from the Islamic conquests. Therefore, what could their reaction be except a declaration of war against Ali? Among the opposition was the spurious Muslim, Mu'awiya, the crafty and ambitious tyrant-governor of Syria. Under the pretext of Otteman's death, Mu'awiya and his deceptive advisor, Amr'Ibn-Al-As instigated a bloody war against Ali in Iraq, called the battle of

Siffin, which lasted for a year and a half. II as an excuse he made the revenge of the blood of the third Caliph, the main issue and began a war in which more than a hundred thousand people perished without reason."29 Inferior to Ali in the field, Mu'awiya maintained his ground by superior cunning. By a perfidious trick, Ali was forced to submit to arbitration. It was obvious from the beginning that Ali would lose, and as a result, a group of Ali's soldiers called Khawarij, turned against 32

him. "And these were the people who, misled by the tribal leaders, at first supported arbitration and then revolted against it."30 Ali put down this uprising, but a

short time later was himself martyred by a member of this

group named Abd Al-Rahman Ibn Al-Muljam. While praying in the mosque of , Ali was wounded by the blow of a

sword and died two days later on January 24, 661, at the . 31 age o f s1xty. To justify their claims, some scholars and writers have come to the conclusion that one of the reasons that

the Shi'ite sect of Islam influenced Iran strongly, was the marriage of Hussein with the daughter of Yazdgerd III

(the last of the Sasanied Kings). For example, P. Chelkowski writes; "Perhaps because of their tradition of heredity kingship and strong nationalism, the people of the Iranian plateau were particularly hospitable to the

Shi'ite form of Islam. According to Persian legend, the daughter of the last Persian king of the Sasanid dynasty was taken captive during the Muslims' invasion and married Husein." 32 And also S.G.W. Benjamin wrote: "This may be due in part to the fact that one of the wives of Hassan was a daughter of Yazdgerd, the last monarch of the Sassanian line." 33 The idea of this legendary marriage however, which "has no historical basis," 34 has been used frequently to identify Iranians with sick nationalism; to undermine the Iranians' struggle against 33

injustice and tyranny; and to give uprisings of the people of Iran against such Arab feudal-dynasties as

Umayyads and Abbasids, nationalistic and racist form. As

Nikki R. Keddie puts it"··· such legends are usually available when needed." 35 -

Like the acceptance of Islam by Iranians, the influence of the Shi'ite sect in Iran also had a social, political and economic basis. The Shi'ite resulted from the heart of Islam, as a progressive opposition force, and played a great role in the history of Islam from its birth under Ali's leadership. Ali placed mankind in the focus of his attention. He attempted to revive the values of human beings which were ignored in favor of the rich during the time of Otteman's caliphate. Challenging the oppressors by their revolution, Hussein, his family and followers continued Ali's efforts, sacrificing themselves at the plain of Kerbela. Two good reasons why the Iranians were influenced by Shi'ism are the following: 1. Under the Umayyad's rule, prejudices and racial discrimination, especially against the Iranians, were exercised. The people of Iran who had sought shelter from Islam, hoping to set themselves free from domestic oppressors (the Sasanid rulers, feudals and slave owners) and attain human rights, found themselves servile and humiliated under the Umayyads' dynasty.

Therefore, they searched for friends and assistance from 34

the family of Ali who were also fighting against oppression of the Arab Kingdom. In its early stages in Iran, Shi'ism became the banner of struggle against the family of the Umayyads and other Arab oppressors. Later, when the Abbasids overthrew the Umayyads with the help of 36 the " Shi'ites" then betrayed them once in power, Shi'ism turned against the Abbasids' system as well. The revolutionary movements under the Shi'ites' flag and partly under the direct leadership of the "" against the Arab dominance, were achievable. 2. In the beginning of the sixteenth century, the seized power in Iran. In 1501 Shi'ism was proclaimed to be the state religion by Shah Isma'il. Primarily, this political decision was made to unify the country against the aggressiveness and expansionism of the Otteman Empire and the Uzbeks who were adherents of the Sunnite Islam. After achieving their political goals, the Safavid Kings changed the nature of the case and disguised the Shi'ites' clergy as eulogists and adopters of royal corruption. In fact, the decline of Shi'ism began with the tyrant Safavid rulers and continues today. Q .

CHAPTER III HISTORY OF TA'ZIYEH IN IRAN

The story of Hussein, his family and a group of his

devoted followers, became the foundation of the Ta'ziyeh ceremonies in the Shi'ite societies, and particularly in

Iran. The portrayal of this tragic historical event of Kerbela and heroic martyrdom of Hussein is far beyond the capacity of this chapter. But to understand how the

Ta'ziyeh came into existence and evolved, a brief des- cription of the event will be sufficient.

The Tragedy of Kerbela

After Ali's assassination, his elder son Hassan was acclaimed as Caliph by forty thousand people in Kufa. 37

After a short time, Mu'awiya marched with his army toward Iraq, the capital of the caliphate, and waged a war against Hassan, the second of the Shi'ites. ''Through different intrigues and the payment of great sums of money, Mu'awiya was able to gradually corrupt the aides and generals of Hassan. Finally he was able to force Hassan to hand the caliphate over to him so as to avoid bloodshed and to make peace." 38 Hassan handed the cal­ iphate to Mu'awiya on the following conditions: that the election of Caliph would be left to the council of the Muslims after Mu'awiya; that the people would be left in

35 36

peace on the land of God; that no harm would come to the partisans or to anyone from the family of the Prophet. 39 It was after Hassan's expressed desire for peace and avoidance of bloodshed that the Islamic Empire fell into the hands of Mu'awiya who made the calipahte like a kingship, hereditary in his own family. Freedom, com- forts and rights of the people were taken away from them. Crimes, indecencies and abominations increased. Yazid, son of Mu'awiya, caused Hassan to be poisoned by one of his wives. After Hassan's death Mu'awiya nominated his son, Yazid, to succeed him. The blood sovereignty of Mu'awiya was ended after twenty years by his death in 680 A.D. and Yazid occupied not the position of caliphate, but the royal throne. During the three years of his kingship of this lusty and vicious element of Umayyad's dynasty, discrimination, cruelty and racism expanded to the extent that the Arab Muslims considered themselves eminent and superior to non-Arab Muslims and wanted them to be subordinate and obedient. Among other atrocities that Yazid carried out during this three years were the following: the massacre of Hussein and his family and followers in the first year; the general massacre of Medina for three days in the second year; the destruction and burning of Ka'ba in the third year. 40 37

During his reign on the throne of , Yazid sent orders to Umayyad's agents to obtain allegiance in

his favor from people and from the four most notable personalities of Islam, whom Mu'awiya could neither buy nor coerce as he had done with all other chiefs of the Arab tribes. These four personalities were Hussein Ibn­ Ali, Abd Allah Ibn-Zobear, Abd Allah Ibn-Umar and Abd Ar­ Rahman Ibn-Abu Bakr. They all despised Yazid, and Hussein, in particular, called the orders absurd. In spite of being the only candidate from the Prophet's family after his brother's death, and due to Hassan's peace treaty with Mu'awiya, Hussein had done very little to support his rights as long as Mu'awiya was alive. After the death of Mu'awiya, the situation was

changed. On one hand, Hussein was now free from the obligations of his brother's treaty, and on the other, he felt himself to be under a moral obligation to accept the demand for active guidance and leadership of the people in general and the Shi'ites of Iraq in particular, in their struggle against the oppression and tyranny of the . Perceiving the revolutionary conditions in Iraq and without making a hasty decision, Hussein, as a precaution, sent his cousin Muslim Ibn-Agil, to Kufa as his emissary to investigate the situation and to prepare the revolutionary groundwork for his arrival. According to Petrochevsky, Ubayd Allah Ibn Ziyad, the newly 38

appointed governor of Kufa, crushed the upheaval and

Muslim Ibn Agil was killed before arriving in the city.

Hussein was informed about the tragic death of Muslim Ibn

Agil on his way to Iraq but did not return to Medina or

Mecca. 41 Other writers, however, believe that on his

arrival in Kufa, Muslim Ibn Agil was able to gather

thousands of pledges of support from the Kufans.

Consequently, he wrote a letter to Hussein and assured 42 him of the Kufans' support. But the alert reaction of

Umayyds in a short time shattered the revolution and, as

a result, Muslim Ibn Agis was martyred on September 11,

680 A.D.

Residing in the city of Mecca for the pilgrimage of

Ka'ba, the holy shrine, Hussein was informed that an

assassination plot was to be carried out against him by

some mercenaries hired by Yazid. 43 Although he had no

fear of death, Hussein did not want to die quietly without achieving his revolutionary goals, nor would he make peace with such an impudent Caliph as Yazid.

Rather, he chose the most glorious death, martyrdom, on a bright day in the battlefied of Kerbela, confronting the most atrocious enemy of the people in the history of

Islam. He therefore left Mecca on September 10, 680 (the beginning day of Ceremonies and one day before

Muslim Ibn Agil was martyred in Kufa), without having the least informaion about the latest developments in Iraq. 39

Friends and benevolent warned Hussein against the dangers of his journey. But Hussein had one objective - to fight against corruption and cruelty.

On his way to Kufa, Hussein learned about the tragic death of his cousin, Muslim Ibn Agil, but he continued his journey along with his army of one hundred and forty­ five men until he reached the plain of Kerbela on October 3, 680 A.D. and was stopped by a huge army of Yazid under the command of Umar ibn Sa'd. Hussein and his followers pitched their tents at Kerbela and prepared themselves for the tragic event.

For seven days Umar ibn Sa'd tried to find a peaceful solution. to the conflict. On one hand, he wanted to avoid shedding the blood of the grandson of the Prophet and, on the other, he tried to persuade Hussein to render homage to Yazid. To put more pressure on Hussein and his people, Ibn Sa'd ordered his army to cut off their camp from water for three days. 44 The warning to Hussein for his surrender came on the eve of Tasu'a (the ninth day of Muharram). According to the warning, he had either to promise loyalty to Yazid or be prepared for combat. The answer was clear, he chose combat.

When he became certain that the blaze of death would be inflamed the next day, Hussein, for the last time gathered his friends and relatives and asked them to take advantage of darkness and free themselves. Devoted to 40

the cause, the supporters of Hussein refused to leave or survive after him. "The time for deliberation was past; there remained for them but one thing - to die. But they would die in such a manner that the memory thereof should ring round the globe and become a watchword and inspira­ tion to generations yet unborn." 45 on the morning of , Umar ibn Sa'd moved his army of 4,000 toward Hussein's camp where they were waiting with a complete military arrangement. Evidently, this war should not have taken more than one or two hours, but on the contrary, because of the bravery of Hussein's supporters, the battle continued until mid- afternoon. The result was clear from the beginning. Hussein witnessed the fall of his dearest friends and family members one by one, then threw himself into the battlefield with strong will power, to fall at last, pierced with more than thirty wounds. The renowned historian Abu Reyhan Al-Biruni states: "··· then fire was set to their camp and the bodies were trampled by the hoofs of the horses; nobody in history of the human race . . ,46 had seen sue h atroc1.t1.es. Women and the remaining children were taken as captives, and the heads of the slain, were taken to the court of Yazid at Damascus. Although Hussein and his companions perished in such a bloody massacre in Kerbela, the movement did not die. On the contrary, it flourished radically not very long 41 after the tragedy and became the basis for developing a drama called Ta'ziyeh in Iran.

The Evolution of Ta'ziyeh in Iran and its Counter Influence on the Ancient Festivals

According to many historians and researchers, Ta'ziyeh is related to the Ancient Iranian festivals such as "the symbolic martyrdom of Siyavush" and "the slaying of the Magian." However, it has taken the Islamic- religious form gradually after the tragic event of Kerbela.

In the winter of 1882-1883~ S.G.W. Benjamin was appointed by the United States Government to the legation in Iran. While in Iran, Benjamin had a chance to see Muharram Ceremonies and Ta'ziyeh plays at Takiyeh-i- Dowlat in , about which he gave an interesting point of view.

The idea of thus commemorating the tragical events on which the Sheah faith is founded appears to have been borrowed from a practice established by Moaviyeh, the first of the line of the Ommiades, which it is quite likely was suggested to him by some early custom of the passionate and imaginative tribes of Arabia in the pre-Mohametan period. The circumstances connected with the murder of the third caliph, Osman, were in the highest degree dramatic. Moaviyeh caused this event, on each return of the anniversary, to be represented at his court in Damascus, whether by recitations or dramatic impersonation or both does not appear. At any rate this very probably suggested to the Persians a ,, ' 42

similar commemoration of the principal event in the lives of the founders and upholders of the Sheah faith. Merely as a matter of hypothesis, I venture to suggest that possibly the Persians may have borrowed the idea of such annual commemorations from a practice which seems to have obtained ages before of celebrating the slaughter of Smerdis the Magian by King Darius, the annual celebration be~9g called by the Greeks the Magophonia.

