Georgian Opposition to Soviet Rule (1956-1989) and the Causes of Resentment
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Caucasus Plant Initiative: a Regional Plant Conservation Strategy
Caucasus Plant Initiative: A Regional Plant Conservation Strategy Paeonia wittmanniana Editors: Ketevan Batsatsashvili, George E. Schatz, and Tatyana Schulkina Design: Burgund Bassüner 0-00 Developed by The Caucasus Plant Red List Authority Kazbegi, north-eastern Georgia The targets of The Caucasus Plant Initiative (CPI), a regional Plant Conservation Strategy, correspond to the targets of the 00-00 Global Strategy for Plant Conservation. The present document also illustrates the relevance of CPI targets to the targets/actions in the revised and updated Ecoregion Conservation Plan (ECP) for the Caucasus (Zazanashvili et al. 0). Whenever possible, the CPI should be considered together with ECP in plant conservation and sustainable use planning. According to the 0th Meeting of the Conference of Parties of the UN Convention on Bio- logical Diversity (CBD) held in Japan, the member countries are requested to revise their existing National Biodiversity Strategies and Action Plans (NBSAPs) according to the “CBD Strategic Plan for Biodiversity 011-00”. The statements of The Caucasus Plant Initiative are intended to be incorporated into the National Biodiversity Strategies and Action Plans (NBSAPs) of the Caucasus countries. Content Objective I: Plant diversity is well understood, documented and recognized Page 7 CPI Target : An online Flora of all known plants of the Caucasus. CPI Target : Global/regional/national assessment of the conservation status of as many known plant species of the Caucasus as possible, to guide conservation action. CPI Target : Information, research and associated outputs, and methods necessary to implement the Strategy developed and shared throughout the Caucasus. Objective II: Plant diversity is urgently and effectively conserved Page 10 CPI Target : At least 5 percent of each ecological region or vegetation type secured through effective management and/or restoration. -
Measuring Individual Identity: Experimental Evidence
Measuring Individual Identity: Experimental Evidence Alexander Kuo Center for Advanced Study in the Social Sciences Juan March Institute [email protected] Yotam Margalit Department of Political Science Columbia University [email protected] Abstract What determines the identity category people feel they most belong to? What is the political significance of one’s proclaimed identity? Recent research addresses this question using surveys that explicitly ask individuals about their identity. Yet little is known about the nature of the attachments conveyed in responses to identity questions. We conduct a set of studies and experiments that investigate these reported attachments. Our findings suggest that: (1) the purported identity captured in survey responses varies significantly within subjects over time; (2) changes in people’s primary identity can be highly influenced by situational triggers; (3) changes in purported self-identity do not imply a corresponding change in policy preferences. Our results are drawn from three studies that vary in terms of design, country sample, and research instrument. The findings have implications for research on identity choice, as well as on the use of surveys in studying the role of identity in comparative politics. 1 ―We have spoken to many people in this country [X] and they have all described themselves in different ways. Some people describe themselves in terms of their language, religion, race, and others describe themselves in economic terms, such as working class, middle class, or a farmer. Besides being [a citizen of X], which specific group do you feel you belong to first and foremost?‖ [Afrobarometer Surveys, 1999-2002] Introduction What determines the identity category people feel they belong to? What is the political significance of one’s proclaimed identity? The answers to these questions are important for understanding phenomena such as policy preferences, social cleavages, and perhaps even political conflict. -
NORMAN A. GRAEBNER (Charlottesville, VA, U.S.A.)
