The Price of Settlements
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Israel's National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict
Leap of Faith: Israel’s National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict Middle East Report N°147 | 21 November 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iv I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Religious Zionism: From Ascendance to Fragmentation ................................................ 5 A. 1973: A Turning Point ................................................................................................ 5 B. 1980s and 1990s: Polarisation ................................................................................... 7 C. The Gaza Disengagement and its Aftermath ............................................................. 11 III. Settling the Land .............................................................................................................. 14 A. Bargaining with the State: The Kookists ................................................................... 15 B. Defying the State: The Hilltop Youth ........................................................................ 17 IV. From the Hills to the State .............................................................................................. -
West Bank and Gaza 2020 Human Rights Report
WEST BANK AND GAZA 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Palestinian Authority basic law provides for an elected president and legislative council. There have been no national elections in the West Bank and Gaza since 2006. President Mahmoud Abbas has remained in office despite the expiration of his four-year term in 2009. The Palestinian Legislative Council has not functioned since 2007, and in 2018 the Palestinian Authority dissolved the Constitutional Court. In September 2019 and again in September, President Abbas called for the Palestinian Authority to organize elections for the Palestinian Legislative Council within six months, but elections had not taken place as of the end of the year. The Palestinian Authority head of government is Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh. President Abbas is also chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization and general commander of the Fatah movement. Six Palestinian Authority security forces agencies operate in parts of the West Bank. Several are under Palestinian Authority Ministry of Interior operational control and follow the prime minister’s guidance. The Palestinian Civil Police have primary responsibility for civil and community policing. The National Security Force conducts gendarmerie-style security operations in circumstances that exceed the capabilities of the civil police. The Military Intelligence Agency handles intelligence and criminal matters involving Palestinian Authority security forces personnel, including accusations of abuse and corruption. The General Intelligence Service is responsible for external intelligence gathering and operations. The Preventive Security Organization is responsible for internal intelligence gathering and investigations related to internal security cases, including political dissent. The Presidential Guard protects facilities and provides dignitary protection. -
NGO MONITOR: SHRINKING SPACE Defaming Human Rights Organizations That Criticize the Israeli Occupation
NGO MONITOR: SHRINKING SPACE Defaming human rights organizations that criticize the Israeli occupation A report by the Policy Working Group September 2018 PWG Policy Working Group Table of content 3 Foreword 6 Executive Summary 11 Chapter 1: Ideological bias and political ties Background Partisan people One-sided focus, intrinsic bias Connections with the Israeli government and state authorities 19 Chapter 2: Lack of financial transparency 23 Chapter 3: Faulty research and questionable ethics Baseless claims and factual inaccuracies Dismissing and distorting thorough research 28 Chapter 4: Foul tactics Framing the occupation as an internal Israeli affair Branding NGOs as an existential threat in order to deflect criticism of the occupation Using BDS to defame Palestinian and Israeli NGOs Accusing Palestinian NGOs of “terrorist affiliations” 40 Notes 2 Foreword NGO Monitor is an organization that was founded in 2002 under the auspices of the conservative think tank JCPA (the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs) and has been an independent entity since 2007. Its declared goal is to promote “transparency and accountability of NGOs claiming human rights agendas, primarily in the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict”.1 This is a disingenuous description. In fact, years of experience show that NGO Monitor’s overarching objective is to defend and sustain government policies that help uphold Israel’s occupation of, and control over, the Palestinian territories. Israeli civil society and human rights organizations consistently refrained from engaging with NGO Monitor. Experience taught that responding to its claims would be interpreted in bad faith, provide ammunition for further attacks and force the targeted organizations to divert scarce resources away from their core mission – promoting human rights and democracy. -
