The Humanitarian Monitor September 2009
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West Bank and Gaza 2020 Human Rights Report
WEST BANK AND GAZA 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Palestinian Authority basic law provides for an elected president and legislative council. There have been no national elections in the West Bank and Gaza since 2006. President Mahmoud Abbas has remained in office despite the expiration of his four-year term in 2009. The Palestinian Legislative Council has not functioned since 2007, and in 2018 the Palestinian Authority dissolved the Constitutional Court. In September 2019 and again in September, President Abbas called for the Palestinian Authority to organize elections for the Palestinian Legislative Council within six months, but elections had not taken place as of the end of the year. The Palestinian Authority head of government is Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh. President Abbas is also chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization and general commander of the Fatah movement. Six Palestinian Authority security forces agencies operate in parts of the West Bank. Several are under Palestinian Authority Ministry of Interior operational control and follow the prime minister’s guidance. The Palestinian Civil Police have primary responsibility for civil and community policing. The National Security Force conducts gendarmerie-style security operations in circumstances that exceed the capabilities of the civil police. The Military Intelligence Agency handles intelligence and criminal matters involving Palestinian Authority security forces personnel, including accusations of abuse and corruption. The General Intelligence Service is responsible for external intelligence gathering and operations. The Preventive Security Organization is responsible for internal intelligence gathering and investigations related to internal security cases, including political dissent. The Presidential Guard protects facilities and provides dignitary protection. -
NGO MONITOR: SHRINKING SPACE Defaming Human Rights Organizations That Criticize the Israeli Occupation
NGO MONITOR: SHRINKING SPACE Defaming human rights organizations that criticize the Israeli occupation A report by the Policy Working Group September 2018 PWG Policy Working Group Table of content 3 Foreword 6 Executive Summary 11 Chapter 1: Ideological bias and political ties Background Partisan people One-sided focus, intrinsic bias Connections with the Israeli government and state authorities 19 Chapter 2: Lack of financial transparency 23 Chapter 3: Faulty research and questionable ethics Baseless claims and factual inaccuracies Dismissing and distorting thorough research 28 Chapter 4: Foul tactics Framing the occupation as an internal Israeli affair Branding NGOs as an existential threat in order to deflect criticism of the occupation Using BDS to defame Palestinian and Israeli NGOs Accusing Palestinian NGOs of “terrorist affiliations” 40 Notes 2 Foreword NGO Monitor is an organization that was founded in 2002 under the auspices of the conservative think tank JCPA (the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs) and has been an independent entity since 2007. Its declared goal is to promote “transparency and accountability of NGOs claiming human rights agendas, primarily in the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict”.1 This is a disingenuous description. In fact, years of experience show that NGO Monitor’s overarching objective is to defend and sustain government policies that help uphold Israel’s occupation of, and control over, the Palestinian territories. Israeli civil society and human rights organizations consistently refrained from engaging with NGO Monitor. Experience taught that responding to its claims would be interpreted in bad faith, provide ammunition for further attacks and force the targeted organizations to divert scarce resources away from their core mission – promoting human rights and democracy. -
Tailwind Construction on Their Land Or on Public Land
Yesh Din Illegal construction in the settlements and outposts in the West Bank has been compounded in recent years Tailwind by a pattern of violating judicial orders issued by the Non-enforcement of judicial orders, foot dragging and the retroactive Supreme Court to stop it. The orders were issued as part legalization of illegal construction in the occupied Palestinian territories of petitions submitted by Palestinians following illegal construction on their land or on public land. Despite the gravity of the acts and the depth of the contempt they show for the law enforcement system, they are not met with an adequate enforcement response by the enforcement authorities. בבית המשפט העליון Besides ignoring judicial orders, the State repeatedly בג"ץ 2759/09 evades presenting its position on the petitions. These Tailwind בפני: כבוד השופט ח' מלצר delays, along with the failure to enforce interim orders, העותר: עבד אל נאצר חמד לבום - ראש מועצת הכפר are often exploited to establish new facts on the ground קריות with the intention of preventing the requested remedy נ ג ד from being delivered in the petitions. Furthermore, the State does everything it can to avoid demolishing the המשיבים: 1. שר הבטחון,אהוד ברק 2. מפקד כוחות צה"ל בגדה המערבית ,האלוף גד שמני buildings and tries to legalize the illegal construction 3. ראש המינהל האזרחי , תא"ל יואב מרדכי 4. מפקד משטרת מטה בנימין retroactively by declaring it to be public land (state 5. המועצה האזורית מטה בנימין 6. עלי- אגודה שיתופית חקלאית להתיישבות .land) or by approving plans קהילתית בע"מ עתירה למתן -