The Achaemenids ruled Iran from 546 to 330 B.C. The second king of the dynasty, Cambyses conquered Egypt in 525 B.C. While in Egypt, he had learned that his younger brother Smerdis (Bardia), had claimed the throne of the Achaemenids and was being supported by widespread revolution. Determined to return, Cambyses died mysteriously on his way to Persia. "From that moment he disappears from history; tradition has it that he killed

h 1mse. lf . 1148 The story of Smerdis (Bardia) and Gomates the Magian is recorded by ancient historians, notably by Herodotus. Before his military expedition to Egypt, Cambyses took precautionary measures to prevent any political actions against him by the members of his family. Apparently he had his younger brother, Smerdis, killed secretly. But this fratricide became a standard practice among the nobility, particularly the Medes and the nomads of the North-Eastern Kingdom. Aware of the death of Smerdis and resembling him closely, a Magian called 43

Gomates led the revolution and ascended to the throne in the absence of Cambyses. Immediately after assuming power, Gomates began his revolutionary reforms in favor of the peasants and other oppressed people as well as his efforts to spread Magism. Thus. then Cambyses died, and the Magus now reigned in security, and passed himself off for Smerdis the son of Cyrus. And so went by the seven months which were wanting to complete the eight year of Cambyses. His subjects, while his reign lasted, received great benefits from him, insomuch that, when he died, all the dwellers in Asia mourned his loss exceedingly, except for the Persians. For no sooner did he come to the throne than forthwith he sent round to every nation under his rule, and granted them freedom from war-service a~~ from taxes for the space of three years. The revolutionary reforms and revival of Magism by Gomates that gained popularity and power from him throughout the Persian Empire were shattered by the organized army of the aristocrats of the Achaeminids' dynasty. R. Girshan observes that:

Nearly all of the provinces of the empire accepted this new ruler, who ingratiated himself with the people by remitting taxes for three years, and attempted a religious reform by destroying the existing temples. His success seems to have been fairly rapid. It is not known whether Cambyses on learning of this revolt accidentally wounded himself in the course of an epileptic fit, or committed suicide. However that may be, the army remained loyal to the Achaemenian cause, and followed the seven young conspirators of the Persian nobility, led by Darius son of Hystaspes, the Satrap of Partia .... 50 44

The rise and fall of the Gomates, however, became

the origin of a celebration called "the slaying of

Magi an" (in Herodutus' term Magophonia) or the

commemorations of the victory of the Persians in

shattering the revolution. The commemorations had two different_ natures -- tearful and comical. Besides the monopolistic nature of the Achaemenids' kings and their

perpetual wars with their neighboring countries that had destructive effects on the theatre arts, the tragic defeat of the peoples' revolution under the banner of

Magism, which constitutes the tearful nature of the celebration, led to the establishment of the Persians'

ideology as the official religion of the empire. It also created opportunities for the Achaemenids Kings, under the God-King slogan, to suppress the atmosphere of the theatrical activities and to prevent the development and the growth of the mass-performing contents of Magism.

The laughing phase of the celebration, the Persians' victory, has the symbolic content of the short reign of

Gomates (the false Smerdis or the false King) and the killing of a false King. According to Masse, who uses De

Morgan and S.G. Willson as his sources, this type of celebration existed in the area of Kurdistan in the late ninteenth and early twentieth centuries.

Among the ancient customs of Moukri (Kurdistan), the holiday of the False is held at Saoudj-Boulagh every year 45

in the spring. The people of the aforementioned city name an emir or governor who, during a period of three ... days, holds power and indulges in all sorts of eccentricities. As soon as the emir is elected he chooses his ministers forms his guard and, in the midst of great pomp and followed by the whole population, goes to visit the real governor to tell him that he is discharged. He passes judgment on the oddest kind of cases; this time is called the carnival of Moukri. In former times the procession of the False Emir was still more unusual, for all the Kurds came in covered with armor and carrying their long lances .... In Saoudj-Boulagh, a Kurd chieftain who has received a robe of honor from the Shah organizes a general celebration of few days there­ after. "On such occasions ... a clown is named king for the day and impose5 fines on the governor and on others ... " 1 One important factor of this celebration was that, unlike the kings, the mass of the people had creative and genuine understanding of the comic nature of it. For the people, however, the false king and the killing of him was ridiculing any king who had anti-people character- istics. Another factor is the defeat of Gomates, the Magian, as a religious leader. His defeat is not only the defeat of a mass-political leader, but it is the defeat of a mass-religious leader as well. Therefore, the killing of a king was not only the killing of a pseudo-king or a tyrant, but also was the killing of a pseudo-religious leader. For the links between Ta'ziyeh and the court of Mu- awiya, which Benjamin suggests, it is worth mentioning 46

three different origins: 1. Damascus, the Capital of Syria was one of the Byzantine Empire's possessions before Islam. Therefore, it is possible that Mu'awiya's commemmoration of Otteman's death was a naive imitation of ancient Roman theatre or celebrations. But this can be considered only as an unlikely contingency, because long before Mu'awiya, popular theatrical activities were banned in that part of the Byzantine Empire.

2. It is likely that the story of Joseph, the animosity of his brothers toward him and bringing "his shirt with false blood on it"52 before Jacob, was an impulse for celebrating the death of Otteman in the Court of Mu'awiya. Raising Otteman's bloody shirt as a flag by Mu'awiya, had the same deceitful nature as the action of Jacob's sons.

3. Finally, there may be a stronger contingency of links between the celebrating of Otteman's death and the pseudo- king's death. The Omayyads, raising the bloody shirt of Otteman as a flag and blaming Ali for his death, engaged as much in inversion of history and transfiguration of a popular movement as the Achaemenids did in the case of Gomates the Magian and the exploited people of their empire. 47

The legendary story most similar to Ta'ziyeh is to be found in the tragedy of Siyavush. His famous story, as

Ehsan Yarshater states, is recorded by many Islamic 53 historians, notably by Dinawary, Tabari and Narshakhi.

According to legend, Siyavush was a Persian Prince who found refuge in Turan to escape the rancor of his father.

Later he was slain by the King of Turan, Afrasiyab, and became the central character of Persia's religious rites.

There are many parallels that can be drawn between the passion of Siyavush and that of Hussein, such as: fore- boding the fate of both Hussein and Siyavush by themselves, the imagery of the scenes, and humiliation of the bodies of martyrs.

There are still some other viewpoints that relate the

Ta'ziyeh to ancient agricultural fertility rituals of

Mesopotamia, Anatolia and Egypt. For example, P. Marcaise indicates that:

It is generally agreed that the complex customs of Ashura in the Maghrib reflect the survival of very ancient agrarian rites, in fact the celebration of the death of the year coming to its end and birth of their popular aspects, which are both sad and joyful. The traditional Muslim Shi'ite mourning has, in all like­ lihood, become grafted on to this magico­ religious substratum, whilst the lunar calendar has taken over a solar year cult, subjecting it to a temporal dis­ placement. Though these super-imposi­ tions remains of this ancient disrupted ceremonial have, here and there, becgwe haphazardly attached to Muslim feasts. 48

Similarly, Von Grunebaum states: That this ritual, which is without parallel in Islam where a saint is never commemorated by a re-enactment of his funeral, incorporates rites of an earlier cult. A number of details regarding the arrangement and the symbolism of the . procession corroborate the general parallelism of the ceremony with the festival of Adonis-Tammus. The violent death of that god on the approach of summer, symbolizing the decline of nature's productive force under the searing rays of a merciless sun, was followed by a mourning of seven days after which the body was washed, anointed and shrouded to be carried abroag in a procession and finally interred. 5

The Establishment of Ta'ziyeh as a Form of Popular Theatre and Entertainment in Iran

During its evolution, Ta'ziyeh was established as politigal-revolutionary theatre of the Twelver Shi'ites."56 It has always been a means used by the people to distinguish the tyrant rulers of the time and to continue their struggle against oppression . .~ The ninth and the tenth day of Muharram are the most important days of the celebration, for the Martyrdom of Hussein and his supporters happened on the tenth day I called "Ashura". As for the origin of the celebration, the Arab historian Ibn-al Athir relates that the first public ceremonies and mourning were held on the tenth day of Muharram in 963, A.D., by the order of Mu'izz al-Dawla the Buyid in Bagdad: " ... tents covered with coarse cloth 49

were to be erected, and the women were to let down their hair, black their faces and tear their clothing and then run through Bagdad uttering cries and striking their faces." 57 This event in following years turned into "commemoration" throughout the country of Iran. The current form and shape of Ta'ziyeh apparently began in the Safavids period. 58 As has been mentioned earlier, the Safavid dynasty used Shi'ism merely for political purposes and at the same time tried to destroy its political content. Likewise, they endeavored to keep some gloomy phases of Ta'ziyeh and to vacate the socio-political aspects of it. The well-known Iranian director of Ta'ziyeh, Abu al-Fazl Saghafi, describes how Ta'ziyeh survived in the Safavid period. He indicates:

In Safavid's period, Ta'ziyeh was not pleasing to Shah Tahmasp. Therefore he made attempts to confine it. But the noble scholar and clergyman of the time and my great grandfather, Mullah Ali Hussein, by gathering the poets tried to versify the history of Kerbela from the fall of Adam to the advent of the prophet of Islam. Then Mullah Ali Hussein gathered euphonious and handsome young men and performed the Ta'ziyeh of Muslim ibn Agil. The Government of Iran was at war with the Otteman Empire at the time. One day the Iranian soldiers were invited I to see the performance at the Takiyeh of Qazvin. Inspired strongly ~¥ the play, they were victorious at war.

To be under the government control, the performances of Ta'ziyeh were shifted from public places into the royal 50

. The Safavid's intentions continued in the Qajars' period. On the surface the Qajar Kings were supportive of Ta'ziyeh. During the reign of Naser al-Din Shah (1848- 1896) the largest Ta'ziyeh theatre (Takiyeh-i- Dawlat) was built in Tehran and likewise the Safavids' period became the center of control for Ta'Ziyeh performances. Under the Pahlavis' rule, Ta'ziyeb was even more neglected. The founder of the Pahlavi Dynasty,

out l awe d t h e per f ormance o f Ta 1 z1ye• h . 60 His son, Muhammad Reza Pahlavi, the last monarch of Iran, deceptively supported the religious activities at the beginning of his reign. But in the later years, under his rule, the passion plays were discouraged until the late 1970's, when they were allowed to be performed at the Festival of Arts in Shiraz, "not as religion but as folkore." 61 However, in spite of their attempts to hinder the religious drama or gain more control over its performances, the kings could not bridle the revolutionary traditions of the Ta'ziyeh. Chapter IV TA'ZIYEH AS A FORM OF POPULAR THEATRE

SOURCES OF THE SUBJECT MATTER There are differences in the content and manner of the celebration of the Ta'ziyeh ceremonies in clans, villages, small towns, big cities and provinces. These differences are the result of local and regional cultural variations. Commonly throughout Iran, the Muharram ceremonies fall into three categories: recitation, street processions, and written passion plays.

