1 Georgia – Researched and Compiled by the Refugee
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Javakheti After the Rose Revolution: Progress and Regress in the Pursuit of National Unity in Georgia
Javakheti after the Rose Revolution: Progress and Regress in the Pursuit of National Unity in Georgia Hedvig Lohm ECMI Working Paper #38 April 2007 EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR MINORITY ISSUES (ECMI) ECMI Headquarters: Schiffbruecke 12 (Kompagnietor) D-24939 Flensburg Germany +49-(0)461-14 14 9-0 fax +49-(0)461-14 14 9-19 Internet: http://www.ecmi.de ECMI Working Paper #38 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Director: Dr. Marc Weller Copyright 2007 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Published in April 2007 by the European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) ISSN: 1435-9812 2 Table of Contents I. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................4 II. JAVAKHETI IN SOCIO-ECONOMIC TERMS ...........................................................5 1. The Current Socio-Economic Situation .............................................................................6 2. Transformation of Agriculture ...........................................................................................8 3. Socio-Economic Dependency on Russia .......................................................................... 10 III. DIFFERENT ACTORS IN JAVAKHETI ................................................................... 12 1. Tbilisi influence on Javakheti .......................................................................................... 12 2. Role of Armenia and Russia ............................................................................................. 13 3. International -
Political Prisoners in Post- Revolutionary Georgia
After the rose, the thorns: political prisoners in post- revolutionary Georgia Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the the right to life, liberty and security of person. -
Civil Wars in Georgia: Corruption Breeds Violence Pavel K
7 Civil wars in Georgia: corruption breeds violence Pavel K. Baev Introduction incredibly rich and uniquely complicated case for the analysis of modern civil wars. It is a newly independent state that appeared Gwith the collapse of the USSR, but it also has a long history of statehood. It is a relatively small state, but it occupies a key geopolitical crossroads which has acquired strategic importance with the new development of hydrocarbon resources in the Caspian area. Its population is small and declining but the ethnic composition, cultural and religious traditions are extremely diverse. From the moment that Georgia restored its independence, it has found itself engulfed by political violence organised along several separate but criss-crossing tracks, with destabilising impulses spreading unchecked. In 1992–93, Georgia came breath- takingly close to collapsing as yet another ‘failed state’, however, all major violent clashes had terminated by the end of 1993. Despite serious international efforts to assist peace processes and internal reforms, to date none of the conflicts has been resolved, generating occasional skirmishes and, more importantly, significant uncertainty regarding Georgia’s ability to survive as an independent state. It is obvious that the civil wars in Georgia in 1990–93 erupted as a conse- quence of the break-up of the USSR;1 however, in most Soviet constituent repub- lics the inevitable destabilisation resulting from that cataclysm did not take such violent forms. Many regions in Central Asia (the Fergana valley), in the North Caucasus (Dagestan, see Chapter 6 in this volume) and in Georgia itself (Ajariya) had explosive combinations of risk factors but remained relatively peaceful. -
Georgiaand Nato:Asmall Countryin Search Of
