Javakheti After the Rose Revolution: Progress and Regress in the Pursuit of National Unity in Georgia
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GENERAL ELECTIONS IN ARMENIA 6th May 2012 European Elections monitor Republican Party led by the President of the Republic Serzh Sarkisian is the main favourite in Corinne Deloy the general elections in Armenia. On 23rd February last the Armenian authorities announced that the next general elections would Analysis take place on 6th May. Nine political parties are running: the five parties represented in the Natio- 1 month before nal Assembly, the only chamber in parliament comprising the Republican Party of Armenia (HHK), the poll Prosperous Armenia (BHK), the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (HHD), Rule of Law (Orinats Erkir, OEK) and Heritage (Z), which is standing in a coalition with the Free Democrats of Khachatur Kokobelian, as well as the Armenian National Congress (HAK), the Communist Party (HKK), the Democratic Party and the United Armenians. The Armenian government led by Prime Minister Tigran Sarkisian (HHK) has comprised the Republi- can Party, Prosperous Armenia and Rule of Law since 21st March 2008. The Armenian Revolutionary Federation was a member of the government coalition until 2009 before leaving it because of its opposition to the government’s foreign policy. On 12th February last the Armenians elected their local representatives. The Republican Party led by President of the Republic Serzh Sarkisian won 33 of the 39 country’s towns. The opposition clai- med that there had been electoral fraud. The legislative campaign started on 8th April and will end on 4th May. 238 people working in Arme- nia’s embassies or consulates will be able to vote on 27th April and 1st May. The parties running Prosperous Armenia leader, Gagik Tsarukian will lead his The Republican Party will be led by the President of the party’s list. -
1 Georgia – Researched and Compiled by the Refugee
Georgia – Researched and compiled by the Refugee Documentation Centre of Ireland on 28 May 2015 Any research of an incident in Telavi on 6 September 2006 when members of Samartlianoba were arrested en masse by government forces, how many were arrested in Telavi and how many were arrested nationwide, and particularly any evidence of those members who evaded arrest. Whether there is any evidence that Givi or Gia Natsarashvili was a member of Samartlianoba and/or the subject of an attempted arrest in September, any evidence that his wife Irma or wives of suspected members in general, were interrogated as to whereabouts of any members who escaped. An Associated Press International report states: “Georgian police raided the offices of opposition groups and a political party early Wednesday and detained dozens of activists, whom authorities accused of plotting to overthrow the government. Interior Minister Vano Merabishvili said 29 activists from the Justice Party and several affiliated groups had been detained during the pre-dawn sweep, which involved 450 police officers. The detained activists would be charged with high treason and plotting a coup to replace President Mikhail Saakashvili with former Security Minister Igor Giorgadze, who is believed to be in Russia, Merabishvili said.” (Associated Press International (6 September 2006) Georgian police raid offices of opposition organizations; arrest activists) A BBC News report states: “Thirteen opposition activists in Georgia have been charged with conspiring to overthrow the government. They are among 29 people arrested across Georgia on Wednesday. Among them are prominent members of two small pro-Russian opposition parties - the Justice Party and the Conservative Monarchists.” (BBC News (7 September 2006) Georgia charges 13 with coup plot) A Civil Georgia report states: “Criminal charges have been officially brought against 13 people suspected of plotting a coup, Chief Prosecutor of the capital Tbilisi Giorgi Gviniashvili said on September 7. -
The European and Russian Far Right As Political Actors: Comparative Approach
Journal of Politics and Law; Vol. 12, No. 2; 2019 ISSN 1913-9047 E-ISSN 1913-9055 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education The European and Russian Far Right as Political Actors: Comparative Approach Ivanova Ekaterina1, Kinyakin Andrey1 & Stepanov Sergey1 1 RUDN University, Russia Correspondence: Stepanov Sergey, RUDN University, Russia. E-mail: [email protected] Received: March 5, 2019 Accepted: April 25, 2019 Online Published: May 30, 2019 doi:10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 URL: https://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 The article is prepared within the framework of Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Module "Transformation of Social and Political Values: the EU Practice" (575361-EPP-1-2016-1-RU-EPPJMO-MODULE, Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Actions) (2016-2019) Abstract The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of the far right (nationalist) as political actors in Russia and in Europe. Whereas the European far-right movements over the last years managed to achieve significant success turning into influential political forces as a result of surging popular support, in Russia the far-right organizations failed to become the