Recitation (rowza-khani)

To describe the subject matter briefly, I have summarized a book called Rowzat' ul Shuhada and have translated the summary from the . This book which is the basic source for recitation (~owza­ khani) is divided into nine episodes. The first episode is the story of some of the prophets and their difficulties. In it, Adam and Eve are deceived by Satan and thrown out of Heaven. At the moment of expulsion, Adam says: "In the name of God, the merciful and compassionate." Gabriel the angel acts as an intermediary and asks God to forgive Adam. "If I be

51 52

merciful to Adam alone today, 11 God says, "I have done a

favour for one person only. Wait until the day of judgment when Adam turns toward the Heaven along with thousands of his sinful children, then I will have mercy

upon all." Adam and Eve get out of Heaven and are separated

for two hundred years by the command of God. All these years Adam cries to be forgiven. Finally, Adam mentions Muhammad and his family for mediation. God asks Adam how

does he know Muhammad? He answers: "O God, I saw his well-known name in close association with your high name in the empyrean. I conceived that he can be the dearest

creature to your highness. 'i~ , God forgives Adam for the

sake of Muhammad. In another part of the story of Adam, his son Abel is murdered by another son, Cain. While shedding tears, Adam receives a command from God to forbear because the reward of patience is infinite. Being the killer of his brother, Cain is destined to receive half of the infernal torment, God says. The rest of the episode is a brief account of other prophets such as Noah, Abraham and Ishmael, Jacob and Joseph, Job, Zachariah and John. Episode two is about the unkindness of the Ghoreish tribe and other infidels toward Muhammad. It is also . I about the advantages of patience which appears as one of ; I the Islamic ideological fundamentals. The events that 53

Muhammad had faced during his lifetime have been exclusively considered as the difficulties for the prophets, including the death of Muhammad's father before his birth. Therefore, the resistance of the apostles is taken into account as one of the obligatory difficulties. Other legendary stories of this episode are descriptions of the incidents of the tragedy of Kerbela such as: when Hussein was martyred because there was nobody to shed tears for him, the sky cried; at the moment of Hussein's death, tears of blood came from the sky and the redness of the evening twilight was born since then; and four thousand angels came to the earth to help Hussein, but received no command. Therefore, they gathered around his holy body and began crying. Having dishevelled hair and dusty faces, they will be alive and crying until the day of judgment. The third episode is written about Muhammad's last visit to Ka'ba, his death and the incident of Ghadir­ Khumm, the place at which Muhammad chose Ali as his successor. The writer relates that Muhammad mysteriously became aware of his grandson's martyrdom in Kerbela when Hussein was only a little child. Throughout the episode the emphasis is placed on mourning for Muhammad's death. It indicates that anyone who mourns for the Apostle of God, will never face the fire of Hell. This decree is not only for the people contemporary to Muhammad, but 54

also includes all the believers who become saddened and astonished until the day of judgment. Episode four covers parts of Fatemeh's life. When Khadijeh becomes pregnant, Muhammad tells her that her child is a girl named Fatemeh whose generation will be of a pure and noble nature, blessed and auspicious. On Fatemeh's birthday, the women of the Ghoreish tribe refuse to help Khadijeh to deliver her child. Therefore, four women who claim that they were sent by God appear before Khadijeh and help her. They are sisters to Khadijeh, the women claim, and they would be her companions in Heaven . . The author tells legendary stories about Fatemeh, some of which are as follows: when Fatemeh was born, she was sparkled by a divine light which surrounded all houses of Mecca and lightened every place from the East to the West; Muhammad once said to one of his companions that he was informed by an angel who had never appeared on the Earth before, that Fatemeh would be the princess of all women and both Hassan and Hussein would be the lords of all men who are destined for Paradise. God sent a message to Muhammad by Gabriel to have Fatemeh and Ali marry one another because their marriage had been approved by God. And Muhammad carried out God's message. The fifth episode deals with the life of Ali, the cousin and son-in-law of Muhammad. As in the other 55

episodes there are mythical stories about Ali. It is said that Ali was the only person who had the honor of being born in the holy place, Ka'ba. According to the tradition, Ali had said that he suffered so much during his lifetime, but his calamities were three. The first was the death of Muhammad, he said, the second was the death of Fatemeh, and the third was Hussein's martyrdom of which he was notifed by Muhammad. According to legend, in one of his expeditions, Ali came to tears when he arrived on the plain of Kerbela. His companions inquired the cause. "They will kill a family here who will be alloted to Heaven without dispute," Ali answered. The wars between Ali and Mu'awiya, the arbitration and parting of some of Ali's followers with him because of it, and finally the martyrdom of Ali are other significants of the episode. The importance of shedding tears for Ali is underlined. Episode six focuses on Hassan, the second of Shi'ites, and his virtues. On an occasion when both Hassan and Hussein were missing during their childhood, Gabriel delivered a message to Muhammad promising their safety and the protection of God over them. Allegiance of the people to Hassan after his father's death, his abdication in favor of Mu'awiya for peace with conditions, and his poisoning by one of his wives are other stories about Hassan. 56

,, .

A part of Hussein's life is reflected in episode

seven. It is said that when Hussein was born, Gabriel appeared before Muhammad and after congratulating him for his newborn grandson, informed him of Hussein's destiny at Kerbela and caused the whole family to shed tears. When Yazid usurps the caliphate he tries to obtain homage from Hussein and other Shi'ites. Hussein refuses to recognize Yazid's caliphate. According to the stories, Hussein visits the shrines of his brother Hassan and his grandfather the Prophet Muhammad, after his refusal of homage to Yazid. From his grave, Muhammad informs Hussein of the tragedy which is waiting for him. Hussein tells this story to his family and starts on the way for Mecca along with them. Another time Hussein dreams of Muhammad who talks about his marytrdom in the near future and persuades him to have patience and manli­ ness. Episode eight is the account of Muslim's martyrdom. The people of Kufa are informed that Hussein has refused homage to Yazid. Therefore, they write many letters to Hussein and ask him to lead their struggle against Yazid. They promise Hussein that they will not refrain from sacrificing their properties as well as themselves. Hussein does not answer the letters. The Kufans send a messenger and repeat their request. To get more information about the situation, Hussein sends his cousin 57

Muslim ibn Aqil to Kufa to investigate. In a short time, eighteen thousand people promise loyalty to Hussein. Muslim writes to Hussein to go to Kufa. Informed of the situation, Yazid sends his agents to confront Muslim's activities. They manage to shatter the movement and kill Muslim, his two sons, and the person who gave protection to Muslim by hiding him in his house. The last episode is the account of Hussein's journey to Kerbela and the tragic event. He receives Muslim's message and decides to travel to Kufa. His relatives and friends try to prevent him but they are faced with his refusal. Finally he begins the journey along with some of his followers, friends and relatives. Near the city of Kufa, Hussein is informed of Muslim's death. He cries and soothes Muslim's daughter who is with him. With this news many of Hussein's companions leave him and return to Mecca or Medina. Hussein dreams of the Prophet who says: "O Hussein it will not be long before you join us." While continuing their journey Hussein reminds his comrades of the tragic story of Muslim and his sons. Another group parts from him. Ibn Ziad (Yazid's general) orders one of his commanders (Hur ibn Yazid Riahi) to bring Hussein to Kufa and not to let him go anywhere else. Being secretly in sympathy with Hussein, Hur orders his troops to stop and pitch their tents so that Hussein can take a different direction. Finally, Hussein 58

and his remaining comrades stop in Kerbela and pitch tents. With the command of Yazid, Omar Sa'ad confronts Hussein. They gain no peaceful solution to the conflict by talks. Under Shemr's command, Yazid sends an army of four thousand to help Omar Sa'ad and insists that Hussein should be killed as soon as possible. On the day of Ashura, Hur ibn Yazid Riahi parts from Omar's army and joins . Hussein and his cause. He fights to the end and becomes a martyr along with Hussein and the others. The women and children are taken to the court of Yazid as captives. The main objective of the story is to arouse emotion toward the Prophet's family and make people shed tears only for religious merit. This is apparent throughout the book. During its course of evolution, Ta'Ziyeh moved upon the principle of tashabbuh (Imitation). In the sixth Islamic century, another interpretation was derived from tashabbuh to justify the . The new interpretation which was called "making a resemblance" was made by the famous Persian theologian, Abul-Qasem Mahmud ibn Umar Zamakhshari (1074-1143 A.D.). Zamakhshari wrote a book about education, Atwaqudh­ Dhahab fil-Muwa'iz wal-Khatb, in which his views about the meaning of tashabbuh and Muharram mourning are reflected. He encouraged the reader to weep for Hussein 59 and his family to gain religious merit. Based on Zamakhshari's views in this book, Maqtal-Khani (recital of martyrdom stories) was inspired. Zamakhshari's views were followed by his pupils and followers. Abul-Muayyed Muwaffaq Kharazmi (died 1172-73 A.D.) collected religious stories about Islam and Muhammad's household. He also wrote an epic about the tragedy of Kerbela called Martyrdom of Hussein by Kharazmi. The most famous book about the martyrdom of Hussein and his family in Kerbela is called Rowzat'ul shuhada (The Garden of Martyrs) written by Mulla Hussein Vaez Kashefi (died 1504-5 A.D.). This book is considered to be the first maqtal in Persian. A similar book was written in Bagdad by Muhammad ibn Sulaiman Fuzuli (died 1565-66 A.D). This book was written in Turkish and entitled Hadiqatu's Su'ada (The Garden of Felicitous). Both writers followed Zamkhshari's line in their story- telling. The objective of these books was basically to play upon the emotions of the listeners and make them weep when they were presented in the form of maqtal-khani or, in other words, rowza-khani (the descriptive narrative of the tragedy of Kerbela). 60

As the rowza-khani evolved and took theatrical shape, gradually its social and pol~ t:_~ca~ _aspects became apparent. In the meantime, the Safavid Kings, the Qajar's Dynasty and the Pahlavi Regime undermined the Muharram ceremonies to void the socio-political message of Ta'ziyeh. From this point of view, the rowza-khani and the rowza-khans (narrators) became tools in the hands of government authorities to accept: _I(.)¥~1- co_r~~pticm and to praise the king of kings. What these royal preachers really did was to ascend on a pulpit and give speeches not about the political or social aspects. of Ta'Ziyeh, but to show, as the late Ali Shariaty properly phrased it, " ... the wounds that Hussein received from the enemies' swords and arrows rather than teaching his thoughts." 62 During the Pahlavi regime as oppression increased in Iran, the rowza-khani gained more political form and was no longer a pure narration of the story of Kerbela. Hussein was stressed by progressive religious leaders and rowza-khans " ... as an example of bravery and courage in the fight for freedom rather than as a victim."63 Historically, according to the Shi'ite beliefs, the rowza-khani came into existence during the years following the events of Kerbela. Abdulvahab Alkashy indicates that the celebration of Muharram ceremonies started in the early years after the tragedy of the 61

Martyrdom of Hussein and his family. But these celebrations, because of the restrictions imposed on the people by government authorities, were limited and usually took place in the houses of Imam's relatives, friends and followers. This situation continued until the fall of Omayyads' in 750 A.D. 64 During the Abbasids' period, especially during Ma'moon's calaphate (813-833 A.D.), the celebration of Muharram ceremonies in the form of rowza-khani gained popularity. The eighth Imam of the Shi'ites, Imam Reza, lived in this period. He was appointed by Ma'moon to the governorship of the Iranian state of Khorasan. Imam Reza encouraged the public to celebrate the Ashura and held ceremonies in his residence and received the people. In these ceremonies such great poets as Da'bal ibn Ali- alkhazaie participated and recited elegies of the lord of martyrs. 65 M. Fischer notes that: "In Abbasid times, the poet Sudayf read marthiyas (dirges) about Husayn to the Caliph Saffah, which so worked up the Caliph that he had Umayyad bodies cut up into little pieces and ate lunch over them (Javahir-Kalam: 1956:20)."66 Other scholars, however, indicate that the rowza came into being during the Safavids period. For example, Aubin writes: "The name rowza may perhaps come from the celebrated work which Hosain Va'ez Kachefi composed in the fifteenth century on the Shi'ite martyrs (rowzat-os- 62

sohada); in principle, the rowza-khan is the priest who reads this work in public". 67 Similarly, P. Chelkowski states that: At the . same time as the Muharram Ceremonies were flourishing and developing under the Safavid rule, a second important and popular form of religious expression came into being. This was the dramatic narration of the life, deeds, suffering and death of Shi'ite martyrs. Virtually always connected, though sometimes only slightly, with the Kerbela ambush, these stories were taken from a book called Rowzatu I 1 Shuhada or The Garden of -­ Martyrs, written in Persian and--widely circulated among Shi'ite~ from the early sixteenth century onward. 8 However, considering all the facts and information about rowza-khani it seems that the early celebration of this form was a kind of family gathering to commemmorate the tragedy of Kerbela. The Buyids (932-1055 A.D.) supported the celebrations, and the singing of the virtues of Ali (manaqib-khani) in this period became very popular among the Shi'ites. For political purposes in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the rowza-khani was highly encouraged. The Qajars period marked the peak of the development of Muharram Ceremonies and as the result, the rowza-khani continues until today. 63 ,, .

Street Processions

One of the most important aspects of the street procession is lamentation. In the street procession the mourning groups march on the streets or gather in mosques, recite religious songs called Nuhas and lament. Lamentation has roots in Iran's history. A chief source in this respect is the History of Buhkara by Abu­ Bakr Muhammad ibn Narshakhi (c. 898-960 A.D.). As Narshakhi indicated, the tradition of mourning of Siyavush had continued for three thousand years up to his time. He also related that "the people of Bukhara have many wonderful songs (suruds) concerning the slaying of Siyavush and the minstrels call these songs Kin-e Siyavush."69 His further comments revealed that these songs were in fact mourning songs. "The people of Bukhara have many a lament (nuha) on slaying of Siyavush, which is known in all regions (Velayat-ha), and the minstrels have made them into songs which they chant, and the singers (~wwalan) call them 'the weeping of the magi' (geristan-e Mughan)."70 This tradition (reciting of nuhas) evolved with rowza-khani side by side and became an integral part of the street procession. The nuhas are in verse form by many Iranian poets, 64

all of whom were inspired by the tragedy of Kerbela. One of the important sources for the nuhas from the fifteenth century onward has been the book, Rowzat'ul Shuhada.

