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The Ideology of Internationalism in David Ben-Gurion's
Statesman or Internationalist?: The Ideology of Internationalism in David Ben-Gurion’s Imagined Transnational Community, 1900 – 1931 Ari Cohen Master’s Thesis Corcoran Department of History University of Virginia January 2018 Introduction In 1983 Benedict Anderson wrote, “Nation-ness is the most universally legitimate value in the political life of our time.”1 His seminal book, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, contended that nationalism shaped the modern world by creating independent political units of nation-states still visible today. The nation comprised Anderson’s sole unit of measure for global modern politics. Anderson’s thesis defined two generations of historians who focused on nations and their construction in the post-imperial period: ideologically, geographically, culturally, and intellectually, in minds and along borders. This historical trend produced vital explorations of the 1 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (Place: Publisher, 1983), 3. 1 fundamental transition from empires to modern states. It accounted for the creation of modern nation-states and for the nationalist movements that reordered a broken world system. Still, the Anderson approach was not without its critics. Many scholars challenged his stark view of nationalism as an imaginary construct of modernity, which excluded the possibility for premodern nations and national identities.2 Others questioned his narrow focus on print capitalism as a key driver of the nation-formation process.3 These critiques centered on the causes of nationalism and its periodization. More recently, however, a third more expansive line of critique has appeared. As recent scholarship has demonstrated, Anderson explicitly viewed nation-states as atomized units. -
West Bank and Gaza 2020 Human Rights Report
WEST BANK AND GAZA 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Palestinian Authority basic law provides for an elected president and legislative council. There have been no national elections in the West Bank and Gaza since 2006. President Mahmoud Abbas has remained in office despite the expiration of his four-year term in 2009. The Palestinian Legislative Council has not functioned since 2007, and in 2018 the Palestinian Authority dissolved the Constitutional Court. In September 2019 and again in September, President Abbas called for the Palestinian Authority to organize elections for the Palestinian Legislative Council within six months, but elections had not taken place as of the end of the year. The Palestinian Authority head of government is Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh. President Abbas is also chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization and general commander of the Fatah movement. Six Palestinian Authority security forces agencies operate in parts of the West Bank. Several are under Palestinian Authority Ministry of Interior operational control and follow the prime minister’s guidance. The Palestinian Civil Police have primary responsibility for civil and community policing. The National Security Force conducts gendarmerie-style security operations in circumstances that exceed the capabilities of the civil police. The Military Intelligence Agency handles intelligence and criminal matters involving Palestinian Authority security forces personnel, including accusations of abuse and corruption. The General Intelligence Service is responsible for external intelligence gathering and operations. The Preventive Security Organization is responsible for internal intelligence gathering and investigations related to internal security cases, including political dissent. The Presidential Guard protects facilities and provides dignitary protection. -
Disenchanted Love
Ex-Soviets in the Israeli Political Space: Values, Attitudes, and Electoral Behavior Michael Philippov Research Paper 3 April 2010 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION: SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC INTEGRATION OF EX-SOVIETS IN ISRAEL…………3 EX-SOVIET IMMIGRANTS: SOVIETIZED ISRAEL.....................................................................6 “RUSSIAN” POLITICS IN ISRAEL………………………………………………………………………………………..12 IMMIGRANTS IN THE ISRAELI POLITICAL SPACE – WHAT LIES AHEAD?..............................17 2 Ex-Soviets in the Israeli Political Space: Values, Attitudes, and Electoral Behavior Michael Philippov Key words: FSU immigrants, political culture, political attitudes, elections, electoral behavior INTRODUCTION: SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC INTEGRATION OF EX-SOVIETS IN ISRAEL Approximately one million ex-Soviet immigrants have settled in Israel since 1989, with the majority having arrived between 1989 and 1995. This "Russian" immigration was noted for its high human capital, as a large proportion had college degrees and training in a variety of technical and professional fields, and the value of education and professional success was an important component of their worldview and culture. Most belonged to the middle class and had resided in large cities in the European portion of the Soviet Union. However, the demographic character changed as the immigrants who arrived in Israel since 2000 were more provincial and less "Jewish".1 The 1990s portion of this wave is a classic case of economic-driven migration, as the forces that pushed and pulled the immigrants -
Opinion New Government, New President, New Israel?