11 from Survival to Destiny Download Sheet
Survey: 73% oppose a Palestinian state 85% of them Survey: support SOVEREIGNTY ריבונות Sovereignty A APolitical Political Journal Journal / / Issue Issue no. no. 11 7 // AugustMarch 20192016 73% Published by The SovereigntyPublished by Women Movement in Green founded and the by Forum Women for Sovereignty in Green oppose a Palestinion state 85% of them support MAKINGSovereignty PROGRESS NRG Poll, Jan 2016: Are you in favor of the gradual application of Israeli Law in Judea and Samaria? 44% in favor 44% 38% of gradual application In favor Not in favor of Israeli law in Judea and Samaria 18% No opinion 60% 61% 61% 69% 18% 32% of the youth favor of rightwingers of ultra-orthodox of those who dene of those who dene of those who dene the application of favor the favor the themselves themselves as themselves as leftwing the law on the application of law application of law rightwing favor the leftwingers favor the favor the application of entire area on the entire area on the entire area gradual application application of the law the law on the Jewish of the law on the entire area communities From Survival to Destiny The Jewish "Deal of the Century" Minister Haim Katz: Rep. Alan Clemmons: David P. Goldman: TAMAWe need a declaration of commitment 100 forIt is impossible the for Land a Jew to be of Israel Judea and Samaria in to Judea and Samaria as there was an occupier in his own ancestral a region of failed states. STRATEGICfor the Golan OUTLINE Heights PLAN | ISRAEL 2048 homeland, Judea Time is on Israel’s side Page 4 Page6 Page 12 2 / SOVEREIGNTY22 -
Financing Land Grab
[Released under the Official Information Act - July 2018] 1 Financing Land Grab The Direct Involvement of Israeli Banks in the Israeli Settlement Enterprise February 2017 [Released under the Official Information Act - July 2018] 2 [Released under the Official Information Act - July 2018] 3 Financing Land Grab The Direct Involvement of Israeli Banks in the Israeli Settlement Enterprise February 2017 [Released under the Official Information Act - July 2018] 4 Who Profits from the Occupation is a research center dedicated to exposing the commercial involvement of Israeli and international companies in the continued Israeli control over Palestinian and Syrian land. Who Profits operates an online database, which includes information concerning companies that are commercially complicit in the occupation. In addition, the center publishes in-depth reports and flash reports about industries, projects and specific companies. Who Profits also serves as an information center for queries regarding corporate involvement in the occupation. In this capacity, Who Profits assists individuals and civil society organizations working to end the Israeli occupation and to promote international law, corporate social responsibility, social justice and labor rights. www.whoprofits.org | [email protected] [Released under the Official Information Act - July 2018] 5 Contents Executive Summary 7 Introduction 10 Israeli Construction on Occupied Land 14 Benefits for Homebuyers and Contractors in Settlements 16 Financing Construction on Occupied Land 20 The Settlement -
Israel's National Security and West Bank Settlements
Israel’s National Security and West Bank Settlements Israel’s National Security and West Bank Settlements Academic supervision: Dr. Avner Inbar and Dr. Assaf Sharon Research and writing: Avishay Ben-Sasson Gordis Additional writing and editing: Yonatan Levi Additional research: Shai Agmon © All rights reserved to Molad - Center for the Translation: Michelle Bubis Renewal of Democracy Ltd. Contents Introduction and key findings 4 Chapter 1: From strategy to excuse: The history of the security argument 7 Chapter 2: The settlements as security burden 14 Chapter 3: National security without settlements 26 Summary: The battle over security 36 4 Introduction and key findings The single greatest challenge to Israel’s national security is the conflict with the Palestinians. While it would be mistaken to reduce the entire Israeli-Palestinian conflict to a single factor, the territorial question is arguably the determinative cause underlying the intractability of the conflict. The territorial question, in turn, is inextricably tied to Israel’s establishment of settlements – i.e., civilian communities - beyond the Green Line. Yet despite the conflict’s influence on Israel’s security, and even though the settlements will play a crucial role in determining the future of the conflict, public debate has sorely lacked serious discussion of the settlements’ impact on Israel’s national security. This paper attempts to fill the void by providing a comprehensive, fact-based analysis of the implications of the settlement enterprise on Israeli security. The analysis is backed by data and by input from Israel’s leading security professionals. The goal of this paper is not to end the debate but rather to spark it – in the hope that, even in the current muddy political climate, it will be possible to responsibly discuss a matter vital to the future of all Israelis. -