Israeli Nonprofits: an Exploration of Challenges and Opportunities , Master’S Thesis, Regis University: 2005)
Israeli NGOs and American Jewish Donors: The Structures and Dynamics of Power Sharing in a New Philanthropic Era Volume I of II A Dissertation Presented to The Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Department of Near Eastern and Judaic Studies S. Ilan Troen, Advisor In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy by Eric J. Fleisch May 2014 The signed version of this form is on file in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. This dissertation, directed and approved by Eric J. Fleisch’s Committee, has been accepted and approved by the Faculty of Brandeis University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of: DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Malcolm Watson, Dean Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Dissertation Committee: S. Ilan Troen, Department of Near Eastern and Judaic Studies Jonathan D. Sarna, Department of Near Eastern and Judaic Studies Theodore Sasson, Department of International Studies, Middlebury College Copyright by Eric J. Fleisch 2014 Acknowledgements There are so many people I would like to thank for the valuable help and support they provided me during the process of writing my dissertation. I must first start with my incomparable wife, Rebecca, to whom I dedicate my dissertation. Rebecca, you have my deepest appreciation for your unending self-sacrifice and support at every turn in the process, your belief in me, your readiness to challenge me intellectually and otherwise, your flair for bringing unique perspectives to the table, and of course for your friendship and love. I would never have been able to do this without you. -
The Price of Settlements
The PRI 1,000,000,000 E of the Settlements Or How Israel Favors Settlements and Settlers 2013 So How Much do the Settlements Actually Cost? (Or) Where Is The Money Hiding? It is very hard to estimate the true cost of the settlements. Nonetheless, Peace Now has managed to track down a large amount of data and information that indicates the tremendous sums of money transferred to the ₪ settlements. ₪ ₪ A bird’s eye view reveals the preferences given by the ₪ Israeli government to the settlements. This information was obtained by looking at the benefits and grants used as incentives by the State of Israel for citizens to live in the settlements at the expense of supporting areas inside of Israel. Furthermore, the settlers’ political lobby manages to maintain benefits and obtain additional grants and budgets that far outweigh their proportion of the population. The figures are based on official, minimal figures. It is clear to us that the actual sums transferred to the settlements are much higher. State funds are transferred to residents in two main ways: budgets are transferred by government ministries directly to services provided to citizens, and government budgets transferred to the local authorities that provide of the Settlements The Price many services to the residents. Local authorities also have independent sources of income (various taxes, payments and levies) and have a certain amount of flexibility in distributing their budget. 2 There are two ways to get an idea of the price of the settlements. One is to try to review all details of all expenses of all the government ministries according to the area to which the budget was directed (such a calculation would be very difficult and in certain areas impossible; however, the Finance Ministry did such a calculation for the US administration). -
A Case of Israeli “Democratic Colonialism”31
73 “The Frontier is where the Jews Live”: A Case of Israeli “Democratic Colonialism”31 Nicola Perugini32 The frontier is where Jews live, not where there is a line on the map. Golda Meir Space and law, or rather the space of law and law applied to space were among the primary elements of Israeli colonial sovereignty in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) and of the forms of subjugation it employs to express this force. Through colonial practices that have systematically violated the borders of the very same international legislation that enabled ‘temporary’ Israeli occupation, and through the legal regularization of these violations, the landscape of the OPT has been gradually transformed into a legal arena in which colonial sovereignty works by means of a mixed system involving the application –and mutual integration– of increasingly complex laws and constant ‘innovations’ in government instruments and practices affecting Palestinian movements and areas. This historical process has become even more evident after the Oslo Accords, when the institutionalization of the separation between Israelis and Palestinians –without decolonization33– resulted in increased Israeli compartmentalization of the Palestinian landscape and the refinement of its techniques in doing so. Like other colonized peoples, the Palestinians do not live so much in a real system of “suspended sovereignty” (Kimmerling 1982: 200) as in a situation where Israeli colonial sovereignty is continuously undergoing refinement, in a spatial and peripheral frontier in which the colonial encounter (Evans 2009) is the moment of the creation, application and re-activation of the colonial order. In such a context, what is interesting is not so much the question of the legality or illegality of the practices and rules that reify the occupation so much as that of their logic and of how they came into being through space. -