NORMAN A. GRAEBNER (Charlottesville, VA, U.S.A.) GORBACHEV AND REAGAN Outside Geneva's Chateau Fleur d'Eau on a wintry 19 November 1985, a coatless Ronald Reagan awaited the ap- proaching Mikhail Gorbachev. The American President, as the official host of this first day of the Geneva summit, had set the stage for his first meeting with the Soviet leader with great care. He led Gorbachev and their two interpreters to a small meeting room with a fire crackling in the fireplace for a pri- vate conversation. The people in the neighboring conference room, Reagan began, had given them 15 minutes "to meet in this one-on-one.... They've programmed us-they've written your talking points, they've written my talking points. We can do that, or we can stay here as long as we want and get to know each other...." The private conversation lasted an hour. During a break in the afternoon session Reagan steered Gorbachev to the chateau's summerhouse for a tete-a-tete before the fire. At the end the two leaders achieved little, yet both re- garded the summit a success. Separated by twenty years, they recognized in each other a warmth and sincerity that promised future success. Reagan observed that Gorbachev scarcely re- sembled his predecessors in his intelligence, knowledge and openness. Soviet Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze noted, "[W]e had the impression that [the President] is a man who keeps his word and that he's someone you can deal with ... and reach accord." The two leaders, pursuing complementary agendas, had approached the Geneva summit along highly' dis- similar paths. -
Policy Paper N 10 a Joint Project Conducted By: 2007
Policy Paper N 10 An Assessment of Georgia’s National Integrity System: The GNISA Project A joint project conducted by: Tiri (the Governance – Access - Learning Network), London, UK The Institute of Ethics Governance and Law, Australia Caucasus Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development Georgia 2007 Funded by the Open Society Institute and the Open Society – Georgia Foundation © The Authors 2007 have asserted their rights under the Copyright Act 1968 to be identified as the authors of this work. An Assessment of Georgia’s National Integrity System: The GNISA Project A project carried out by the Institute for Ethics Governance and Law (IEGL), Tiri (the Governance - Access - Learning Network) and the Caucasus Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development, as partners in this venture, and funded by the Open Society Institute. Final GNISA Report: July 2007 Lead Authors Dr Arthur Shacklock, Griffith University, Institute for Ethics Governance and Law Mr Malkhaz Saldadze, Caucasus Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development Ms Carmel Connors, Griffith University, Institute for Ethics Governance and Law Ms Melea Lewis, Griffith University, Institute for Ethics Governance and Law Professor Charles Sampford, Griffith University, Institute for Ethics Governance and Law Management Team Griffith University, Institute for Ethics Governance and Law Professor Charles Sampford Dr Arthur Shacklock Tiri (the Governance - Access - Learning Network): Mr Jeremy Pope Mr Martin Tisne Published by: Institute for Ethics Governance and Law, Griffith University -
Stability, Security, and Sovereignty in the Republic of Georgia
STABILITY, SECURITY, AND SOVEREIGNTY IN THE REPUBLIC OF GEORGIA RAPID RESPONSE CONFLICT PREVENTION ASSESSMENT SPONSORED BY THE COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS CENTER FOR PREVENTIVE ACTION David L. Phillips Senior Fellow and Deputy Director of the Center for Preventive Action January 15, 2004 Founded in 1921, the Council on Foreign on Foreign Relations is an independent, national membership organization and a nonpartisan center for scholars dedicated to producing and disseminating ideas so that individual and corporate members, as well as policymakers, journalists, students, and interested citizens in the United States and other countries, can better understand the world and the foreign policy choices facing the United States and other governments. The Council does this by convening meetings; conducting a wide-ranging Studies program; publishing Foreign Affairs, the preeminent journal covering international affairs and U.S. foreign policy; maintaining a diverse membership; sponsoring Independent Task Forces; and providing up-to-date information about the world and U.S. foreign policy on the Council’s website, www.cfr.org. THE COUNCIL TAKES NO INSTITUTIONAL POSITION ON POLICY ISSUES AND HAS NO AFFILIATION WITH THE U.S. GOVERNMENT. ALL STATEMENTS OF FACT AND EXPRESSIONS OF OPINION CONTAINED IN ALL ITS PUBLICATIONS ARE THE SOLE RESPONSIBILITY OF THE AUTHOR OR AUTHORS. For further information about the Council or this report, please write the Council on Foreign Relations, 58 East 68th Street, New York, NY 10021, or call the Director of Communications at 212-434-9400. Visit our website at www.cfr.org. Copyright © 2004 by the Council on Foreign Relations®, Inc. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. -
Here a Causal Relationship? Contemporary Economics, 9(1), 45–60