Tailwind Construction on Their Land Or on Public Land
Yesh Din Illegal construction in the settlements and outposts in the West Bank has been compounded in recent years Tailwind by a pattern of violating judicial orders issued by the Non-enforcement of judicial orders, foot dragging and the retroactive Supreme Court to stop it. The orders were issued as part legalization of illegal construction in the occupied Palestinian territories of petitions submitted by Palestinians following illegal construction on their land or on public land. Despite the gravity of the acts and the depth of the contempt they show for the law enforcement system, they are not met with an adequate enforcement response by the enforcement authorities. בבית המשפט העליון Besides ignoring judicial orders, the State repeatedly בג"ץ 2759/09 evades presenting its position on the petitions. These Tailwind בפני: כבוד השופט ח' מלצר delays, along with the failure to enforce interim orders, העותר: עבד אל נאצר חמד לבום - ראש מועצת הכפר are often exploited to establish new facts on the ground קריות with the intention of preventing the requested remedy נ ג ד from being delivered in the petitions. Furthermore, the State does everything it can to avoid demolishing the המשיבים: 1. שר הבטחון,אהוד ברק 2. מפקד כוחות צה"ל בגדה המערבית ,האלוף גד שמני buildings and tries to legalize the illegal construction 3. ראש המינהל האזרחי , תא"ל יואב מרדכי 4. מפקד משטרת מטה בנימין retroactively by declaring it to be public land (state 5. המועצה האזורית מטה בנימין 6. עלי- אגודה שיתופית חקלאית להתיישבות .land) or by approving plans קהילתית בע"מ עתירה למתן -
General Assembly Distr.: General 3 October 2001 English Original: English/French
United Nations A/56/428 General Assembly Distr.: General 3 October 2001 English Original: English/French Fifty-sixth session Agenda item 88 Report of the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian People and Other Arabs of the Occupied Territories Report of the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian People and Other Arabs of the Occupied Territories Note by the Secretary-General* The General Assembly, at its fifty-fifth session, adopted resolution 55/130 on the work of the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian People and Other Arabs of the Occupied Territories, in which, among other matters, it requested the Special Committee: (a) Pending complete termination of the Israeli occupation, to continue to investigate Israeli policies and practices in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including Jerusalem, and other Arab territories occupied by Israel since 1967, especially Israeli lack of compliance with the provisions of the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949, and to consult, as appropriate, with the International Committee of the Red Cross according to its regulations in order to ensure that the welfare and human rights of the peoples of the occupied territories are safeguarded and to report to the Secretary- General as soon as possible and whenever the need arises thereafter; (b) To submit regularly to the Secretary-General periodic reports on the current situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including Jerusalem; (c) To continue to investigate the treatment of prisoners in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including Jerusalem, and other Arab territories occupied by Israel since 1967. -
Israeli Nonprofits: an Exploration of Challenges and Opportunities , Master’S Thesis, Regis University: 2005)
Israeli NGOs and American Jewish Donors: The Structures and Dynamics of Power Sharing in a New Philanthropic Era Volume I of II A Dissertation Presented to The Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Department of Near Eastern and Judaic Studies S. Ilan Troen, Advisor In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy by Eric J. Fleisch May 2014 The signed version of this form is on file in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. This dissertation, directed and approved by Eric J. Fleisch’s Committee, has been accepted and approved by the Faculty of Brandeis University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of: DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Malcolm Watson, Dean Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Dissertation Committee: S. Ilan Troen, Department of Near Eastern and Judaic Studies Jonathan D. Sarna, Department of Near Eastern and Judaic Studies Theodore Sasson, Department of International Studies, Middlebury College Copyright by Eric J. Fleisch 2014 Acknowledgements There are so many people I would like to thank for the valuable help and support they provided me during the process of writing my dissertation. I must first start with my incomparable wife, Rebecca, to whom I dedicate my dissertation. Rebecca, you have my deepest appreciation for your unending self-sacrifice and support at every turn in the process, your belief in me, your readiness to challenge me intellectually and otherwise, your flair for bringing unique perspectives to the table, and of course for your friendship and love. I would never have been able to do this without you. -