fully-fledged political actors. This looks particularly surprising, given the historically deep-rooted nationalist tradition, which stems from the times Russian Empire. Before the 1917 revolution, the so-called «Black Hundred» was one of the major far-right organizations, exploiting nationalistic and anti-Semitic rhetoric, which had representation in the Russian parliament – The State Duma. During the most Soviet period all the far-right movements in Russia were suppressed, re-emerging in the late 1980s as rather vocal political force. But currently the majority of them are marginal groups, partly due to the harsh party regulation, partly due to the fact, that despite state-sponsored nationalism the position of Russian far right does not stand in-line with the position of Russian authorities, trying to suppress the Russian nationalists. -
THE IMPACT of the ARMENIAN GENOCIDE on the FORMATION of NATIONAL STATEHOOD and POLITICAL IDENTITY “Today Most Armenians Do
ASHOT ALEKSANYAN THE IMPACT OF THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE ON THE FORMATION OF NATIONAL STATEHOOD AND POLITICAL IDENTITY Key words – Armenian Genocide, pre-genocide, post-genocide, national statehood, Armenian statehood heritage, political identity, civiliarchic elite, civilization, civic culture, Armenian diaspora, Armenian civiliarchy “Today most Armenians do not live in the Republic of Armenia. Indeed, most Armenians have deep ties to the countries where they live. Like a lot of us, many Armenians find themselves balancing their role in their new country with their historical and cultural roots. How far should they assimilate into their new countries? Does Armenian history and culture have something to offer Armenians as they live their lives now? When do historical and cultural memories create self-imposed limits on individuals?”1 Introduction The relevance of this article is determined, on the one hand, the multidimen- sionality of issues related to understanding the role of statehood and the political and legal system in the development of Armenian civilization, civic culture and identity, on the other hand - the negative impact of the long absence of national system of public administration and the devastating impact of the Armenian Genocide of 1915 on the further development of the Armenian statehood and civiliarchy. Armenian Genocide in Ottoman Turkey was the first ever large-scale crime against humanity and human values. Taking advantage of the beginning of World War I, the Turkish authorities have organized mass murder and deportations of Armenians from their historic homeland. Genocide divided the civiliarchy of the Armenian people in three parts: before the genocide (pre-genocide), during the genocide and after the genocide (post-genocide). -
Georgia's 2008 Presidential Election
Election Observation Report: Georgia’s 2008 Presidential Elections Election Observation Report: Georgia’s saarCevno sadamkvirveblo misiis saboloo angariSi angariSi saboloo misiis sadamkvirveblo saarCevno THE IN T ERN at ION A L REPUBLIC A N INS T I T U T E 2008 wlis 5 ianvari 5 wlis 2008 saqarTvelos saprezidento arCevnebi saprezidento saqarTvelos ADV A NCING DEMOCR A CY WORLD W IDE demokratiis ganviTarebisTvis mTel msoflioSi mTel ganviTarebisTvis demokratiis GEORGI A PRESIDEN T I A L ELEC T ION JA NU A RY 5, 2008 International Republican Institute saerTaSoriso respublikuri instituti respublikuri saerTaSoriso ELEC T ION OBSERV at ION MISSION FIN A L REPOR T Georgia Presidential Election January 5, 2008 Election Observation Mission Final Report The International Republican Institute 1225 Eye Street, NW, Suite 700 Washington, DC 20005 www.iri.org TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Introduction 3 II. Pre-Election Period 5 A. Political Situation November 2007 – January 2008 B. Presidential Candidates in the January 5, 2008 Presidential Election C. Campaign Period III. Election Period 11 A. Pre-Election Meetings B. Election Day IV. Findings and Recommendations 15 V. Appendix 19 A. IRI Preliminary Statement on the Georgian Presidential Election B. Election Observation Delegation Members C. IRI in Georgia 2008 Georgia Presidential Election 3 I. Introduction The January 2008 election cycle marked the second presidential election conducted in Georgia since the Rose Revolution. This snap election was called by President Mikheil Saakashvili who made a decision to resign after a violent crackdown on opposition street protests in November 2007. Pursuant to the Georgian Constitution, he relinquished power to Speaker of Parliament Nino Burjanadze who became Acting President. -
Stability, Security, and Sovereignty in the Republic of Georgia