Written Passion Plays

The main source of Ta'ziyeh plays is the book

Rowzat'ul Shuhada. Unfortunately the playwrights who were inspired by the religious stories of this book and wrote plays for Muharram Ceremonies did not leave their names. Therefore, with few exceptions, the authors of the present collection of the plays are not known. There are some indications, however, as Gubino points out, that many of the directors were the authors of the plays as well. Some of these directors in the Qajars' period were Khajeh Hussein-Ali Khan, Mirza Muharrad, Mirza Bagher 71 (Mu'in al-Bekaa) and Sayed Abdulbaghi Bakhtiyari. The Ta'Ziyeh plays were at first very simple and had no dramatic complications. During the ninteenth century they were developed and refined as literature. At the time of Qajars, and particularly during the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah, varieties of religious and mourning poetry were composed. The early Ta'ziyeh poetry, as A. Shahidi points out, was generally "loose, simple, and often unversified."72 The following are examples of the old and later manuscript of the Martyrdom of Abbas. The 65

73 comparison is made by A. Shahidi. Early Ta'ziyeh writers, because of their literary and intellectual limitations, resorted to market-place slang to express their emotions. Examples of this may be found in an old manuscript of the Martyrdom of Abbas. The dispute between Shemr and Ibn Sa'd appears more like an argument between two fools rather than a dispute between military commanders. You dog, fear not Abbas the General, There stands a man, Abbas, the brave If I should meet the son of Sa'd tonight I'll tell him, "Wait, you dog, 'till light. This was the quality of the poetry. Now, if we compare this script with later ones, we shall see a tremendous difference. Let us turn to another example from the same scene. Shemr enters the stage from behind the backdrop. He is returning from Kufa. He says:

From Kufa I come with legions numerous, To join Ibn Sa'd, the Commander luminous This perfumed land, Ah, tis a sight to embrace A barren desert turned into a market place As if the antelope's musk spilled onto this plain Or King Solomon laid down goods from his train.

And in another text: The King of Damascus and the King of Zanzibar, (blasphemy) Raising high their standard, throw cruelty into heart of the cruel legions, While the moon's radiance shines on the firmament's portico ... 66

Also in a similar fashion note Shemr's debate with Ibn Sa'd:

What ails thee, black-hearted friend of mine, Why such haste to murder the House of the Ali, Lay back and sip your wine. Shemr: Come, cup bearer, fill my cup by sipping it then my stature grows ...

The cycle of Ta'ziyeh plays is divided into many episodes. Each one of these episodes, while telling a separate story, is an integral part of a larger story. Although, each episode can be performed as an individual short play, it cannot be understood without knowing the larger story. To understand the whole cycle of Ta'ziyeh plays, on the other hand, one should follow the individual episodes as well. Each play has its own principal character but Hassan and Hussein remain the central figures throughout the whole cycle. The important characters are Ali Akbar, son of Hussein; Ghasim, son of Hassan, Abbas, brother of Hussein; , the envoy of Hussein; Hussein's sister, Zainab; and in some plays Ali, Fatemeh, and Muhammad. Besides the above characters, we also find old Biblical figures such as Jacob, Joseph, Ibraham, Gabriel and Izrail. The important antagonists, however, are such characters as Umar ibn Sa'd, Shemr, and Yazid. 67

The plot of each episode is simply the martyrdom of the hero of that episode, but the plot of the whole cycle of the plays is the rise of Hussein and his followers against injustice and tyranny. They sacrifice themselves to prove that there is no place for oppression on the

Earth. The protagonists foresee the end result of their fight. Nevertheless, they are determined to go into the battlefield and fight for the victory, not for the time being but for centuries to come and for eternity. The climax of each episode is obviously the moment of the martyrdom of the principal character or the hero of that episode. The climax of the whole cycle, however, is the moment that Hussein has lost all of his fighters and he alone attacks the enemy's army and becomes the last martyr of the plain of Kerbela. There are no barriers of time and space. Some characters that historically do not belong to the same period of time appear on stage, and the scenes shift from one place to another. Attempts have been made to connect the entire history of the world to the plain of Kerbela. M. Fischer states: To create a sense of universality, certain images and metaphors are stressed to connect the entire history of the world to Karbala . Thus Adam steps down upon the plain of Karbala and cuts his toe, losing some blood; he is told that this is a foreshadowing of the blood of martyrdom his descendants will suffer here. The heat and thirst suffered at Karbala by the family 68

of Husayn are compared to the heat and thirst on Judgment Day and paralleled by Abraham's ordeal by fire. The willingness of Abraham to sacrifice Ishmael parallels the sacrifice of Muhammad's son Ibrahim, the self-sacrifice of 'Ali, and the martyrdom of Husayn . Through such identi­ fications and the foreknowledge that prophets are assumed to have (stemming in part from their creation before all other creation--the doctrines of the light of Muhammad and the luminous virgin birth of Husayn to Fatima), 9~e can go back and forth between stories.

The Ta'ziyeh plays are written in verse form. Ordinary speech of the market place and street and the language of common people is used frequently. Compared to highly stylized Persian poetry, the Ta'ziyeh poetry remains simple and direct. Restricted vocabulary with fewer words and slang have been used and, with a very few exceptions, there is no ugly, indecent and vulgar slang in the poetry. The widely used verse style in which early Ta'ziyeh plays are written is called masnavi (rhymed couplets). The arrangement of the rhymes in this style is continuous in pairs. In other words, the masnavi style is a series of distichs that rhyme in pairs (aa, bb, cc, etc.). Another form which stands second to masnavi is monorhyme which is "distinguished by the rhyming of both hemistichs (misra) of the first bait of a passage." 75 In addition to the two mentioned styles of poetry, 69

however, various types of quatrains have been contributed

to Persian prosody by modern Ta'ziyeh writers. Examples of these styles are: the chakamah (elegy), the mosammat (multiple poem) and tarjih (strophied poem).

Another major contribution by modern Ta' ziyeh writers is the addition of radif (refrain) , as illustrated below:

Examples of this may be seen below in three different tests from the Ta'ziyeh of the Elder Fatemeh. Fatemeh is speaking and the texts read as follows: Old Text:

0 Moslems, may hope spring from your loneliness, I am alone and my friends mourn their loneliness, Where is a comrade to inquire after me. 0 woe is me, woe betide me ... A Later Text: Lord, with father's departure my courage has fled Both quiet days and sleepless nights I dread, Happy days, there are no more for me. Since father has gone away from me. A Modern Takiyeh -i- Dowlat Text:

I am not well, a stranger in my homeland, 0 father, Other than Jeddeh, I have no nurse, o father, When you went to Kerbela, you failed to remember That you left behind a sick daughter, 0 father. Obviously the use of radif makes the task of the poet more difficult and proper word selection all the more onerous. But there are several benefits. First of all, the poetry reads more easily Q . 70

and sounds better. Secondly, radif greatly affects the music because, in recital, the last sounds can be drawn out and made more musical. Thirdly, it adds freshness and variety because the limitations of the format force the poet to invent new rhetorical phrases to fit the meter. With free verse the average poet tends simply to regurgitate the thoughts and ideas of his predecessors. And finally, the use of ra~~f increases the number of metaphors and allusions.

One of the important aspects of the language of the Ta'ziyeh plays is the imagery used in the dialogue. To understand the subject extensive research and study should be done. My intention at this point is not to investigate such a matter, but to mention the frequent occurrence of certain images and their function (for present purposes). The most frequently used words are "sacrifice", "light", and "flowers and garden." "These images are polar opposites; sacrifice concerns death and darkness, while light (and the flower and garden imagery) is the opposite, representing life. Thus this imagery manifests the central theme of the Ta'ziyeh, which is the significance of the events at Kerbela, their antecendents and results."77 The "sacrifice" imagery usually appears in two words fida, and ghurban (both meaning "sacrifice"). The following are two examples of the use of "sacrifice". In the first example Hussein is talking to Ali Akbar in the episode "Death of Ali Akbar", and in the second example 71

Zainab is addressing Hussein in the episode "Death of Ghasim the Bridegroom." Hussain - My desire is to kiss thy throat tenderly. Oh, ma¥ Husain be a sacrifice for thy sweet talk! 8 Zainab (to Husain - May I be a sacrifice for thee, 0 chosen from among the illustrious! May the spirit of Zainab be a ransom for thy dear soul! Thus does

Fatimah humbly state, with tears in her eyes, "The ch9~ce of marriage is in my father's hand."

The light imagery is used by two words nur and ziya (both meaning "light" ) . The most frequent expressions employing this imagery are "nur-e dideh", and "nur-e chashm" (both dideh and chashm meaning "eye"). The expressions becomes "light of the eye". In the following example Zainab is talking to Ali Akbar in the episode "Death of Ali Akbar": Zainab - o light of the two eyes of the Prophet! Alas my Ali Akbar! Alas Ali Akbar, the brightness of the eye of the virgin Fatimah! What does thy sad moaning signify? It is not time for thee to say farewell. Who will help thy poo8o father? Oh, do not cast earth on my head! In the imagery of "flowers and garden", the key words are gul (meaning flower), bagh, gulshan, gulzar (all meaning garden), surat, ruy (both meaning face) and guneh (meaning cheek). The expressions, however, appear in the following forms: "gul-e gulshan" or "gul-e bagh" 72

or "gul-e gulzar" ... (all three meaning the flower of the garden), "gul-surat" or "gul-ruy" meaning flower-face), and "gul-guneh" (meaning rose-cheeked). The following are three examples of these expressions used in the episode "Death of Ghasim the Bridegroom". In the first example Hussein is talking to Ghasim, his nephew. In the second example, Umm Lailah (Ali Akbar's mother), grieves over her son's body. In the third, Ghasim is addressing his bride Fatemeh (Hussein's daughter).

Husain - Oh! thou dost aggravate the pain of my broken heart with this thy saying; thou dost remind me suddenly of Hasan's will. Thy father, the green flower of the garden of faith, when on the point of death, desired that at a certain period I must have his Kasim married to my daughter, in orde3 that mirth and mourning should be my fate. 1 Umm Lailah - o my rose-cheeked son, the place of thy execution is become a rose­ garden with thy blood. I am sore hearted, I am restles~~ I am scarred with grief, my son, my son! Kasim (to Fatimah) - 0 lamp of my dark night, on thee be peace! Thou art welcome, my thornless rose. Place thy feet on the tearful eyes of Kasim! My destitute ~~ouse and helpless thing, on thee be peace!

MUSIC The music of Ta'ziyeh is based on traditional Iranian music. Unlike Western music, which has been transferred from one generation to another by written musical scores, traditional Iranian music was preserved 73

only vocally (as the Persians say: "from Chest to Chest") until the early twentieth century. In this respect, especially in educating the traditional singers, Ta'ziyeh played a great role. 84 It was not until the early twentieth century that Iranian music was written in notes. The music of recitation is basically vocal and is sung by the rowza-khan during his narration. The music of the passion plays is similar to the music of the street processions. The major difference between the two, however, is that the music of the plays is vocal and instrumental while the music of the street processions is, in most cases, only instrumental. As the Ta'ziyeh continued its evolution in the Qajar's Period, the musical instruments became more varied. Kettle drums, trumpet, tympan, cymbal, clarinet, timbal and different types of horn were introduced. Special songs were written in traditional musical modes which corresponded to the position of the Imam, his family members and his martyred followers. Every actor who played the protagonist (the character of Hussein's party) had to memorize the songs or the poems of Ta'ziyeh and learn the particular musical key in which he had to recite. 85 The actor portraying Imam Hussein was to sing in such dignified modes as Panj gah, rahavi and nava. "For example Hur and Abbass were given tunes with rising 74

epic-like melodies. Ali Akbar and Ghasim were given chahar gah, seh gah, and modes while the Imam was given dignified serious tunes which, while somber, communicated a sense of peace and hope (such as nava 86 mode)." In a dialogue between two characters of Hussein's party the decorum of the songs was taken into consideration. For example, when the Imam had a dialogue with his brot~e~ Abbas, if Hussein recited in one key, Abbas had to answer him in the same key. The antagonist, however, sang his own part in a harsh and quarrelsome tune. Although, the antagonist (the oppressor or Yazid's party) used harsh words and tunes and the protagonist (the oppressed or Hussein's party) was given a traditional musical key, the poetry of both parts remained in the same rhyme and rhythm. The musician groups were normally less than ten people. The music they played did not exactly conform with classical Iranian music; rather it was a combination of rhythmical sounds of the instruments corresponding with the mode of a scene. The decorative and glorious aspects of music in Ta'ziyeh created a war-type atmosphere while the consolidating and instigating aspect of it created another suggestive mode. The group singing of nuhas by the reciters on one side, and the harmony of the musical instruments (cymbal, drum and horn) on the other, sometimes created sad moments of defeat, slavery . I 75 ,, . and separation and sometimes created the mood of a battlefield. In a fight scene with swords, the cymbal had an effective role because it could reproduce the sounds similar to ones created by fencing. Drums played a certain role for the entrance of a character and at the time of or anticipation of an incident. The most effective moments for trumpet and clarinet to be played were the very sad and heartbreaking moments of a Ta'ziyeh. The instruments could be used individually or in combination. In the case of street processions, the music group led the mourning groups.