The Disengagement: an Ideological Crisis – Cont
JAFFEE CENTER FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES TEL AVIV UNIVERSITY Volume 7, No. 4 March 2005 The Disengagement: Also in this Issue An Ideological Crisis The Election of Abu Mazen Yehuda Ben Meir and the Next Stage in Israeli–Palestinian Relations Mark A. Heller n he idea of the Greater Land of Israel has been central to the ideological, public, and in many cases personal lives of a large number of Israelis for more than thirty years. For them, Israel’s disengagement plan repre- Israel and NATO: Tsents a moment of truth and a point of no return. This plan has unquestionably Opportunities and Risks triggered a profound crisis, challenging and destabilizing many of the truths underlying their world view. An important aspect of this crisis stems from the Zaki Shalom fact that the architect and leader of the disengagement is none other than Ariel Sharon, who until recently served as the community’s chief patron. The crisis n is likely to have far-reaching repercussions. This article will assess the scope of the crisis and its implications, primarily The Recent American for this community but also with an eye to Israeli society as a whole. The threat of civil war has been mentioned more than once, and government ministers, Intelligence Failures Knesset members, and public leaders from various circles regularly discuss the Ephraim Kam need to forestall this possibility. It is therefore important to emphasize from the outset that there is no danger of civil war. In some cases, use of the term n "civil war" reflects attempts to frighten and threaten the general public in order to reduce support for the disengagement. -
The Humanitarian Monitor September 2009
UNITED NATIONS Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs occupied Palestinian territory THE HUMANITARIAN MONITOR SEPTEMBER 2009 September Overview September events highlight a number of ongoing protection concerns and underscore the fragility of the situation in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt). After four months of relative calm in the oPt, there was a sudden escalation of Israeli-Palestinian violence and a rise in related casualties, due mainly to clashes in East Jerusalem and increased settler violence. In the West Bank, confrontations erupted in the Old City of Jerusalem when Palestinians attempted to stop a group of En route from West Bank to Friday prayers in Al Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem; Israelis, accompanied by Israeli security Qalandiya Checkpoint. Photo by Patrick Zoll forces, from visiting the Al Aqsa Mosque Israeli authorities, which was later rebuilt. In the Compound; clashes soon spread to other areas of Gaza Strip, Israeli forces killed eight Palestinians the city resulting in the injury of 38 Palestinians and injured another 18. The majority of Gaza’s and 18 Israeli security forces. In other West Bank casualties this month occurred as a result of Israeli areas, Israeli settler attacks on Palestinians and their air strikes, which included, for the first time since property resulted in 21 Palestinian injuries, most the “Cast Lead” offensive”, the targeting of alleged of them in one attack carried out in retaliation to Palestinian militants travelling in a car. Among this the dismantlement of one settlement -
Disengagement and Its Discontents
DISENGAGEMENT AND ITS DISCONTENTS: WHAT WILL THE ISRAELI SETTLERS DO? Middle East Report N°43 – 7 July 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. THE DISENGAGEMENT PLAN................................................................................. 1 A. WHICH SETTLEMENTS?.........................................................................................................1 B. THE COMPENSATION PACKAGE.............................................................................................2 C. THE EVACUATION OPERATION..............................................................................................3 II. MAPPING THE SETTLER COMMUNITY............................................................... 4 A. ECONOMIC SETTLERS............................................................................................................5 B. IDEOLOGICAL SETTLERS .......................................................................................................6 1. Origins of the national-religious movement ..............................................................6 2. The moderate wing ....................................................................................................7 3. The hard-line wing.....................................................................................................9 4. The post-Zionist extremists .......................................................................................9