STABILITY, SECURITY, AND SOVEREIGNTY IN THE REPUBLIC OF GEORGIA RAPID RESPONSE CONFLICT PREVENTION ASSESSMENT SPONSORED BY THE COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS CENTER FOR PREVENTIVE ACTION David L. Phillips Senior Fellow and Deputy Director of the Center for Preventive Action January 15, 2004 Founded in 1921, the Council on Foreign on Foreign Relations is an independent, national membership organization and a nonpartisan center for scholars dedicated to producing and disseminating ideas so that individual and corporate members, as well as policymakers, journalists, students, and interested citizens in the United States and other countries, can better understand the world and the foreign policy choices facing the United States and other governments. The Council does this by convening meetings; conducting a wide-ranging Studies program; publishing Foreign Affairs, the preeminent journal covering international affairs and U.S. foreign policy; maintaining a diverse membership; sponsoring Independent Task Forces; and providing up-to-date information about the world and U.S. foreign policy on the Council’s website, www.cfr.org. THE COUNCIL TAKES NO INSTITUTIONAL POSITION ON POLICY ISSUES AND HAS NO AFFILIATION WITH THE U.S. GOVERNMENT. ALL STATEMENTS OF FACT AND EXPRESSIONS OF OPINION CONTAINED IN ALL ITS PUBLICATIONS ARE THE SOLE RESPONSIBILITY OF THE AUTHOR OR AUTHORS. For further information about the Council or this report, please write the Council on Foreign Relations, 58 East 68th Street, New York, NY 10021, or call the Director of Communications at 212-434-9400. Visit our website at www.cfr.org. Copyright © 2004 by the Council on Foreign Relations®, Inc. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. -
Economic Prosperity Initiative
USAID/GEORGIA DO2: Inclusive and Sustainable Economic Growth October 1, 2011 – September 31, 2012 Gagra Municipal (regional) Infrastructure Development (MID) ABKHAZIA # Municipality Region Project Title Gudauta Rehabilitation of Roads 1 Mtskheta 3.852 km; 11 streets : Mtskheta- : Mtanee Rehabilitation of Roads SOKHUMI : : 1$Mestia : 2 Dushet 2.240 km; 7 streets :: : ::: Rehabilitation of Pushkin Gulripshi : 3 Gori street 0.92 km : Chazhashi B l a c k S e a :%, Rehabilitaion of Gorijvari : 4 Gori Shida Kartli road 1.45 km : Lentekhi Rehabilitation of Nationwide Projects: Ochamchire SAMEGRELO- 5 Kareli Sagholasheni-Dvani 12 km : Highway - DCA Basisbank ZEMO SVANETI RACHA-LECHKHUMI rehabilitaiosn Roads in Oni Etseri - DCA Bank Republic Lia*#*# 6 Oni 2.452 km, 5 streets *#Sachino : KVEMO SVANETI Stepantsminda - DCA Alliance Group 1$ Gali *#Mukhuri Tsageri Shatili %, Racha- *#1$ Tsalenjikha Abari Rehabilitation of Headwork Khvanchkara #0#0 Lechkhumi - DCA Crystal Obuji*#*# *#Khabume # 7 Oni of Drinking Water on Oni for Nakipu 0 Likheti 3 400 individuals - Black Sea Regional Transmission ZUGDIDI1$ *# Chkhorotsku1$*# ]^!( Oni Planning Project (Phase 2) Chitatskaro 1$!( Letsurtsume Bareuli #0 - Georgia Education Management Project (EMP) Akhalkhibula AMBROLAURI %,Tsaishi ]^!( *#Lesichine Martvili - Georgia Primary Education Project (G-Pried) MTSKHETA- Khamiskuri%, Kheta Shua*#Zana 1$ - GNEWRC Partnership Program %, Khorshi Perevi SOUTH MTIANETI Khobi *# *#Eki Khoni Tskaltubo Khresili Tkibuli#0 #0 - HICD Plus #0 ]^1$ OSSETIA 1$ 1$!( Menji *#Dzveli -
D) South Caucasus
International Alert. Local Business, Local Peace: the Peacebuilding Potential of the Domestic Private Sector Case study South Caucasus* * This document is an extract from Local Business, Local Peace: the Peacebuilding Potential of the Domestic Private Sector, published in 2006 by the UK-based peacebuilding NGO International Alert. Full citation should be provided in any referencing. © International Alert, 2006. All rights reserved. No part of this publication, including electronic materials, may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without full attribution. South Caucasus Between pragmatism and idealism: businesses coping with conflict in the South Caucasus Natalia Mirimanova This report explores the role that local private sector activity can play in addressing the conflicts of the South Caucasus. It is based on qualitative interviews conducted with a range of entrepreneurs, both formal and informal, carried out in 2005. It embraces three unresolved conflicts: the conflict between Armenians and Azeris over Nagorny-Karabakh; and the conflicts over Abkhazia and South Ossetia that challenged Georgia’s territorial integrity.1 All three resulted from the break-up of the Soviet Union. Despite its peaceful dissolution, the newly independent states in the South Caucasus all experienced some degree of violence. The turmoil in Georgia was linked to the escalation of internal conflicts with the autonomous regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, while the unilateral secession of Nagorny-Karabakh – a predominantly Armenian region in Azerbaijan – sparked a war between the latter and Armenia. An overview of the conflicts is provided below, together with an outline of the current political context and the private sectors. -
Strengths and Constraints of Turkish Policy in the South Caucasus