Israeli Settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Including East Jerusalem, and in the Occupied Syrian Golan
A/HRC/46/65 Advance Edited Version Distr.: General 15 February 2021 Original: English Human Rights Council Forty-sixth session 22 February–19 March 2021 Agenda items 2 and 7 Annual report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and reports of the Office of the High Commissioner and the Secretary-General Human rights situation in Palestine and other occupied Arab territories Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and in the occupied Syrian Golan Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights* Summary In the present report, submitted pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution 43/31, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights provides an update on the implementation of resolution 43/31 from 1 November 2019 to 31 October 2020. The High Commissioner describes the expansion of Israeli settlement activities and their negative impact on the rights of Palestinian people and on the contiguity of the Occupied Palestinian Territory, particularly in and around East Jerusalem. The High Commissioner also addresses issues relating to Israeli settlements in the occupied Syrian Golan. * The present report was submitted after the deadline so as to include the most recent information. A/HRC/46/65 I. Introduction 1. The present report is submitted pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution 43/31, in which the Council requested the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to report on the implementation of the resolution at its forty-sixth session, with particular emphasis on the consequences of the intensification of settlement activity and other steps taken towards formal annexation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, particularly in and around East Jerusalem and the so-called E1 area, for the contiguity of the Occupied Palestinian Territory, and their implications for the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of the Palestinian people. -
Palestine Joint Country Programme Evaluation Report
PALESTINE DCA/NCA JOINT COUNTRY PROGRAMME EVALUATION 2016-2020 Final Evaluation Report (Second Draft) 21 February 2021 Arab World for Research and Development (AWRAD) Al-Masayef., Kamal Nasser St., Building # 43. P.O. Box: 2238, Ramallah – Palestine Joint Country Programme- Palestine| 2016-2020 Evaluation Report Table of Contents List of Tables .................................................................................................................... 2 List of Figures ................................................................................................................... 2 Acronyms ......................................................................................................................... 3 Evaluation Recommendations .......................................................................................... 5 Executive Summary .......................................................................................................... 8 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................... 11 2. Overview of Evaluation ............................................................................................... 12 3. Context of intervention............................................................................................... 15 4. Evaluation methodology ............................................................................................. 19 5. Findings and results ................................................................................................... -
Alternative NGO Report: Information for Establishing List of Issues for The
Alternative NGO Report: Information for Establishing List of Issues for the State of Israel before the The Committee on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) Submitted by Negev Coexistence Forum for Civil Equality (NCF) April 2012 Table of Contents I. Executive Summary ................................................................................................................3 II. List of Tables and Maps..........................................................................................................4 II. Introduction.............................................................................................................................5 Presentation of NGO..............................................................................................................5 Methodology of Report..........................................................................................................5 Historical Context ..................................................................................................................6 Current Socio-economic Situation…………………………………………………………..7 Government-planned towns .....................................................................................7 Newly recognized townships ....................................................................................7 “Unrecognized villages”: non-existent and illegal .................................................7 IV. Substantive Section ...............................................................................................................9 -