Bibliography on Corruption and Anticorruption Professor Matthew C. Stephenson Harvard Law School http://www.law.harvard.edu/faculty/mstephenson/ March 2021 Aaken, A., & Voigt, S. (2011). Do individual disclosure rules for parliamentarians improve government effectiveness? Economics of Governance, 12(4), 301–324. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10101-011-0100-8 Aaronson, S. A. (2011a). Does the WTO Help Member States Clean Up? Available at SSRN 1922190. http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1922190 Aaronson, S. A. (2011b). Limited partnership: Business, government, civil society, and the public in the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI). Public Administration and Development, 31(1), 50–63. https://doi.org/10.1002/pad.588 Aaronson, S. A., & Abouharb, M. R. (2014). Corruption, Conflicts of Interest and the WTO. In J.-B. Auby, E. Breen, & T. Perroud (Eds.), Corruption and conflicts of interest: A comparative law approach (pp. 183–197). Edward Elgar PubLtd. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:hul.ebookbatch.GEN_batch:ELGAR01620140507 Abbas Drebee, H., & Azam Abdul-Razak, N. (2020). The Impact of Corruption on Agriculture Sector in Iraq: Econometrics Approach. IOP Conference Series. Earth and Environmental Science, 553(1), 12019-. https://doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/553/1/012019 Abbink, K., Dasgupta, U., Gangadharan, L., & Jain, T. (2014). Letting the briber go free: An experiment on mitigating harassment bribes. JOURNAL OF PUBLIC ECONOMICS, 111(Journal Article), 17–28. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2013.12.012 Abbink, Klaus. (2004). Staff rotation as an anti-corruption policy: An experimental study. European Journal of Political Economy, 20(4), 887–906. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2003.10.008 Abbink, Klaus. -
Local Elites in the Years of Independence (The Example of Gurjaani District, Georgia)
DIFFERENT GOVERNMENTS IN TBILISI, SAME PEOPLE IN REGIONS: LOCAL ELITES IN THE YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE (THE EXAMPLE OF GURJAANI DISTRICT, GEORGIA) Giorgi Gotua he ruling political regime in Georgia has changed three times since 1990. Twice the government was replaced through non-constitutional means. None of these regimes were able to consolidate and reach consensus with different groups vying for power regarding basic insti- Ttutions and rules of game. Researchers studying the transition from autocracy to democracy point out various structural factors (culture, socio-economic factors) which they say deter- mine the successful consolidation of new democratic regimes. In recent years, more and more attention has been paid to political elites as essential actors able to decisively influence the direction of state development. Choices made by elites at certain stages of state development, the level of power and authority they ex- ercise in society and the character of relations among various factions determine the success of the process of forming and consolidating a new regime. Studies by G. Field, M. Burton and D. Higley demonstrate that the stability of a regime is directly linked to the degree of consensus among its various fac- tions regarding existing institutions and rules of game (another way to guaran- tee relative stability of the regime, dominance of one group over another, is not discussed as an option within the framework of this research).1 Georgia’s case can serve as a good example demonstrating the correctness of this thesis. During the period of independence three political regimes have changed in Georgia. The regime of President Zviad Gamsakhurdia – which followed the 1 This thesis is presented in: Field G., Hihley J., Burton M., National Elite Configurations and Transitions to De- mocracy // Classes and Elites in Democracy and Democratization: A Collection of Readings / ed. -
'Finding God' Or 'Moral Disengagement' in the Fight
public administration and development Public Admin. Dev. (2011) Published online in Wiley Online Library (wileyonlinelibrary.com) DOI: 10.1002/pad.1605 ‘FINDING GOD’ OR ‘MORAL DISENGAGEMENT’ IN THE FIGHT AGAINST CORRUPTION IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES? EVIDENCE FROM INDIA AND NIGERIA1 HEATHER MARQUETTE* University of Birmingham, UK ABSTRACT There are growing calls for religion to be used in the fight against corruption on the basis of the assumption that religious people are more concerned with ethics than with the non-religious, despite the fact that many of the most corrupt countries in the world also rank highly in terms of religiosity. This article looks at the evidence in the current literature for a causal relationship between religion and corruption and questions the relevance of the methodologies being used to build up this evidence base. This section shows that the new ‘myth’ about the relationship between religion and corruption is based on assumptions not borne out of the evidence. The article presents findings from field research in India and Nigeria that explores how individual attitudes towards corruption may (or may not) be shaped by religion. The research shows that religion may have some impact on attitudes towards corruption, but it has very little likely impact on actual corrupt behaviour. This is because—despite universal condemnation of corruption—it is seen by respondents as being so systemic that being uncorrupt often makes little sense. Respondents, by using a process that Bandura (2002) calls ‘selective moral disengagement’, were able to justify their own attitudes and behaviour vis-a-vis corruption, pointing towards corruption being a classic collective action problem, rather than a problem of personal values or ethics. -
Georgia/Abkhazia
HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH ARMS PROJECT HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH/HELSINKI March 1995 Vol. 7, No. 7 GEORGIA/ABKHAZIA: VIOLATIONS OF THE LAWS OF WAR AND RUSSIA'S ROLE IN THE CONFLICT CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS............................................................................................................5 EVOLUTION OF THE WAR.......................................................................................................................................6 The Role of the Russian Federation in the Conflict.........................................................................................7 RECOMMENDATIONS...............................................................................................................................................8 To the Government of the Republic of Georgia ..............................................................................................8 To the Commanders of the Abkhaz Forces .....................................................................................................8 To the Government of the Russian Federation................................................................................................8 To the Confederation of Mountain Peoples of the Caucasus...........................................................................9 To the United Nations .....................................................................................................................................9 To the Organization on Security and Cooperation in Europe..........................................................................9 -