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by SPIRE - Sciences Po Institutional REpository COMMENTARY STRENGTHS AND CONSTRAINTS OF TURKISH POLICY IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS Strengths and Constraints of Turkish Policy in the South Caucasus BAYRAM BALCI* ABSTRACT Just after the end of the Soviet Union and the emergence of three independent states in the South Caucasus Turkey started to manifest a real interest for this region. Energy issue, which is the key issue in this Turkish policy since the beginning, is expected to remain the key priority for Turkey because of its growing econo- my. Ankara tries to have a balanced relations with the three South Caucasian countries, Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia, but for multiple reasons, Turkey’s policy in the South Caucasus is still de- termined by its relations with Azerbaijan who is the best ally and economic partner for Ankara. urkey, despite being an imme- geographical configuration in the diate neighbor of the South area fed the expectation that a new TCaucasus or Caucasian coun- struggle for influence in this region tries and having a shared history would soon be revived amongst the because of the Ottoman domination old empires: the Russians, the Sa- of this region, has only recently ex- favids, and the Ottomans and their pressed an interest and developed heirs, Russia, Iran, and Turkey. But a foreign policy towards the three this confrontation has not taken South Caucasus republics. Since their place. To date, political pragmatism accession to independence in 1991, and economic cooperation have Ankara has established unique ties prevailed. -
The Case of Compatriots in South Ossetia, Abkhazia and Crimea*
Russian Post-Nationalism or Pan-Ethnicity? The Case of Compatriots in South Ossetia, Abkhazia and Crimea* Sertan Akbaba** Kırşehir Ahi Evran University Abstract A significant number of individuals are living in Russia, as well as in the neighboring countries that have strong links to Russian identity. Whether they are called Russky, Rossiyanin or neither, they tend to be referred to as Russophiles or Russophones. This raises several questions, including, in the realm of identity politics, that of how one can evaluate the recent actions of the Russian Federation regarding the Georgian and Crimean crises. Is their aim to secure pre-existing bonds, provoke a national reaction, or make a strategically driven post-national move? This analysis supports the latter hypothesis, i.e., that Russian policy is being dominated by geopolitical interests, rather than by ethnic concerns. Recent Russian foreign policy is evaluated through a post- national lens within a wider community of ethnographic diversity, drawing evidence from the Compatriot policy of the Russian Federation with a focus on the Compatriots in South Ossetia, Abkhazia, and Crimea. Keywords: Russo-centrism, Russian nationalism, ethnicity, identity politics, post-nationalism Rus Post-Milliyetçiliği Yahut Pan-Etnisizmi? Güney Osetya, Abhazya ve Kırım’daki Yurttaşlık Durumu Özet Rus kimliği ile yakından ilintili olarak Rusya toprakları içinde ve yakın çevresinde önemli sayıda insan topluluğu yaşamaktadır. Bu insanlar Russky, Rossiyanin, Russophile veya Russophone olarak tanımlanmaktadırlar. -
Law of Georgia on the Legal Status of Aliens and Stateless Persons
Law of Georgia on the Legal Status of Aliens and Stateless Persons Section I General Provisions Chapter I General Provisions Article 1 - Aims, objectives, and scope of the Law 1. Under the rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution of Georgia, as well as universally recognised principles and norms of international law, this Law is intended to: a) establish legal guarantees for aliens and stateless persons in Georgia according to universally recognised human rights and freedoms, and in line with state interests; b) protect universally recognised rights of aliens and stateless persons irrespective of race, colour, language, gender, religion, political, and other views, nationality, ethnic and social belonging, origin, property status and rank; c) promote the development of relations between Georgia and foreign states in economy, culture, education, and science; d) strengthen the rights of free movement and free choice of residence, as well as the free choice of activity and profession as guaranteed by the Constitution of Georgia; e) strengthen the conformity of Georgian legislation governing the legal status of aliens and of persons having the status of stateless person in Georgia, with universally recognised standards of international law and international agreements of Georgia; f) support international cooperation in preventing illegal migration; avoid spontaneous and unorganised migration; ensure the implementation of a targeted migration policy. 2. This Law regulates the legal basis and mechanisms for entry, stay, transit, and departure of aliens into/in/through/from Georgia; defines the rights and obligations of aliens and stateless persons, the types and procedures for removal of aliens staying in Georgia, and the scope of competence and responsibility of state institutions involved in the process of removal. -
U.S. Strategic Interests and Georgia's Prospects For
Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 2015-03 þÿU.S. strategic interests and Georgia s prospects for NATO membership Martel, Albert M. Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/45221 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS U.S. STRATEGIC INTERESTS AND GEORGIA’S PROSPECTS FOR NATO MEMBERSHIP by Albert M. Martel March 2015 Thesis Advisor: David S. Yost Second Reader: Mikhail Tsypkin Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED March 2015 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5. FUNDING NUMBERS U.S. STRATEGIC INTERESTS AND GEORGIA’S PROSPECTS FOR NATO MEMBERSHIP 6. AUTHOR(S) Albert M. Martel 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION Naval Postgraduate School REPORT NUMBER Monterey, CA 93943-5000 9. SPONSORING /MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10.