The Organization of the Muharram Ceremonies

The first organizers of the Muharram Ceremonies were the BuyJ. "d s. 87 During seven centuries, from the Buyids period (932-1055 A.D.) to the end of the Safavids' time (1500-1786 A.D.), Ta'ziyeh had a high development. The Safavid dynasty established the Shi'ite sect as the official state religion. They built great religious structures throughout Iran and organized glorious street processions in large cities, especially in Isfahan, the Capital of the time. Relative political stability in this period created a class of comfortable merchants and businessmen. To show off its own credibility on the spur of the moment or perhaps for religious merit, this class financially helped the official organizers of the 76 ;1 •

processions. The street processions in this period reached a previously unachieved magnificence. 88 Ta'ziyeh reached its peak in the Qajars' period (1794-1920 A.D.). Nasir al-Din Shah made the Ta'ziyeh the . manifestation of dignity and glory of his kingdom. The largest and the most magnificent Ta'ziyeh playhouse was constructed under his command in Tehran. Obviously, he had no hesitation in spending for glorifying the staging of the passion plays.

Street processions and rowza-khani gatherings were also organized during his reign by the royal house. To

~s>l.l<:>w ~j.m tJ:le _!=:()YCi~ _princ~~ __ ai"lci dig~i ~-~~J:es staged their own passion plays, rowza khani, and street processions in large cities. Most of the expenditures of these productions were paid for by the aristocrats and rich merchants. Gradually, the local groups imitated the royal ones and brought some luxury into their own productions suitable to the financial ability of the people of the area. The expenses for local productions of passion plays, street processions and recitations, were collected from the people in the form of donations.

There is very little information about the selection of personnel for passion play performances in the Safavid's time. Apparently, the directors of the plays or perhaps the organizers of the productions had the 77 responsibility of choosing the personnel. The famous contemporary Ta'ziyeh director in Iran, Abu al-Fazl Saghafi, relates that his great grandfather, Mullah Ali Hussein, was the one who selected and gathered qualified people for performances in the city of Qazvin during the reign of Shah Tahmasb the Safavid (1524-1576 A.D.). In the Qajar Period, however, the directors normally carried out the task of selecting the personnel. For example, during the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah, the well known director of Ta'ziyeh plays, Mirza Muhammad Taghi travelled throughout the country to find talented men for the purpose. During the month of Muharram, he brought them to the capital by promises, threats, and even by force. These people had to give up their own personal work and spend the whole month, and sometimes longer, in Tehran for the ceremonies. Toward the end of the Qajars dynasty, Ta'ziyeh gradually lost the support of the aristocrats. Therefore, only the public continued to donate to the local organizers to keep the ceremonies alive. In the 1920s when the Pahlavi dynasty gained power, the ceremonies not only lost the support of the royal house completely, but the staging of the passion plays, was outlawed by Reza Shah. This act of the founder of the Pahlavi regime did not, however, cause the total decline of the Muharram Ceremonies. On the contrary, it 78

·I survived on the local level in the villages and urban neighborhoods by the donations of the ordinary people and in some cases by the financial support of wealthy citizens. Under Muhammad Reza Shah (1941-1978) the performance of the passion plays was discouraged and no fund was provided by the government for staging any passion plays. Until 195~ the organizers of the street processions in Qum89 received annual donations from Muhammad Reza Shah. 90 During the last two decades of his reign the shah disapproved of the street processions and the rowza-khani as well because of their political potential. From this point until the fall of the Pahlavi regime in 1979, the organizers of the Muharram Ceremonies were local groups with some financial support of rich people despite the restrictions imposed by the government of the Shah. Since the February Revolution of 1979 which brought an end to the monarchy in Iran, the Muharram Ceremonies have been encouraged by the Islamic Republic authorities. Although no particular budget has been provided by the state, many local groups have staged the Ta'ziyeh plays with some indirect financial help from the government. Some of the plays, moreover, have been staged by the more experienced directors, such as A. Saghafi, and were videotaped by the Iranian National Television and Broadcasting company in Tehran. The recitation 79

(rowza khani) and street processions are organized freely on the local level throughout Iran with the encouragement and financial support of the Republic. 80

PHYSICAL .. PRODUCTION

Like any other popular theatre and festival, Ta'ziyeh has its own features. Based on the Lunar Calendar, it is regularly performed in the month of Muharram in religious edifices. In the performances, the use of scenery, lighting, properties and distinctive costumes are essential. Make-up amd masks are occasionally used.

RELIGIOUS PLACES

There are four types of major popular religious edifices in which the Ta'ziyeh ceremonies are performed. They are called Massjids (mosques), Husseinyehs, Takiyehs, and the court yards of Imam-zadehs.

Mosques are religious edifices for Islamic prayers. The building of such places first started in Medina. As the Islamic Empire expanded, hundreds of mosques were constructed around the world, especially in the countries under occupation by Arab forces. The first of these buildings was called a congregational mosque. It was also called a Friday Mosque. 91 In 665, under Ziyadh ibn Abihi, the governor of , the congregational mosque of the city was rebuilt in baked brick with columns of 92 stone and a roof of teak. In the center of the qibla 81

wall of the mosque was installed a screened enclosure,

generally of wood, called maqsura. Within the maqsura was a menbar or pulpit and mehrab or niche. The pulpit was, and still is used for adhan, or the call to prayer, which is vocally delivered by muezzin (one who calls people for prayer), for political or religious speeches and mainly for recitation in the month of Muharram about the tragic event of Kerbela. The installation of Mehrab, moreover, indicated the direction of gibla inside the mosque. 93 Among the many great mosques built in Iran during the history of Islam are the Mosque of Shaykh Lutfallah (1603-1617) and the Royal Mosque (1611-1616) both located in the Maydan-e-Shah ("Royal Square") in the city of Isfahan. These two mosques are perhaps the most elegant Islamic monuments of the Safavid period (1500-1786). Today, more modern mosques, varying in size, are built in Iran with no decorative styles derived from the past, such as during the Safavid and the Qajars' (1794-1920) period.

Husseinyehs are courtyards, associated with the name of Hussein, in which his martyrdom is mourned. Unlike a mosque, which is always open to the public for prayers and religious ceremonies, Husseinyeh will open only on the occasions of Muharram and Safar94 for recitation, (1 • 82

processions and perhaps for passion play performances.

Like a takiyeh, boxes are constructed around the yard for the public, but there is no platform in the center as is the case in the takiyehs. The most appropriate place for the performance of

Ta'ziyeh plays during the months of Muharram and Safar is the takiyeh. A takiyeh is a courtyard with a platform in the center and many boxes around for the spectators. In some takiyehs, wooden or concrete seats are constructed for the audience. Takiyehs vary in size according to the place where they are constructed. In villages and small towns, they are smaller in size and usually accommodate about five hundred people, while the large ones can hold up to twenty thousand spectators. The most famous and perhaps the largest takiyeh in

Iran was known as the Takiyeh-i-Dowlat or ("Royal Takiyeh"), built under the Qajars Dynasty in Tehran (the

Capital of Iran) in 1860. It was destroyed under Muhammad Reza Pahlavi in 1948. It was a four story circular building with an approximate area of 3,205 square yards. 95 Benjamin gives a full description of this takiyeh. He writes: On looking forth over the vast arena a sight met my gaze which was indeed extraordinary. The interior of the building is nearly two hundred feet in diameter and some eighty feet high. A domical frame of timbers, firmly spliced 8 3 @ •

and braced with iron, springs from the walls, giving support to the awning that protects the interior from the sunlight and the rain. From the centre of the dome a large chandelier was suspended, furnished with four electric burners, -- a recent innovation. A more oriental form of illuminating the building was seen in the prodigious number of lustres and candlesticks, all of glass and protected from the air by glass shades open at the top and variously colored; they were concentrated against the wall in immense glittering clusters. Estimating from those attached to one box, I judged that there were upwards of five thousand candles in these lustres. The arrangement of the boxes, or more strictly loggias, was peculiar. The walls nowhere indicated any serious attempt at decoration, except in single string-courses of brick (the only material apparent) and gilded Saracenic cornices over the arched loggias. Nor was there any regularity of design in the plan of details such as gives majesty to the arrangement of the galleries in Roman amphitheatres, like the Coliseum. And yet the general effect was picturesquely grand, as if the architect was so conscious that by merely following the arrangement suggested by the aim in view he would achieve a noble architectural expression, that he disdained to depend on anything but the constructive details to justify his genius. For example, one side of the loggia of the Shah, boldly disregarding symmetry, raised the arch of its broad window to twice the dimensions of the neighboring loggias. Opposite again was a row of loggias associated together by a line of semi-Saracenic archivolts over the windows, which were completely concealed by a green lattice and framed with mouldings and painted green and gold; these were appropriated to the wives of the Shah. Midway between these two divisions was still another group of latticed windows, and opposite to them in turn was a deep arched loggia resembling a reception- 84

room, quite two stories in height, intended for a daughter of the Shah. As she did not occupy it when I was there, the gauze-like drapery was raised, displaying still ahother likeness of the- Prophet. As if intentionally to- prevent any monotony from too symmetrical a design, the entrances to the floor or pit differed in width, the widest being some twenty-five feet; the arched roofs extended to a height of thirty and forty feet respectively. These vaulted passages, being of course pierced through the walls, gave- a means for gauging the vast solidity of -the structure, the walls being nearly fifty feet in thickness on the ground; this added wonderfully to the really grand effect of this stupendous structure. If this royal amphitheatre of Teheran were of polished marble like the amphitheatres of old, it would scarcely yield to them in the beauty ahd impressiveness of its interior. Material does really count for something in architecture, even if it appeals to the imagination alone. I could not avoid observing the masterly arrangement of the arches to produce strength and beauty alike. Whether the Persians borrowed the principle of the arch from the Assyrians or not, it is certain that they excelled in managing it before the Romans, to whom the discovery of the arch has been falsely attributed; and they still make it one of the most prominent and successful features of their architecture. In the centre of the arena was a circular stage of masonry, raised three feet and approached by two stairways. On one side of the building a pulpit of white marble was attached to the wall, of the form universally followed in Mahometan countries, being a lofty, narrow flight of steps protected by a solid balustrade on each side, and terminating in a small platform. The speaker has no other platform than the upper step, which is crowned with a canopy. According as the spirit moves him, he occupies various steps of this scale of pulpit platforms. The 85

spiritual exaltation, or the age and rank of the speaker, suggest from what elevation he shall exhort th9 people seated on the pavement below him. 6

Another religious place which is used for the I Muharram ceremonies is the courtyard of Imam-zadeh. Literally, Imam-zadeh means born of the Iman. The Iranians called all the first descendants of Ali, Imam- zadeh, many of whom are buried in Iranian soil. The word Imam-zadeh is also used to denote the tomb of many Shi'ite leaders who fought against the Ommayyad and Abbassid dominations in Iran and were martyred as a result. Inside the building, generally in the middle of the chamber, is the tomb which is covered by a wooden shrine. The shrine is surrounded by an iron, silver or gold grill. The floor of the burial chamber is covered by rugs and the walls are decorated by mirrors, icons and placards, ornamented with calligraphy In front of the building just before the entrance, there is usually a porch where people leave their shoes with the guardian and enter the chamber of Imam-zadeh with bare feet. From the porch stretches a courtyard which is used for the processions, passion play performances in Muharram, and other religous services on other occasions. In addition to the places described above, the Muharram ceremonies are also performed in private and public places as well. The recitation is held in some 86

rich citizen's private houses during the Muharram, Safar,

or other religious occasions and commemorations. The

processions are usually performed on the streets. The

passion plays, however, are performed on street corners,

in public squares and courtyards and on platforms called

sako.