Public Ethics Fighting Nepotism Within Local and Regional Authorities
Public Ethics Fighting nepotism within local and regional authorities Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe Public Ethics Fighting nepotism within local and regional authorities Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe French edition: Combattre le népotisme au sein des pouvoirs locaux et régionaux Reproduction of the texts in this publication is authorised provided that the full title of the source, namely the Council of Europe, is cited. If they are intended to be used for commercial purposes or translated into one of the non-official languages of the Council of Europe, please contact [email protected]. Cover and layout: Documents and Publications Production Department (SPDP), Council of Europe This publication has not been copy-edited by the SPDP Editorial Unit to correct typographical and grammatical errors. Council of Europe, July 2019 Printed at the Council of Europe Contents FOREWORD 5 FIGHTING NEPOTISM WITHIN LOCAL AND REGIONAL AUTHORITIES EXPLANATORY MEMORANDUM 7 Introduction 10 Background 11 Public or private interests? Clientelism and favouritism in human resource management 13 The importance of impartial recruitment systems 16 Counteracting nepotism: the international anticorruption framework 23 National case studies 30 Conclusions and policy recommendations 43 RÉSOLUTION 441 (2019) 47 RECOMMENDATION 428 (2019) 53 ► Page 3 Foreword With the continuing decline in people’s trust in public authori- ties, the fight against nepotism and the need to ensure impar- tial recruitment procedures have never been so important. The report adopted on this subject by the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe is part of a comprehensive strategy for fighting corruption. -
Javakheti After the Rose Revolution: Progress and Regress in the Pursuit of National Unity in Georgia
Javakheti after the Rose Revolution: Progress and Regress in the Pursuit of National Unity in Georgia Hedvig Lohm ECMI Working Paper #38 April 2007 EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR MINORITY ISSUES (ECMI) ECMI Headquarters: Schiffbruecke 12 (Kompagnietor) D-24939 Flensburg Germany +49-(0)461-14 14 9-0 fax +49-(0)461-14 14 9-19 Internet: http://www.ecmi.de ECMI Working Paper #38 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Director: Dr. Marc Weller Copyright 2007 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Published in April 2007 by the European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) ISSN: 1435-9812 2 Table of Contents I. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................4 II. JAVAKHETI IN SOCIO-ECONOMIC TERMS ...........................................................5 1. The Current Socio-Economic Situation .............................................................................6 2. Transformation of Agriculture ...........................................................................................8 3. Socio-Economic Dependency on Russia .......................................................................... 10 III. DIFFERENT ACTORS IN JAVAKHETI ................................................................... 12 1. Tbilisi influence on Javakheti .......................................................................................... 12 2. Role of Armenia and Russia ............................................................................................. 13 3. International -
Report from the Observation of the Presidential Elections in the Republic of Georgia 9 April 2000
Report from the Observation of the Presidential Elections in the Republic of Georgia 9 April 2000 Table of contents: Preface Executive Summary Introduction Method and Organization of the Election Observation Political Background The Electoral System Observation and Assessment of the Elections Conclusions Recommendations PREFACE This report is based on observation of the presidential elections in the Republic of Georgia 9 April 2000. The conclusions of the report are based on election day observations made by the representatives of the Norwegian Helsinki Committee, as well as information gathered in Georgia from international observers and experts and local NGO-representatives and journalists prior to and after the elections. Our thanks to the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, which provided invaluable assistance and background information. We would also like to thank the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which sponsors the Norwegian Helsinki Committee’s election monitoring activities. The report is written by Helge Blakkisrud and Tomasz Wacko. Oslo, May 2000. Bjørn Engesland Secretary General EXECUTIVE SUMMARY These were the third multi-candidate presidential elections in Georgia since independence was re-established in 1991. The Norwegian Helsinki Committee, which for several years has supported the development of civil society in Georgia, also took active part in monitoring the 1995 presidential (and parliamentary) elections in Georgia. A delegation from the Norwegian Helsinki Committee, consisting of Helge Blakkisrud and Tomasz Wacko, observed the elections as part of the OSCE/ODIHR Observer Mission. The two observers visited a total of 16 polling stations during opening hours on election day and one polling station during the count.