GEORGIAAND NATO: A SMALL COUNTRY IN SEARCH OF SECURITY Since regaining its independence in 1991, Georgia has never fully enjoyed the benefits of the end of the Cold War. While most Central and Eastern European countries re-joined Europe and the Euro-Atlantic structure, Georgia has had to struggle to defend its borders and sovereignty from the old imperial power. Despite many setbacks, the country has implemented reforms and achieved considerable progress on its path toward building a European democracy while developing a strong cooperation with NATO and the EU. Its main goal of joining the Alliance as a member, however, remains an uncertain prospect. The obstacles to Georgia’s membership have, oddly enough, not come only from Russia but from internal contradictions and disunity among NATO member states. This article discusses the history of Georgia’s path toward NATO and presents a rationale for its membership. Giorgi Badridze* Summer 2020 * Giorgi Badridze is a Senior Fellow at the Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies. During his diplomatic career, Badridze served as the Georgian Ambassador to the UK (2009-2013), the Director of the American Department at the Georgian MFA (2004-2006), and a Minister at the Georgian Embassy in Ankara (1999-2002). 55 VOLUME 19 NUMBER 2 GIORGI BADRIDZE he world has rarely changed so rapidly and so profoundly as the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s. These changes were felt most intensely in Central and Eastern Europe. Within a few years, the Cold T War ended, Germany reunited, the democratic velvet revolutions swept away the Communist regimes in the Soviet bloc, and the Soviet Union itself collapsed. -
Issues for the US Navy in the Black Sea Region
CRM D0000572.A2/Final June 2000 Issues for the U.S. Navy in the Black Sea Region: Country Profiles and Recommendations Russia, Turkey, Ukraine, Romania, Bulgaria, Georgia Vladimir Lehovich • Ahmed Hashim CLEARED FOR PUBLIC RELEASE Center for Naval Analyses 4401 Ford Avenue • Alexandria, Virginia 22302-1498 Tom Hirschfeld, CNA Senior Analyst, reviewed the reports of this project. Special thanks also to Maurine Dahl- berg and Celinda Ledford for their assistance in preparing this report. Copyright CNA Corporation/Scanned October 2002 Approved for distribution: Peter M. Swartz, Director Regional Issues Team Policy Analysis Division This document represents the best opinion of CNA at the time of issue. It does not necessarily represent the opinion of the Department of the Navy. CLEARED FOR PUBLIC RELEASE For copies of this document call: CNA Document Control and Distribution Section at 703-824-2943. Introduction......................................................................................................... 1 Background.................................................................................................. 1 Approach..................................................................................................... 1 Russia................................................................................................................... 3 Summary...................................................................................................... 3 U.S. policy goals.......................................................................................... -
Georgia Public Opinion Barometer 2006 Tbilisi 2006
Nana Sumbadze Georgia Public Opinion Barometer 2006 Tbilisi 2006 This survey was funded by the Human Rights and Governance Grants Program (HRGGP) of the Open Society Institute. Contact information: Institute for Policy Studies. Chavchavadze Av.0, entrance VI. 079 Tbilisi Georgia Tel: (9953)-0060; (9953)-9743. Fax: (9953)-0060. e-mail: [email protected] Website: www.ips.ge Full text of the report can be found at: www.ips.ge Cover and design: Gio Sumbadze Contents Foreword ................................................................................4 Major findings........................................................................ 6 Results ..................................................................................4 The sample and methodology...............................................4 Democracy building .............................................................6 Participation..............................................................6 Rule of law, equality and trust..................................7 Local elections and political preferences.................. Media........................................................................ 5 Governance............................................................................8 External orientation ..............................................................38 Poverty .................................................................................4 Estimation of economic condition of the household 4 Incomes and expenditures ........................................4 Property -
Georgia's Rock and Hard Place