SCENERY

Most of the recitation ceremonies take place in mosques and Husseinyehs during the months of Muharram and

Safar. The scenery of these places is simple and

consists mostly of floor and wall coverings. The floor,

the walls, and the columns of the edifice in which the recitation is performed are usually covered by black,

green and cashmir drapes. The menbar, or pulpit, which

is covered in the same manner, is a necessary part of the

scenery. The floor is covered by rugs. Wooden bowls

(kashkools) and a hatchet or battle-axe (tabarzin), the particular attributes of darvishes, are hung on the walls. To the post of the mosques and the walls of

Husseinyehs are often fastened small banners (alams). During the street processions almost all the stores are closed. Banners are hung from the top of the stores' doors or from the top of the houses. Panniers or small cells, beautifully decorated as a nuptial chamber of 87

Ghasim, add to the scenery of the street processions.

The passion plays are practically performed

everywhere. In small towns or villages where takiyehs do not exist, the plays are performed on the plain ground in a way that a circular stage, with entrances and exits, is established by the spectators and the procession groups. In large cities, however, takiyes are particularly

designed for passion play performances. The arrangement of takiyehs is simple. A platform called sako, which is about forty inches high, is placed in the center. It is open on all four sides and technically, like a modern

arena stage, cannot be provided with backdrops or side scenery. The walls and parts of the ground are decorated

in the same manner in which mosques and Husseinyehs are decorated for recitation. Some takiyehs are decorated inside with the most precious objects -- lamps, crystal mirrors, china, chandeliers and tapestries.

LIGHTING In the old times the lighting for Muharram Ceremonies was obtained from oil lanterns and chandeliers containing many candlesticks that were protected by glass lampshades. When the pumping oil lantern was invented the old lighting system was replaced with it. With the invention of electricity and electric bulbs the problem of lighting diminished. At the present time modern stage 88

lighting for passion plays is commonplace. In the street processions the mourning groups carry portable electric generators along with them to light up decorating objects such as wooden trays and nuptial cells and perhaps the dark streets at night.

PROPERTIES

. ~--Ve-ry. few properties are used in recitation ceremonies. The most important of all is the manbar, or pulpit, which is placed in a corner of the mosque, the Husseinyeh, and the takieyh, used for the rowza-khan or preacher to ascend. The reciter, however, sometimes carries a religious book such as the Holy-Koran or beads of rosary in his hands. He may refer to the book during the time he is preaching or praise the God while manipulating the beads. He may also carry a handkerchief for the time of grief. More properties are used in street processions than in the recitation ceremonies. The use of the following items is very common: Chains (Zanjir) Zanjir conists of a bunch of little chains connected to one another like a string, and attached to a wooden handle. They are used for self-flagellation by some of the mourning groups. 89

Swords Swords are usually carried by the performers who play the main characters and warriors of the passion plays and who also participate in the street processions. One kind of sword called ghameh, or poniard, was used in the past for a type of ceremony called gameh-zani, which means to wound oneself with a poniard.

Decorative Objects Decorative properties such as open hands of metal, wooden trays, nuptial chambers, and flags and banners, each having its own symbolic meaning, are used during the ceremony. The open hands of metal symbolize the hands of Hussein's half brother, Abbas, that were cut off by the enemy when he attempted to get to the Euphrates River for water. The metal hands are usually mounted on the flags and banners. Wooden trays decorated by lamps, candlesticks, mirrors, new clothing, and nuptial chambers also decorated beautifully, symbolize the marriage of Ghasem (Hassan's son) with Fatemeh (Hussein's daughter). Flags and banners (alams) represent the flag of Hussein's group. Abbas is known as the bravest flagman of Kerbela. Alam is a special banner preceding all the mourning groups from every quarter or section of the 90

@ ' city. A very solid pole about three yards long supports a steel or wooden cross-bar. On the cross-bar there are at least three spikes that terminate in small oscillating globes, or 'alam processional standards. Some alams have up to fourteen standards, the middle one of which is the largest and the ones at the end of the cross-bar on both sides are the smallest of all. Alternating with the spikes are open hands of metal and small lanterns or candles burning behind colored glasses. The bases of the standards are usually reticulated with religious statements in , mostly from the Koran or some of Muhammad's and Ali's words. On the cross-bar are hung cashmir shawls decorated by jewels and ornaments, feathers, swords, wooden bowls (kashkool), and ancient shields. This type of alam is so heavy that only strong men can bear it. The bearer rests the bottom end of the pole in his belt, and is relieved periodically by a second. There are of course, smaller banners made of a light pole and triangular black or green cloth. On the cloth is the name of the organization or the quarter of the city, and some religious words in Arabic are written. At the top of this kind of banner, there is an open hand of metal or a globe. Until about three decades ago, in a small town called Songhur, the groups of every section of town used to make their own alams, sometimes up to six or seven. Each of the huge alams consisted of a solid 91

wooden pole about six or seven yards long which supported

three cross-bars (about two yards long). From the cross­ bars were hung black, green and sometimes colorful headbands. The middle part of the pole was covered by a long cashmir shawl which was decorated by mirrors and painted with pictures of Muhammad, Ali and the members of his family. On each side of the upper cross-bar was an umbrella from which hung colorful handkerchiefs (from the end of the ribs). The pole itself terminated by an oscillating 'alam processional standard, a lantern, or another umbrella. They were heavy and required a group of four or five bearers. Some of the properties which are used in street processions are also used in the production of the passion plays. Among these are horses, na'shs and flags. In addition such properties as water in a container or in a basin, chopped straw and furniture are used. One of the important illusionary sets is a basin of water on stage to represent the Euphrates River. The theme of some plays is the attempt by the main characters to break through the enemy's line in order to get to the Euphrates River to bring back water to the family and fighting group of Hussein. In such scenes the basin or the bowl of water on stage represents the river which has been made unattainable to the family of the tent by the enemy.

Placed in the corners of the stage, heaps of chopped 92

straw represent the dust of the desert of Kerbela.

Throwing straw on one's head at the moment of tragic tension signifies sorrow. Although the Ta'ziyeh stage is not richly decorated, there are found a few furnishings, ornaments and perhaps decorated chairs. This may be due to the multiple setting which the director has in mind to represent both the desert of Kerbela and the luxurious court of Yazid on one stage.

COSTUME

The costume for the plays of Ta'ziyeh are, in fact, highly elaborate, significant, and clearly descriptive.

The color of the costume, like the stage properties, is to a great degree symbolic. The character of Hussein, as

I saw in a small town, Songhur, was dressed in massive robes of green cashmir wrought with gold; his head was covered with an Arabian turban (black or green). Abbas's character, in contrast to Hussein's, mostly consisted of a Sasacenic coat terminating in a white tunic. The costumes of the protagonists differ from town to town. The character of Abbas, for example, could also be dressed in a long Arabian garment with a shawl around his waist and a war helmet on his head. 93

Yazid's army wears tunic type garments (red and/or orange) adorned with dazzling ornaments and jewelry. The main reason for such contrast is to distinguish between the protagonist and the antagonist visually. Thus the audience recognizes the side to which their sympathies belong.

MAKE-UP AND MASKS

Make-up and masks are not popular in the Ta'ziyeh productions. In the past, however, on some occasions, particularly in comic Ta'ziyehs, make-up was used by the actors. If it was required to change the appearance of a character, then a mask was used. " ... the masks were usually three times bigger than the size of a human face.

They were made from paste, cloth, mud, and glue and were painted with different colors. For the eyes of the masks glass was used. The teeth and the horn of such animals as goats and sheeps were used to create teeth and horns on a mask.''97 Normally the evil characters wore masks to create funny appearances. The purpose was to ridicule the antagonists. 94

THE PERFORMANCE OF TA'ZIYEH AS IT IS TODAY

Recitation (rowza-khani) The first part of the Ta'zieyh, recitation, is performed by a single performer called rowza-khan {narrator) whose task is to recount the passion of Muhammad's family especially the tragic stories of Ali, Hassan, Hussein and his followers. The rowza-khani is normally performed i?_ s~~? ~e~~_9ious edifices as mosques, 98 Husseiniyehs, and the yards of Imam-zadehs. It can also be performed in private homes not only in the month of Muharram, but also on occasions of death memorials and - . other religious commemorations. During the month of Muharram, particularly the first two weeks, rowzas are performed in almost every religious structure throughout the country. There is no need for announcement in public. To announce the rowza's ceremony on the occasions other than Muharram, a black or green flag is raised at the door and at the end of the street in which the place of the ceremony is located. About the performance of the rowza in the past, P. Chelkowski states that: Unlike the Muharram processions, the rowzeh-kha garden recitations were sta­ tionary, the narrator usually seated on a raised pulpit, his audience gathered in a semicircle beneath his feet. Soon, reading from The Garden of Martyrs began to serve only as a framework and a springboard for 95

I •

the professional narrators who improvised creatively on the suffering and deeds of the many Shi'ite heroes. Through choice of episodes and modulation of his voice, the narrator was able to excite and manipulate the emotions of his audience to produce in ~hem _a ~nity of feeling of great 1.ntens1.ty. 9 However, for about two hundred and fifty years the street processions and rowza-khani existed side by side, developed and took more and more theatrical shape. But, as stated earlier, the Safavid Kings, the Qajars' Dynasty and the Pahlavi Regime had nothing in their minds but to undermine the Muharram ceremonies using "royal preachers" for the purpose.

Although, a large number of "royal preachers 11 existed in Pahlavi's period, Iran witnessed many progressive religious leaders and respectable rowza- khans, " .•. who stressed Husein as an example of bravery and courage in the fight for freedom rather than as a . t" 11100 Vl.C liD. During the twenty-five years, from 1953 when Muhammad Reza Shah was returned to his throne until the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the progressive religious leaders and rowza-khans were the only groups who openly delivered their message to the public. Using the mosques and religious meetings for their purpose, they knew that the regime could not openly venture extensive attacks against them 96 (l '

The Street Processions

The most popular form of Muharram ceremonies is the street procession that reaches its peak on the days of Tasu'a and Ashura (the ninth and the tenth) days of Muharram). In every city, small town and village, the mourning groups get under way and visit the mosques, the takiyehs, the Husseiniyehs and sacred places in their route. The groups advance in two parallel lines, and sometimes the length of each line exceeds two hundred yards. When the groups enter into another section of the town or city the host section or groups show their respect by sacrificing a sheep or a cow. Then the groups gather inside the mosque or Husseiniyeh of that part of the town. A eulogist recites mourning songs and the groups passionately strike their breasts or flagellate

-- the back of their shoulders by chains. The groups who strike their breasts are called "sinch-zans." They are ordinary people, garbed with black shirts (open in the upper front), who recite popular religious poems {nuhas). The rhythm of the nuhas depend on the rhythm and rhyme of

--. the poems and the sounds of the musical instruments played by the musicians who precede the mourning groups. The people who flagellate by chains are called "ZanJir- Zan" whose shirts are open in the back with their shoulders left bare. In their hands they hold a bunch of il .

97

little chains, connected to one another and to a wooden

handle, which they use to strike their back or bare shoulders to the rhythm of the music and lamentation. In large Husseiniyeh or mosques the processions are more sensational. The guest groups usually select their favorite eulogy (marthyya) before arriving at the host section of the town and when they get there, a eulogist

recites the ~arthyya while the mourning groups lament. At the end of the recitation, the mourners as well as the spectators are received with hot tea, hot milk or sweet drinks made with sugar and water and flavored with orange flower water or rose water. Then the mourners continue their journey to the other sections of the town. During the processions, most mourners are barefooted and bare headed. They throw dust or straw on their heads and plaster their shoulders, foreheads, and perhaps their cheeks with mud as a sign of mourning. Some men can be seen on the streets, especially along with the mourning groups, carrying on their backs a water skin symbolizing the suffering of Hussein and his supporters from thirst. On the street corners or intersections, large containers of water are set out for the people to receive. Another group of mourners are called "Ghameh-zan". Although, this kind of mourning is now being stopped in

Iran, it is worth mentioning how it had been done in the past. On the day of Ashura, a group of people (not large 98 in number) gathered in a place (most likely out of town or in a mosque in large cities) with barefeet and shaved heads and garbed in long white robes. Everyone of them carried a sword __ in _hand. They slashed the front part of their own head if they were experienced enough or otherwise their head.would be slashed by an experienced person. In the meantime they shouted the names of Hassan and Hussein and:__ went into. the streets. Their appearance was quite frightening, especially for children. After their journey in town or perhaps pilgrimage to the shrine of an Imam, Imam-zadeh or a sacred place, if such existed in the town, they went to public baths, took showers and dressed the wounds~ If someone fainted from bleeding, immediately they would be transferred to a medical center. Children also participate in the processions. Groups of children, under the direction of an adult, hold one another by the hands or the waist, carrying banners and reading simple poems while they go from one part of the town to another until the day is over. Sometimes they are accompanied by a man who is tied up by a chain or a rope. The man symbolizes Zain-ol-Abedin, the second son of Hussein who was not among the martyrs of Kerbela, but was a captive after his father's martyrdom. The children, however, symbolize the children of Hussein, his family and his supporters who were also held captive and 99

were taken to the court of Yazid at Damascus.

