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1 Georgia – Researched and Compiled by the Refugee
Georgia – Researched and compiled by the Refugee Documentation Centre of Ireland on 28 May 2015 Any research of an incident in Telavi on 6 September 2006 when members of Samartlianoba were arrested en masse by government forces, how many were arrested in Telavi and how many were arrested nationwide, and particularly any evidence of those members who evaded arrest. Whether there is any evidence that Givi or Gia Natsarashvili was a member of Samartlianoba and/or the subject of an attempted arrest in September, any evidence that his wife Irma or wives of suspected members in general, were interrogated as to whereabouts of any members who escaped. An Associated Press International report states: “Georgian police raided the offices of opposition groups and a political party early Wednesday and detained dozens of activists, whom authorities accused of plotting to overthrow the government. Interior Minister Vano Merabishvili said 29 activists from the Justice Party and several affiliated groups had been detained during the pre-dawn sweep, which involved 450 police officers. The detained activists would be charged with high treason and plotting a coup to replace President Mikhail Saakashvili with former Security Minister Igor Giorgadze, who is believed to be in Russia, Merabishvili said.” (Associated Press International (6 September 2006) Georgian police raid offices of opposition organizations; arrest activists) A BBC News report states: “Thirteen opposition activists in Georgia have been charged with conspiring to overthrow the government. They are among 29 people arrested across Georgia on Wednesday. Among them are prominent members of two small pro-Russian opposition parties - the Justice Party and the Conservative Monarchists.” (BBC News (7 September 2006) Georgia charges 13 with coup plot) A Civil Georgia report states: “Criminal charges have been officially brought against 13 people suspected of plotting a coup, Chief Prosecutor of the capital Tbilisi Giorgi Gviniashvili said on September 7. -
Javakheti After the Rose Revolution: Progress and Regress in the Pursuit of National Unity in Georgia
Javakheti after the Rose Revolution: Progress and Regress in the Pursuit of National Unity in Georgia Hedvig Lohm ECMI Working Paper #38 April 2007 EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR MINORITY ISSUES (ECMI) ECMI Headquarters: Schiffbruecke 12 (Kompagnietor) D-24939 Flensburg Germany +49-(0)461-14 14 9-0 fax +49-(0)461-14 14 9-19 Internet: http://www.ecmi.de ECMI Working Paper #38 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Director: Dr. Marc Weller Copyright 2007 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Published in April 2007 by the European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) ISSN: 1435-9812 2 Table of Contents I. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................4 II. JAVAKHETI IN SOCIO-ECONOMIC TERMS ...........................................................5 1. The Current Socio-Economic Situation .............................................................................6 2. Transformation of Agriculture ...........................................................................................8 3. Socio-Economic Dependency on Russia .......................................................................... 10 III. DIFFERENT ACTORS IN JAVAKHETI ................................................................... 12 1. Tbilisi influence on Javakheti .......................................................................................... 12 2. Role of Armenia and Russia ............................................................................................. 13 3. International -
ON the EFFECTIVE USE of PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 © 2021 Andrew Peek All Rights Reserved
ON THE EFFECTIVE USE OF PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 2021 Andrew Peek All rights reserved Abstract This dissertation asks a simple question: how are states most effectively conducting proxy warfare in the modern international system? It answers this question by conducting a comparative study of the sponsorship of proxy forces. It uses process tracing to examine five cases of proxy warfare and predicts that the differentiation in support for each proxy impacts their utility. In particular, it proposes that increasing the principal-agent distance between sponsors and proxies might correlate with strategic effectiveness. That is, the less directly a proxy is supported and controlled by a sponsor, the more effective the proxy becomes. Strategic effectiveness here is conceptualized as consisting of two key parts: a proxy’s operational capability and a sponsor’s plausible deniability. These should be in inverse relation to each other: the greater and more overt a sponsor’s support is to a proxy, the more capable – better armed, better trained – its proxies should be on the battlefield. However, this close support to such proxies should also make the sponsor’s influence less deniable, and thus incur strategic costs against both it and the proxy. These costs primarily consist of external balancing by rival states, the same way such states would balance against conventional aggression. Conversely, the more deniable such support is – the more indirect and less overt – the less balancing occurs. -