Georgia's Rock and Hard Place By Gregory Feifer MAY 2001 TBILISI, Georgia--I have found over the past two or so years that Russian air- ports often provide a general indicator of the country's relations with other states. When tensions between Moscow and Washington increase, for example, for- eigners on flights from the United States find themselves waiting longer than usual to pass through customs in the dingy halls of Moscow's hated Sheremyetevo airport. (Instead of the three or four open passport control win- dows, passengers face queuing up at only one or two). So there can be no mistaking how the Kremlin feels about Georgia, the former Soviet republic and Russia's neighbor to the south. Arriving in Moscow at the ancient, Stalin-era Vnukovo airport--little changed since its heyday, with com- munist slogans on its walls and no place to sit in its dingy main halls--Georgian men are separated from women and children and forced to stand in a separate line. Most new arrivals are cowed by this new gender-cleansing policy, proof of its effectiVeness in delivering its message of total contempt. Those bold enough to ask why, or go so far as to protest are silenced by stern customs officials men- acing the travelers with outright barred entry. "Aren't I speaking Russian?!" barked one customs official, a young woman, at an elderly man who tenaciously remained in line with his frail wife and toddler granddaughter. "Don't you un- derstand I told you to stand in that line and shut up?!" she said, pointing to the much slower-moving line for men. -
Board of Trustees
CSIS Georgia Forum Meeting Notes: GEORGIA’S KEY FOREIGN POLICY CHALLENGES Levan Mikeladze, Georgian Ambassador to the United States and Canada Revaz Adamia, Georgian Ambassador to the United Nations Thursday, November 21, 2002 Main points by Ambassador Mikeladze Introduction • While unfortunately Georgia has plenty of problems, most of the domestic and foreign policy problems are related to Georgian-Russian bilateral relations. They are a direct product of Russian policy in Georgia and the region • Georgia is not alone in this regard—all FSU republics had similar problems with the Russian Federation • The question is what Russia does and does not want from the former Soviet Republics. The answer is, Russia still does not accept the sovereignty of its former republics • Russia has suspended the application of international law in its dealings with Georgia. Its policy toward Georgia is hostile, aggressive, and humiliating • There are a number of facts to support this: o Permanent violation of Georgian airspace and bombardments o Non-implementation of Istanbul commitments (regarding withdrawal and closure of Russian military bases) o Sending paratroopers into the Kodori Valley o Supporting the separatist movements in Georgia o Refusing to extradite Igor Giorgadze (accused of attempting to assassinate Georgian President Eduard Shevardnadze) o Psychological and media warfare against Georgia • Four reasons for Russia’s negative attitude towards Georgia: o Georgia’s move toward the West o President Shevardnadze’s role in the break-up of the Soviet Union o Persistent Georgian requests for Russian withdrawal from military bases o East-West pipeline projects that bypass Russia Acute Problems in the Georgian-Russian Relationship Pankisi Gorge • Five years ago, most Georgians had probably never heard of the Pankisi Gorge, but today it is well-known in the entire world. -
Political Prisoners in Post- Revolutionary Georgia
The Human Rights Center After the Rose, the Thorns: Political Prisoners in Post- Revolutionary Georgia Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. -
Russia and Georgia the Ways out of the Crisis
Russia and Georgia The ways out of the crisis Tbilisi 2010 International Center on Conflict and Negotiation Russia and Georgia The Ways Out of the Crisis George Khutsishvili and Tina Gogueliani (Editors) Tbilisi 2010 Russia and Georgia: The Ways out of the Crisis Edited by George Khutsishvili and Tina Gogueliani Publication of the International Center on Conflict and Negotiation (ICCN) www.iccn.ge ICCN represents the Caucasus region in the Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict (GPPAC) www.gppac.net Published thanks to the support from the Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict (GPPAC) All reviews and comments for the book are welcome to be addressed at [email protected] English translation by Tina Chkheidze. Cover design by Beka Berikashvili. Copyright © 2010 by ICCN All rights reserved ISBN 978-99940-805-0-2 Authors of the Book Zurab Abashidze Ivlian Khaindrava George Khutsishvili Alexandre Kukhianidze Emil Pain Vladimer Papava Andrey Piontkovsky Andrey Ryabov Ramaz Sakvarelidze Alla Yazkova Contents Editor’s Preface ......................................................................................................... 