Some directors or producers of processions in different parts of a city are more famous than the others for they always come up with interesting ideas in celebrating the Muharram festivals. In addition to the long line of Sineh-zans, and Zanjir-zans they create passionate scenes of Kerbela as well. One of these perspectives is a pannier beautifully decorated like a bridal chamber; it is known as the Pannier of Ghasim. Another scene is created by a horse covered by a red­ spotted white cloth, bearing one or two white pigeons. The horse moves along with the mourning groups. It is called Dhuljenah and symbolizes Hussein's horse. The Ashura procession usually ends about noon and in many large cities around mid-afternoon. The audience and the mourners while shouting "Hassan," "Hussein," and "alas Hussein," and "woe Hussein got martyred" go to their homes until night at which time they continue the procession in the dark until about midnight.

The Passion Plays

The passion plays or the written Ta'ziyeh plays are performed practically everywhere, in public squares, mosques, courtyards and forms called Saku But the most proper place for the performances are the takiyehs. The takiyehs can be found in most big cities as well as in 100 small towns.

The sequence of the performance is generally as follows: first a music band strikes up the instruments as the sign of starting. If the musicians are not already on the stage they will enter the stage while playing a religious song. The music band is followed by mourning groups (Sineh-zans and Zanjir-zans). While reciting a nuha, the groups enter into the takiyeh, march around for a short time and finally occupy their space around the platform. Then a group of children dressed in green or black, along with another group dressed in armor and helmets, _ e~t~r and take the space provided for them. After all the actors, musicians and the people who are involved in the plays, take their places the play begins with an announcement or a eulogist who sings a song of lamentation. In his observation in Takiyeh-i-Dowlat Benjamin described the beginning of the Ta'ziyeh:

Suddenly on the solemn silence, like the thrill of a bird at night, came the voice of one of the children, low and solemn, then rising to a high, clear tone indescribably wild and thrillingly pathetic, - a tragic ode of remarkable effect and power. He who has once heard that strain can never forget the impression it made, although altogether different from the minor chords of European music. This song of lamentation was an announcement to the spectators that they were to prepare themselves to behold a soul-moving tragedy, - the martyrdom of Hossein and the grandchildren of the prophet. Other voices 101

gradually joined in the chant, one by one, until a sublime choral elegy pealed over the vast arena with such an agony of sound that it actually seemed as if these actors in this theatric scene were ~iving expression to their own death-song. 10

The Performer The performer ranges from the human to the non-human. With the exception of the narrator (rowza-khan), who ascends to the pulpit for the performance of recitation, other performers in the street procession and in the passion plays have more freedom and flexibility in their movements and actions. They are not as limited as the performers of the modern stage are. To change the scene of action, they would simply move from one side of the stage to another or from one corner of the street to another. Some of the highly professional Ta'ziyeh performers were paid during the Qajar's period (1794-1920). But normally the performers do not expect any salary when they act merely for religious merit. They are not professionals. Some roles such as the children of Hussein's family, are performed by children in the community. Some of these children are professionals, most probably belonging to the family of the actors. The parents usually encourage their sons to partake in the presentation, in order to share the blessing of the event 102

accredited by ritual.

The appearance of the children added to the awesome atmosphere of Ta'ziyeh. Nothing is more touching than to see these little things of three or four years old, dressed in black gauze frocks with large sleeves, and having on their heads small

round black caps embroidered with silver and gold, kneeling beside the body of the actor who represents the martyr of the day, embracing him, and with their little hands covering themselves with chopped straw or sand in sign of grief. Those children evidently do not consider themselves to be acting; they are full of deep seriousness and importance; and though they are too young to comprehend fully the story, they know, in general, that it is a matter sad and solemn. They are not disturbed by the audience and they are not shy, but go through their prescribed part with the utmost attention and seriousness, always crossing their arms respectfully to receive the blessing of the Iman Hussein; the public beholds them with emotion ~b the loveliest satisfaction and sympathy. 2 Second to the main characters played by the actors, the most important requisite is the tabut, Hussein's catafalque. The bodies of the martyrs are represented by stuffed na'sh (dead body). Most of the na'shs have no head and the na'sh of Abbas has no hands either. They are usually spotted in red. The presence of the na'sh is to show or create the atmosphere of the desert of Kerbela. Horses are essential to add splendour to the show. They appear on stage and in street processions as well. @ ' 103

To prevent any accident only trained horses are used for the performances. In describing the scene of the martyrdom of Ali Akbar, Benjamin noted the use and importance of the horses on stage: A milk-white Arabian steed from the royal stables, superbly caparisoned, was now led into the arena, and after receiving the moving farewell of Hussein and Zeinb and

the godspeed of the chorus, Alee [sic] Akbar mounted and started forth on his perilous errand. Instantly from several quarters appeared a troup of enemy on horseback and on foot, armed Arabs of the desert, who crowded after in fierce pursuit. It was wildly exciting to see this mad race around the arena, where thousands of women were crowded down to the very edge of the narrow lane which was thronged with fighting steeds and warriors. But no one flinched; the horses y 3e well trained, and no accident resulted. 0 A similar scene was noted by Gaspar Drouville in the early 19th century in Tehran. He witnessed a Ta'ziyeh performed by four thousand people most of whom were on horseback, and when the scene, which had nothing less than a real battlefield, was over, surprisingly only one person h a d b een ln]ure. . d . 104 Performing has caused greater problems in Ta'ziyeh than in any other type of drama for two reasons: (1) Not all of the actors are professionals or trained; ( 2) The actors are sometimes caught emotionally in their own creation. Gobineau has a very interesting observation about the performing of Ta'ziyeh: (l • 104

The actor is under a charm, he is under it so strongly and completely that almost always one sees Yazid himself (the unsurping Caliph), the wretched Ibn-Said (Yazid's general) the infamous Shemer (Ibn­ Said's lieutenant), at the moment they vent their cruellest insults against the women of Imam's family whom they are ill-using, burst into tears and repeat their part with sobs. The public is neither surprised nor displeased with this; on the contrary, it beats its breast at the sight, throws up its arms towards heaven with invocations of God, and redoubles its groans. So it often happens that the actor identifies himself with the personage he represents to such a degree that, when the situation carries him away, he cannot be said to act, he is with such truth, such complete enthusiasm, such utter self forgetfulness, what he represents, that he reaches a reality at one time sublime, at another terrible, and produces impressions on his audience which would be simply absurd to look for from our artificial performances. There is nothing stilted, nothing false, nothing conventional; nature, and 5he facts represented, themselves speak. 10

The problem of character versus actor created some real tragedy in early centuries of Ta'ziyeh celebrations.

In the heat of the moment and after forgetting that it was only a representation, the actors could do some strange action and perhaps perpetrate a catastrophe.

James Morier observed that:

The man who performed the part of the executioner chose to act for the better. What was only intended as a very bloodless representation; and when Hossein was brought before him to be beheaded, he cut off the poor actor's head, for this 5he king fined him for one hundred tomans. 10

Although, such a tragic incident took place many 105

decades ago, it is not to say that it was a common thing happened often. In fact such incidents could also be related to the possible antagonism between the actors, some of whom were from the royal family. However, in modern days, no one has witnessed such tragic incidents.

The Spectator

The spectator of the Ta'ziyehs are mostly familiar with the plots of the play. Almost all Iranians {except the infants of course) participate in the Muharram ceremonies as members of the audience. There are particular group or class to be determined as spectators of Ta'ziyeh. Rich or poor, men or women, adult or children, and Muslims or non-Muslims take part as spectators of their own choice. The spectators, however, are clearly both inside and outside the drama. William o. Beeman writes: They are both in the plains of Kerbela, symbolically representing the forces surrounding Hussein and his followers, and simultaneously in the prese£57day world mourning because of the event. During the performances, the spectators provide the explicit, forceful, and sometimes violent expression of grief in response to the sorrow expressed by the performers. In a Ta'ziyeh play, called The Marriage of Ghasim, there is a time that Ali Akbar's horse appears on the stage from behind the audience. Peter J. Chelkowski 106

describes the scene: It is riderless. At this sign of Ali Akbar's death, everyone in the takiyeh freezes into position. Qasem leaves the main stage and rushes into the battlefield behind the audience. Almost immediately he returns, leading the procession that carries the body af Ali Akbar, raised high on shields, to the center of the stage. As it is the custom of muslim countries for the entire community .to participate in the last rites of the dead, the whole audience rises to its feet and weeps. Since it is also customary during the funeral processions that everyone should strive to help carry the coffin,. those of the audience who cannot push close enough stretch ~heir hands in symbolic gestures. 10

In performances such as Rowza-Khani, the audience occupies the surrounding area, partly in the yard, partly at the windows, and partly in terraces (if the performance is in a house). In large places such as takiyehs, the audience occupies the space between the walls and the center stage (Saku). In some takiyehs wooden seats are built for the audience. In the street processions, the spectators usually go along with the performers from one part of the town to another. Many people, especially women, take their place on top of the houses or buildings and watch the performers and the orchestra as they pass by. Although most religious people participate in order to share the blessing, they are also being entertained by the whole ceremony along with the many other people who merely want to be 107

entertained.

The Performer-Spectator Interaction

Performer-spectator interaction in the performace of the Ta'ziyeh is almost inevitable when a performer loses himself in his role and laments about the situation and, like an audience, mourns for the tragic event. But as long as the spectator is not bothered by the actor's dual position, and he feels the emotion that the actor has tried to create (although he has been caught in the same emotion), the action is not interrupted by the self identification of the performer. The impact of the known material is so great upon the actor and spectators, that even when the actor is separated from his character, the play can still go on without any loss of continuity. At the same time, the performer (solo or within a group), and the spectator remain distinguishable from one another. In Ta'ziyeh performances, all of mankind's weaknesses are portrayed as undeniable facts of nature, and human needs over a lifetime are discussed and highlighted. In an analysis of Ta'ziyeh of Ghasim, Sadeq Humayni writes: 108

Another significant point to note is the manner in which the spirit of war and death casts its shadow over the entire play in a nerve-wracking and fear-inspiring manner - a spirit which is constantly presen:t: thx.-Qughout th~ various scenes of rebellion, joyfulness, decision-making and leave-taking. As the tale moves toward its conclusion, the hero's inexorable fate and the forces of oppression and tyranny rush onward like a flood, smashing, collapsing, destroying and carrying everything with them. During these frightening moments which seem to last for an eternity, the hearts and souls of the characters are torn by conflicting thoughts and emotions, images which sometimes flash in moments of lightness, sometimes in darkness, sometimes against a flood of rain or in the midst of a wind storm. Sometimes decisions are inevitable from the beginning; sometimes they are made under duress and are contrto¥ to the personal desires and wise policy. CONCLUSION

The Muharram ceremonies, which practically started in the beginning of the tenth century A.D., clearly has religious and political roots in the history of Iran. I have attempted to trace its roots, to describe the ceremonies as an annual festival, and to discuss the performance of the passion plays as a form of popular theater in Iran. As a festival, Muharram ceremonies meet most of the features that a festival should have. Some of these features according to S.G. Metraux are: historical and religious background, well-defined cultural communities, distinctive costume, special dance or mus1c,. an d rl"t ua 1"1st1c . b e h av1or. . 110

As a form of popular theatre, Ta'ziyeh seems to 111 justify the three conditions suggested by H. R. Falk.

Although, so often emotional interactions are created between performers and spectators, they always remain distinguished from one another.

By embodying representational features which makes it a unique theatrical form among the traditional performances of the world, Ta'ziyeh intends to amuse and to entertain the audience regardless of being perceived by many people merely as a religious ceremony.