Political Prisoners in Post- Revolutionary Georgia
After the rose, the thorns: political prisoners in post- revolutionary Georgia Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the the right to life, liberty and security of person. -
Całość Opracowania W Formacie
OÂRODEK STUDIÓW WSCHODNICH IM. MARKA KARPIA Centre for Eastern Studies Czeczenia mi´dzy kaukaskim d˝ihadem a „ukrytym” separatyzmem Chechnya: Between a Caucasian Jihad and ‘hidden’ separatism Maciej Falkowski W arszawa, styczeƒ 2007 / Warsaw, January 2007 © Copyright by OÊrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia © Copyright by Centre for Eastern Studies Redaktor / Editor Anna ¸abuszewska Opracowanie graficzne / Graphic design Dorota Nowacka T∏umaczenie / Translation OSW / CES Wspó∏praca / Co-operation Jim Todd Wydawca / Publisher OÊrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a Warszawa / Warsaw, Poland tel./phone + 48 /22/ 525 80 00 fax: +48 /22/ 525 80 40 Spis treÊci / Contents Czeczenia mi´dzy kaukaskim d˝ihadem a „ukrytym” separatyzmem / 5 Tezy / 5 Wst´p / 7 1. Od czeczeƒskiej wojny narodowowyzwoleƒczej do kaukaskiego d˝ihadu / 9 2. Polityka czeczenizacji i „ukryty” separatyzm czeczeƒski / 18 3. Próba prognozy / 32 Chechnya: Between a Caucasian Jihad and ‘hidden’ separatism / 35 Executive summary / 35 Introduction / 36 1. From the Chechen war for national liberation to a Caucasian jihad / 38 2. The policy of Chechenisation and the ‘hidden’ Chechen separatism / 47 3. A tentative forecast / 60 Czeczenia mi´dzy kaukaskim d˝ihadem a „ukrytym” separatyzmem Tezy 1. Czeczenia jest wcià˝ najbardziej niestabilnà republikà rosyjskiego Kau- kazu Pó∏nocnego. Mimo to trwajàcy tam od jesieni 1999 roku otwarty konflikt zbrojny, zwany drugà wojnà czeczeƒskà, stopniowo przygasa. IntensywnoÊç walk maleje z roku na rok, zaÊ os∏abieni wieloletnià wojnà bojownicy nie sà w stanie przejàç inicjatywy i powa˝nie zagroziç stacjo- nujàcym w republice wojskom federalnym. Obserwowane obecnie os∏a- bienie bojowników nie jest jednak równoznaczne z zakoƒczeniem kon- fliktu. -
Civil Wars in Georgia: Corruption Breeds Violence Pavel K
7 Civil wars in Georgia: corruption breeds violence Pavel K. Baev Introduction incredibly rich and uniquely complicated case for the analysis of modern civil wars. It is a newly independent state that appeared Gwith the collapse of the USSR, but it also has a long history of statehood. It is a relatively small state, but it occupies a key geopolitical crossroads which has acquired strategic importance with the new development of hydrocarbon resources in the Caspian area. Its population is small and declining but the ethnic composition, cultural and religious traditions are extremely diverse. From the moment that Georgia restored its independence, it has found itself engulfed by political violence organised along several separate but criss-crossing tracks, with destabilising impulses spreading unchecked. In 1992–93, Georgia came breath- takingly close to collapsing as yet another ‘failed state’, however, all major violent clashes had terminated by the end of 1993. Despite serious international efforts to assist peace processes and internal reforms, to date none of the conflicts has been resolved, generating occasional skirmishes and, more importantly, significant uncertainty regarding Georgia’s ability to survive as an independent state. It is obvious that the civil wars in Georgia in 1990–93 erupted as a conse- quence of the break-up of the USSR;1 however, in most Soviet constituent repub- lics the inevitable destabilisation resulting from that cataclysm did not take such violent forms. Many regions in Central Asia (the Fergana valley), in the North Caucasus (Dagestan, see Chapter 6 in this volume) and in Georgia itself (Ajariya) had explosive combinations of risk factors but remained relatively peaceful. -
Georgiaand Nato:Asmall Countryin Search Of