Israeli Land Grab and Forced Population Transfer of Palestinians: a Handbook for Vulnerable Individuals and Communities
ISRAELI LAND GRAB AND ISRAELI LAND GRAB AND FORCED POPULATION TRANSFORCEDFER OF PALEST POINPIANSULAT: ION TRANSFERA Handbook OF PALEST for INIANS Vulnerable Individuals and Communities A Handbook for Vulnerable Individuals and Communities BADIL بديــل Resource Center املركز الفلسطيني for Palestinian Residency & Refugee Rights ملصـادر حقـوق املواطنـة والﻻجئـيـن Bethlehem, Palestine June 2013 BADIL بديــل Resource Center املركز الفلسطيني for Palestinian Residency & Refugee Rights ملصـادر حقـوق املواطنـة والﻻجئـيـن Researchers: Amjad Alqasis and Nidal al Azza Research Team: Thayer Hastings, Manar Makhoul, Brona Higgins and Amaia Elorza Field Research Team: Wassim Ghantous, Halimeh Khatib, Dr. Bassam Abu Hashish and Ala’ Hilu Design and Layout: Atallah Salem Printing: Al-Ayyam Printing, Press, Publishing & Distribution Company 152 p. 24cm ISBN 978-9950-339-39-5 ISRAELI LAND GRAB AND FORCED POPULATION TRANSFER OF PALESTINIANS: A HANDBOOK FOR VULNERABLE INDIVIDUALS AND COMMUNITIES / 1. Palestine 2. Israel 3. Forced Population Transfer 4. Land Confiscation 5. Restrictions on Use and Access of Land 6. Home Demolitions 7. Building Permits 8. Colonization 9. Occupied Palestinian Territory 10. Israeli Laws DS127.96.S4I87 2013 All rights reserved © BADIL Resource Center for Palestinian Residency & Refugee Rights June 2013 Credit and Notations Many thanks to all interview partners who provided the foundation for this publication, in particular to Suhad Bishara, Nasrat Dakwar, Manal Hazzan-Abu Sinni, Quamar Mishirqi, Ekram Nicola and Mohammad Abu Remaileh for their insightful and essential guidance in putting together this handbook. We would also like to thank Gerry Liston for his contribution in providing the legal overview presented in the introduction and Rich Wiles for his assistance throughout the editing phase. -
Law Against the People/The Empire Strikes Back, 54 Revista Antropolítica 107 (2017)
University of California, Hastings College of the Law UC Hastings Scholarship Repository Faculty Scholarship 2017 Law Against the People/The mpirE e Strikes Back George Bisharat [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/faculty_scholarship Recommended Citation George Bisharat, Law Against the People/The Empire Strikes Back, 54 Revista Antropolítica 107 (2017). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/faculty_scholarship/1636 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LAW AGAINST THE PEOPLE/THE EMPIRE STRIKES BACK1 George E. Bisharat Emeritus Professor of Law, University of California Hastings College of the Law. George E. Bisharat was a trial lawyer for the Office of the Public Defender in San Francisco before joining the UC Hast- ings faculty in 1991. Professor Bisharat studied law, anthropology, and Middle East studies at Har- vard, and wrote a book about Palestinian lawyers working under Israeli military occupation in the West Bank. He writes frequently on the Middle East, both for academic audiences and for major media sources in the U.S. and abroad. After taking emeritus status in 2015, Bisharat, as “Big Harp George,” has recorded two blues albums that earned award nominations and critical acclaim. SUMMARY The objective of this article is to describe and analyze how supporters of Israeli state policies have, since 2000, used legal forms often associated with efforts by the powerless to challenge entrenched power to instead turn those forms into tools of the powerful. -
Israel 2019 Human Rights Report
ISRAEL 2019 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Israel is a multiparty parliamentary democracy. Although it has no constitution, parliament, the unicameral 120-member Knesset, has enacted a series of “Basic Laws” that enumerate fundamental rights. Certain fundamental laws, orders, and regulations legally depend on the existence of a “state of emergency,” which has been in effect since 1948. Under the Basic Laws, the Knesset has the power to dissolve the government and mandate elections. Following the nationwide Knesset elections in April and September, which were generally considered free and fair, Israeli political parties failed to form a coalition government. Therefore, the Knesset voted on December 11 to dissolve itself and set March 2, 2020, as the date for a third general election within a year. Under the authority of the prime minister, the Israeli Security Agency (ISA) combats terrorism and espionage in Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza. The national police, including the border police and the immigration police, are under the authority of the Ministry of Public Security. The Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) is responsible for external security but also has some domestic security responsibilities and reports to the Ministry of Defense. ISA forces operating in the West Bank and East Jerusalem fall under the IDF for operations and operational debriefing. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over the security services. Significant human rights issues included: reports of unlawful or arbitrary killings, including targeted killings of Israeli civilians and soldiers; arbitrary detention; restrictions on non-Israelis residing in Jerusalem including arbitrary or unlawful interference with privacy, family, and home; and significant restrictions on freedom of movement.