Since the 1979 revolution in Iran, the Ta'ziyeh has drawn more attention. More passion plays have been per-

109 (l ' 110

formed in large auditoriums in Tehran and other large cities. The dramatic values of the Ta'ziyeh have been

~tudied by some western specialists in drama and theatre in ·recent years. But I think there is much to learn about and from this indigenous drama form. The revival of the Muharram ceremonies provides this opportunity for students of the history of the theatre. FOOTNOTES

1. Iranian languages consist of Persian, Kurdish, Tajik, Baluch, Pashtu ...

2. M.S. Ivanov, A. Granivski, M.A. Dandamayov, and G.A. Kushilinko, History of Ancient Iran, trans. Cyrus Izadi, Hussein Tahvili (Tehran, Iran: Donya Publisher, 1981), p. 62.

3. The following dates about Zoroaster's life have been indicated by different researchers: A. 258 years before Alexander the Great: Mary Boyce, A History of Zoroastrianism (Leiden/Koln: E. J. Brill, 1975), p. 3, footnotes. B. 10000 years B.C.: Jhon Noss, Man's Religions (New York: Macmillan Company, 1949), p. 302 (Farsi trans.) c. At the time of Pythagoras (600 B.C.): Jacques Duchesne-Guillemin, Religion of Ancient Iran (Bombay: Tata Press, 1973), p. 100.

4. Igor Mikhailovich Diakonov, History of Medes, trans. Karim Keshavars (Iran: Peyam Press, 1966), pp. 359-361.

5. Will Durant, The Story of Civilization (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1942), p. 359.

6. Ibid., p. 363.

7. Richard F. Nyrop, Iran: A Country Study (Washington, D.C.: The American University, 1978), p.26.

8. Ibid.

9. M.S. Ivanov, A. Granivski, M.A. Dandamayov, and G.A. Kushilinko, pp. 78-80.

10. Richard N. Frye, The Heritage of Persia (Cleveland and New York: The World Publishing Company, 1963), pp. 126-127.

11. William Woodthorp Tarn, Alexander The Great (Boston: Beacon Press, 1964), p. 434.

12. Duchesne-Guillemin, p. 31.

13. Frye, p. 199.

ill 112

Footnotes Cont'd.

14. Ibid., p. 212.

15. R~ Ghirshman, Iran From The Earliest Times to the Islamic Conquest (London: Pelican Archaeology series, 1954), p. 302. 16. Ibid., p. 346.____ _

17. Karl Marx and Fredrich Engles, Collective Works, XXVIII (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1976), p. 221. 18. Ibid., p. 210 .

.. ·-·-· -·· ------·------19. Ziyauddin Khan Ibn Ishan Babakhan, Islam and the Muslims in the Land of Soviets, trans. Richard Dixon LMoscow: Progress Publishers, 1980), p. 10.

20. Ibid., p. 11.

21. Ibid.

22. Ilia pavlovich Petrochevsky, , trans. Karim Keshavarz (Iran: Peyam Press, 1974), p. 39. 23. Ibid., p. 18.

24. Frederick Engels, Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1973), p. 35. 25. Allamah Muhammad Husayn Tabataba'i, Shi'ite Islam (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1975), p. 39. 26. Petrochevsky, p. 39.

27. According to Shi'ite beliefs, on returning from the last pilgrimage to Mecca on the way to Medina at a site called Ghadir Khumm, the Prophet chose Ali as his successor before the vast crowd that was accompanying him, the Shi'ites celebrate this event to this day as a major religious feast marking the day when the right of Ali to succession was universally acclaimed.

28. Tabatab'i, p. 41.

29. Ibid., p. 53. 113

Footnotes Cont'd

30. S. Husain M. Jafri, Origins and Early Develop­ ment of Shi'a Islam (London and New York: Longman group LTD, 1979), p. 122. 31. Petrochevsky, p. 54.

32. Peter J.Chelkowski, "Ta'ziyeh: Indigenous Avant-Garde Theatre of Iran," in Ta'ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran ed. Peter J. Chelkowski (New York: New York University press, 1979), p.2. 33. Samuel Green Wheeler Benjamin, Persia-and Persians (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1901), p. 371.

34. Nikki R. Keddie, Roots of Revolution (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1981), p. 9.

35. Ibid. 36. The Twelver Shi'ite (Asna Ashari) is the most popular branch of the Shi'ite Sect of Islam. Its followers have accepted the twelve descendants of Ali as or religious leaders. Most of the Iranian Muslims believe in this branch.

37. Jafri, p. 130. 38. Tabataba'i, p. 56. 39. Jafri, p, 151. 40. Tabataba'i, p. 59. 41. Petrochevsky, p. 55.

42. Jafri, p. 182: Petrochevsky, p. 439. 43. Jafri, p. 184. 44. Hussein's camp was nearby Euphrates. 45. Benjamin, pp. 369-370. 46. Abu'l-Rayham Muhammad al-Biruni, al-Athar al­ Athar al-Bagia an al-Qurun al-Khaliya (The Chronolgy of Ancient Nations) (London, 1879) quoted by P. Chelkowski, p. 2.

47. Benjamin, pp. 375-376. 114

Footnotes Cont'd

48. Durant, p. 354.

-·-··--- .. ------·----·- .. 49. Herodotus, pp. 383-384.

50. Ghirshman, p. 139.

51. Henri Masse, Persian Beliefs and Customs, trans. Charles A. Messner (New Haven: _1954) ,___ pp. 163-164. 52. Arthur J. Arberry, trans., The Koran Inter­ preted (New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., Inc. 1955), p. 254. 53. Ehsan Yarshater, "Ta'ziyeh and Pre-Islamic Mourning Rites in Iran," in Ta'ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran, ed. Peter J. Chelkowski (New York: New York University Press, 1979), p. 90.

54. P. Marcais, "Ashura", Encyclopedia of Islam, New Edition as quoted in Charles J. Adams, ed. Iranian Civilization and Culture (Canada: MGill University, 1973), p. 113. 55. Von Grunebaum, Muhammadan Festivals. pp. 88- 89, as quoted in C.J. Adams/Full Bibliography, pp. 113-114.

56. Etela'at (Daily Information), (Iran: Fall 1982), p. 5.

57. Masse, p. 111. 58. Muhammad Ja'far Mahjub, "The Effect of European Theatre and the Influence of Its Theatrical Methods Upon Ta'ziyeh," in ~a'ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran, ed. Peter J. Chelkowski (New York: New York University Press, 1979), p. 137., Fischer, p. 176.

59. Etela'at (Daily Information), Iran: Fall 1982), p. 5.

60. Michael M.J. Fischer, Iran: From Religious Dispute to Revolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980). p. 172.

61. Ibid., p. 133.

62. Ali Shariati, The Shi'ite (Tehran: Husseiniyeh-i-Ershad, 1972), p. 72.

63. Fischer, p. 134. 115

Footnotes Cont'd

64. Etela'at, Oct. 25, 1982. 65. Abdulvahab Alkhashi, "How the Ashura's Ceremonies Are Celebrated in Iran and Iraq," Etela'at Haftagi, Nov. 5, 1982. p.30. 66. Fischer, p. 176. 67. Aubin, LaPerse d'aujourd'hui (Paris, 1908) p. 162, as quoted in Masse, p. 113. 68. Peter J. Chelkowski, "Ta'ziyel: Indigenous Avant-Garde Theatre of Iran," in Ta'ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran, ed. Peter J. Chelkowski (New York: New York University Press, 1979), p. 3. 69. Al. Narshakhi, Tarikh-i Bukhara, ed. Mudarris Razavi (Tehran: 1972), p. 24. 70. Ibid. p. 33. 71. Bahram Baizaie, Nimayish dar Iran (Tehran: 1965-66), p. 141. 72. Anayatulla Shahidi, "Literary and Musical Developments in the Ta'ziyeh," in Ta'ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran, ed. Peter J. Chelkowski (New York: New York University Press, 1979), p. 46. 73. Ibid. 74. Fischer, P. 175. 75. L. P. Elwell-Sutton, "The Literary Sources of the Ta'ziyeh," in Ta'ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran, ed. Peter J. Chelkowski (New York: New York University Press, 1979), p. 171. 76. Anayatulla Shahidi, "Literary and Musical Developments in the Ta'ziyeh," in Ta'ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran, ed. Peter J. Chelkowski (New York: New York University Press, 1979), p. 47. 77. William L. Hanaway, Jr., "Stereotyped Imagery in the Ta'ziyeh," in Ta'ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran, ed. Peter J. Chelkowski (New York: New York University Press, 1979), p. 187. 78. Sir Lewis Pelly, The Miracle Play of Hasan and Husain (London: 1978), v.1, p. 297. 116

Footnotes Cont'd 79. Ibid., V.2, p. 7. 80. Ibid., V.1, p. 291. 81. Ibid., V.2, p.5. 82. Ibid., p. 9.

8 3 . Ibid. , 1?_• ___ 1 0 84 Some of the traditional modes in which Ta'ziyeh poetry were sung are as follows: nava, chahar gah, seh gah, mahoor, arak, rahavi, shoor, isfahan ~_!ld __ panj gah. 85. Anayatullah Shahidi, "Literary and Musical Developments in the Ta'ziyeh," in Ta'ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran, ed. Peter J: -th~ikowski (New York: New York University Press, 1979), p. 43. 86. Ruh Allah Khaligi, Sarguzasht-i Musighi yi­ Iran (Tehran: Safi Ali-shah_R_~l?}:i1?_h~I19__ gg~pany, 1975), ~46. 87. Mayel Baktas, "Ta'ziyeh and its philosophy, " in Ta'ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran, ed. Peter J. Chelkowski (New York: New York University Press, 1979), pp. 3-4. 88. Baizaie, pp. 118-119. 89. Qum is a city known as the center of the Islamic religion studies. 90 Fischer, p. 134. 91. Friday is the last day of the Islamic week. The Muslims go to mosques on Fridays for praying as the Christians go to church on Sundays. 92. In 624 A.D. Ka'ba became the gibla, or the direction of prayers by the decree of Muhammad. Ever since every muslim, when praying, has to stand in the direction of the city of Mecca in which the Ka'ba is located. 93. John D. Haag, Islamic Architecture (New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., Publishers, 1977), pp. 13-15. 117

Footnotes Cont'd 94. Safar is another holy month in the Islamic calendar which follows the month of Muharram. The death of Muhammad, the elder son of Ali, Hassan, and the eight Shi'ite Imam (religious leaders) happened in this month. The 40th day of Hussein's martyrdom falls on the 21st day of Safar which is also commemorated in the Shi'ites' societies. 95. Baizaie, p. 129. 96. Benjamin, pp. 384-386. 97. Baizaie, pp. 163-164. 98. The term Imamzadeh is given to the decedents of Ali. Literally, the word Imam means a religious leader and Imamzadeh means the son or the daughter of an Iman. The yard of an Imamzadeh simply applies to the yard of an edifice in which a child of an Imam is buried. 99. Peter J. Chelkowski, "Ta'ziyeh: Indigenous Avant-Garde Theatre of Iran," in Ta'ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran, ed. Peter J. Chelkowski (New York: New York University Press, 1979), pp. 3-4. 100. Fischer, p. 134. 101. Benjamin, p. 389 102. Quoted in Matthew Arnold, "Persian Passion Plays", Essays In Criticism, First Series (New York: Macmillan and Co., 1883), pp. 240-241. 103. Benjamin, p. 394. 104. Gaspar Drouville, Voyage en Perse (San petreburg, 1819), as quoted in Bahram Bayzaie, Nimayish dar Iran. 105. Quoted from Count Gobineau in Arnold, pp. 240-241. 106. James Marier, A Second Journey Through Persia, Armania and Asia Minor to Constantinople between the years 1810 and 1816.

107. William 0. Beeman, "Cultural Dimensions of Performance Conventions in Iranian Taziyeh," in Ta'ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran, ed. Peter J. Chelkowski, (New York: New York University Press, 1979), p. 26. 118

Footnotes Cont'd 108. Che1kowski, p. 6. 109. Sadeq Humayuni, "An Analysis of the Ta'ziyeh Avarit-Garde Theatre of Iran, "in Taziyeh:)Ritual and Drama in Iran, ed. Peter J. Chelkowski (New York: New York University Press, 1979), pp. 3-4. 110. G.S. Metraux, "Of Feasts and Carnivals," Cultures, III, no. 1, pp. 7-10. 111. Richard H. Falk. "Popular Theatre and Entertainment: A Framework for a Methodology." Northridge: California State University, unpublished. The three conditions are: 1. Performer: The performer must be clearly distinguishable from the spectator and perceived by them as a deliberate performer. 2. Spectators: The spectators must clearly constitute a group distinguishable from the performer and be conscious of themselves as an audience. 3. Performance: The performance must be intended (by the performer), or perceived (by the spectators) as being primarily for the diversion, amusement or entertainment of the audience. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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