GEORGIAAND NATO: A SMALL COUNTRY IN SEARCH OF SECURITY Since regaining its independence in 1991, Georgia has never fully enjoyed the benefits of the end of the Cold War. While most Central and Eastern European countries re-joined Europe and the Euro-Atlantic structure, Georgia has had to struggle to defend its borders and sovereignty from the old imperial power. Despite many setbacks, the country has implemented reforms and achieved considerable progress on its path toward building a European democracy while developing a strong cooperation with NATO and the EU. Its main goal of joining the Alliance as a member, however, remains an uncertain prospect. The obstacles to Georgia’s membership have, oddly enough, not come only from Russia but from internal contradictions and disunity among NATO member states. This article discusses the history of Georgia’s path toward NATO and presents a rationale for its membership. Giorgi Badridze* Summer 2020 * Giorgi Badridze is a Senior Fellow at the Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies. During his diplomatic career, Badridze served as the Georgian Ambassador to the UK (2009-2013), the Director of the American Department at the Georgian MFA (2004-2006), and a Minister at the Georgian Embassy in Ankara (1999-2002). 55 VOLUME 19 NUMBER 2 GIORGI BADRIDZE he world has rarely changed so rapidly and so profoundly as the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s. These changes were felt most intensely in Central and Eastern Europe. Within a few years, the Cold T War ended, Germany reunited, the democratic velvet revolutions swept away the Communist regimes in the Soviet bloc, and the Soviet Union itself collapsed. -
THE SITUATION of Idps from CHECHNYA
WRITENET Paper No. 11 /2002 RUSSIAN FEDERATION: THE SITUATION OF IDPs FROM CHECHNYA John B. Dunlop Senior Fellow, Hoover Institution May 2002 WriteNet is a Network of Researchers and Writers on Human Rights, Forced Migration, Ethnic and Political Conflict WriteNet is a Subsidiary of Practical Management (UK) E-mail: [email protected] THIS PAPER WAS PREPARED MAINLY ON THE BASIS OF PUBLICLY AVAILABLE INFORMATION, ANALYSIS AND COMMENT. ALL SOURCES ARE CITED. THE PAPER IS NOT, AND DOES NOT PURPORT TO BE, EITHER EXHAUSTIVE WITH REGARD TO CONDITIONS IN THE COUNTRY SURVEYED, OR CONCLUSIVE AS TO THE MERITS OF ANY PARTICULAR CLAIM TO REFUGEE STATUS OR ASYLUM. THE VIEWS EXPRESSED IN THE PAPER ARE THOSE OF THE AUTHOR AND ARE NOT NECESSARILY THOSE OF WRITENET OR UNHCR. ISSN 1020-8429 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Introduction....................................................................................................3 2 The Current Political Situation in Ingushetia ............................................3 3 The Likely Return of Chechen IDPs from Ingushetia to Chechnya.........5 4 The Current Political Situation in Chechnya .............................................8 5 The Position of Inner IDPs Residing in Chechnya.....................................8 6 The Role of the UN and Other International IGOs and NGOs in Chechnya ......................................................................................................11 7 Three Scenarios for the Future ..................................................................12 8 Bibliography.................................................................................................13 -
Issues for the US Navy in the Black Sea Region
CRM D0000572.A2/Final June 2000 Issues for the U.S. Navy in the Black Sea Region: Country Profiles and Recommendations Russia, Turkey, Ukraine, Romania, Bulgaria, Georgia Vladimir Lehovich • Ahmed Hashim CLEARED FOR PUBLIC RELEASE Center for Naval Analyses 4401 Ford Avenue • Alexandria, Virginia 22302-1498 Tom Hirschfeld, CNA Senior Analyst, reviewed the reports of this project. Special thanks also to Maurine Dahl- berg and Celinda Ledford for their assistance in preparing this report. Copyright CNA Corporation/Scanned October 2002 Approved for distribution: Peter M. Swartz, Director Regional Issues Team Policy Analysis Division This document represents the best opinion of CNA at the time of issue. It does not necessarily represent the opinion of the Department of the Navy. CLEARED FOR PUBLIC RELEASE For copies of this document call: CNA Document Control and Distribution Section at 703-824-2943. Introduction......................................................................................................... 1 Background.................................................................................................. 1 Approach..................................................................................................... 1 Russia................................................................................................................... 3 Summary...................................................................................................... 3 U.S. policy goals.......................................................................................... -
Russian Analytical Digest No 5