5 Russia and Georgia: Myths and Reality (Ramaz Sakvarelidze) ............................... 7 The Political and Psychological Aspects of the Georgian- Russian Conflict (Emil Pain) ......................................................................... 17 Post-Soviet Economic Relations between Georgia and Russia: Reality and Development Potential (Vladimer Papava) .................. 28 -
6 Tactics and Instruments in Putin's Grand Strategy
6 Tactics and Instruments in Putin’s Grand Strategy S. Frederick Starr and Svante E. Cornell Over the past decade, if not since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Russian government has deployed a wide array of tactics and instruments in its efforts to restore a sphere of influence over the former Soviet space. But the Western response to Russia suggests that American and European policy-makers have largely failed to grasp the systematic way that Russia’s various instruments link together to achieve its goals—and thus have failed to come up with a strategy to counter Putinism. Earlier chapters in this volume have set forth the scope and ambition Putin’s grand idea, and make clear how Putin, in adopting this agenda, committed him- self to its success. The following chapters, which form the bulk of this study, are devoted to a review of the fate of his efforts so far in the eleven countries of the former Soviet Union outside the Baltic States, as well as the responses of China, Europe, and the United States to this process. In perusing these chap- ters, readers will encounter a bewildering array of tactical steps and instruments deployed by the Kremlin, both in the former Soviet space and in the West. At first sight, these may appear ad hoc; but a core argument of this book is that they form a coherent strategy. Before turning to this country-by country review, it may be useful to enumerate the various tactical arrows that Putin has in his quiver, and which he has been actively utilizing. -
Central Asia-Caucasus
Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst BI-WEEKLY BRIEFING VOL. 8 NO. 11 31 MAY 2006 Searchable Archives with over 1,000 articles at http://www.cacianalyst.org ANALYTICAL ARTICLES: FIELD REPORTS: RUSSIAN CHECHNYA POLICY: “CHECHENIZATION” TURNING INTO WILL GEORGIA LEAVE THE CIS? “KADYROVIZATION”? Kakha Jibladze Emil Souleimanov CENTRAL ASIAN UNION: NAZARBAYEV’S PUBLIC CONFIDENCE, TRUST AND PIPEDREAM OR VIABLE SCHEME? PARTICIPATION IN POST-SOVIET Marat Yermukanov CENTRAL ASIA Timur Dadabaev SECOND PEACEFUL RALLY ORGANIZED IN KYRGYZSTAN KAZAKHSTAN BUILDS PARTNERSHIP Nurshat Ababakirov WITH GERMANY Roger McDermott IMPROVING TAJIKISTAN’S BANKING SEC- TOR UZBEK PRESIDENT KARIMOV VISITS Bakhtiyor Naimov PAKISTAN Asma Shakir Khwaja NEWS DIGEST Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst BI-WEEKLY BRIEFING VOL. 8 NO. 11 31 MAY 2006 Contents Analytical Articles RUSSIAN CHECHNYA POLICY: “CHECHENIZATION” TURNING INTO “KADYROVIZATION”? 3 Emil Souleimanov PUBLIC CONFIDENCE, TRUST AND PARTICIPATION IN POST-SOVIET CENTRAL ASIA 6 Timur Dadabaev KAZAKHSTAN BUILDS PARTNERSHIP WITH GERMANY 9 Roger McDermott UZBEK PRESIDENT KARIMOV VISITS PAKISTAN 11 Asma Shakir Khwaja Field Reports WILL GEORGIA LEAVE THE CIS? 13 Kakha Jibladze CENTRAL ASIAN UNION: NAZARBAYEV’S PIPEDREAM OR VIABLE SCHEME? 14 Marat Yermukanov SECOND PEACEFUL RALLY ORGANIZED IN KYRGYZSTAN 16 Nurshat Ababakirov IMPROVING TAJIKISTAN’S BANKING SECTOR 18 Bakhtiyor Naimov News Digest 20 THE CENTRAL ASIA-CAUCASUS ANALYST Editor Svante E. Cornell Assistant Editor, News Digest Alima Bissenova Chairman, Editorial Board S. Frederick Starr The Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst is an English language global Web journal devoted to analysis of the current issues facing the Central Asia-Caucasus region. It serves to link the business, governmental, journalistic and scholarly communities and is the global voice of the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute, The Johns Hopkins University-The Nitze School of Advanced International Studies.