No. 5 29 August 2006 rrussianussian aanalyticalnalytical ddigestigest www.res.ethz.ch www.russlandanalysen.de BESLAN – TWO YEARS AFTER ■ ANALYSIS Looking Back at Beslan. Alexander Cherkasov, Moscow 2 ■ ANALYSIS Th e North Caucasus: Taking stock two years after Beslan. Jeronim Perovic, Zurich 4 ■ TABLES AND DIAGRAMS Th e North Caucasus and the Southern Federal District: Statistics and Facts 9 ■ OPINION SURVEY Th e North Caucasus in Russian Eyes 13 ■ CHRONOLOGY Terror-related incidents in the North Caucasus September 2004 – August 2006 14 Research Centre for East CSS Center for Security Otto Wolff -Stiftung DGO European Studies, Bremen An ETH Center Studies, ETH Zurich rrussianussian aanalyticalnalytical russian analytical digest 05/06 ddigestigest Analysis Looking Back at Beslan Alexander Cherkasov, Moscow Summary Two years after the Beslan tragedy, the authorities have yet to publish a fi nal report on what took place there. Most importantly, they have refused to examine the terrorist attack within the larger context of the Chechen war. Th ey have also blamed all the deaths on the terrorists, preventing a thorough investigation examining the role of the Russian security forces and the responsibilities of the authorities. Such a study would make possible a more nuanced understanding of what happened at Beslan. Hostage-taking tragedies: Moscow’s terrorists prepare and carry out their plans? Which questionable approach administrative and law enforcement offi cials were uring the course of the Chechen wars over the responsible for this?” Th ose questions are suitable for Dlast 12 years, Beslan was the fourth large-scale prosecutors. In the wider sense, we need to address terrorist act with the taking of hostages in Russia. -
Georgia Public Opinion Barometer 2006 Tbilisi 2006
Nana Sumbadze Georgia Public Opinion Barometer 2006 Tbilisi 2006 This survey was funded by the Human Rights and Governance Grants Program (HRGGP) of the Open Society Institute. Contact information: Institute for Policy Studies. Chavchavadze Av.0, entrance VI. 079 Tbilisi Georgia Tel: (9953)-0060; (9953)-9743. Fax: (9953)-0060. e-mail: [email protected] Website: www.ips.ge Full text of the report can be found at: www.ips.ge Cover and design: Gio Sumbadze Contents Foreword ................................................................................4 Major findings........................................................................ 6 Results ..................................................................................4 The sample and methodology...............................................4 Democracy building .............................................................6 Participation..............................................................6 Rule of law, equality and trust..................................7 Local elections and political preferences.................. Media........................................................................ 5 Governance............................................................................8 External orientation ..............................................................38 Poverty .................................................................................4 Estimation of economic condition of the household 4 Incomes and expenditures ........................................4 Property -
Georgia's Rock and Hard Place
Georgia's Rock and Hard Place By Gregory Feifer MAY 2001 TBILISI, Georgia--I have found over the past two or so years that Russian air- ports often provide a general indicator of the country's relations with other states. When tensions between Moscow and Washington increase, for example, for- eigners on flights from the United States find themselves waiting longer than usual to pass through customs in the dingy halls of Moscow's hated Sheremyetevo airport. (Instead of the three or four open passport control win- dows, passengers face queuing up at only one or two). So there can be no mistaking how the Kremlin feels about Georgia, the former Soviet republic and Russia's neighbor to the south. Arriving in Moscow at the ancient, Stalin-era Vnukovo airport--little changed since its heyday, with com- munist slogans on its walls and no place to sit in its dingy main halls--Georgian men are separated from women and children and forced to stand in a separate line. Most new arrivals are cowed by this new gender-cleansing policy, proof of its effectiVeness in delivering its message of total contempt. Those bold enough to ask why, or go so far as to protest are silenced by stern customs officials men- acing the travelers with outright barred entry. "Aren't I speaking Russian?!" barked one customs official, a young woman, at an elderly man who tenaciously remained in line with his frail wife and toddler granddaughter. "Don't you un- derstand I told you to stand in that line and shut up?!" she said, pointing to the much slower-moving line for men.