Journal of Military and Strategic VOLUME 20, ISSUE 3 Studies Opinion New Government, New President, New Israel? Melanie Carina Schmoll, PhD Israel in summer 2021 – the end of the pandemic seems to be near. Israel opens up, almost all mask requirements are cancelled, international travel groups are welcome and even the individual guests are allowed to travel to the Holy Land with almost no restrictions. It seems Israel is back in pre-pandemic times. But it is not the same country anymore. Some fundamental changes have happened over the last few weeks. When, in March 2021, the Israelis had to vote again for the Israeli Parliament, the Knesset, it was for the fourth time within two and a half years. The outcome was almost the same as the three times before. Benjamin Nethanyahu, Israel´s long-time prime minister, won most of the seats with his Likud party. As the State of Israel is a parlamentary democracy the executive branch or the government draws its authority from the Parliament (the legislative branch) and needs its confidence. Therefore, the prime minister is not decided directly by the voters but depends instead on a process of bargaining among the various fractions elected to parliament. In Israel, no single party holds most of the seats in Parliament and thus the process of forming a government is long and complicated.1 Israel also has an extreme proportional system of government, 1 For more information see Melanie Carina Schmoll, “Israel and the permanent siege: The people have spoken - who will find an answer to the needs of the voters?” Journal of Military and Strategic Studies 20, 1 (2019). -
Guidelines on Human Rights Education for Health Workers Published by the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) Ul
guidelines on human rights education for health workers Published by the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) Ul. Miodowa 10 00–251 Warsaw Poland www.osce.org/odihr © OSCE/ODIHR 2013 All rights reserved. The contents of this publication may be freely used and copied for educational and other non-commercial purposes, provided that any such reproduction is accompanied by an acknowledgement of the OSCE/ ODIHR as the source. ISBN 978-92-9234-870-0 Designed by Homework, Warsaw, Poland Cover photograph by iStockphoto Printed in Poland by Sungraf Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................ 5 FOreworD ................................................................................................... 9 Introduction ............................................................................................11 Rationale for human rights education for health workers............................. 11 Key definitions for the guidelines .............................................................................14 Process for elaborating the guidelines ................................................................... 15 Anticipated users of the guidelines .......................................................................... 17 Purposes of the guidelines ........................................................................................... 17 Application of the guidelines ......................................................................................18 -
2 Israeli Attacks on Human Rights Organizations and Activists Palestinian Centre for Human Rights 2019 3
2 Israeli Attacks on Human Rights Organizations and Activists Palestinian Centre for Human Rights 2019 3 Contents Introduction 8 Part I 11 Isolation of the Victim :Shrinking Space for NGOs in the oPt by the Israeli occupation 1. The belligerent occupation attempts to criminalize the victim: Smear 13 campaigns against human rights defenders 2 .Sanctions and the Restrictions on Freedom of Movement 29 3 .Attempts to Defund Human Rights Organizations 33 4 .Threatening human rights defenders 35 Part II 38 International Standards for Human Rights Defenders 1. International Conventions 39 2 .States ’Obligations towards Human Rights Defenders 44 Conclusion and Recommendations 46 4 Israeli Attacks on Human Rights Organizations and Activists Palestinian Centre for Human Rights 2019 5 Preface From the moment we took it upon ourselves to defend human rights and civilians in times of war, we were conscious to both the dignity in our mission and the dangers it bears on our lives and security as human rights defenders. Nonetheless, human dignity and advocating for the rights of victims were at the heart of our mission, our life goal and purpose. We were armed with the international law’s rules and mechanisms, which is the fruit of many peoples’ experiences and struggles to identify justice from injustice, in our mission to protect humans and their rights to live a dignified life. Decades passed and we fought via every legal route we had available tirelessly, without a single moment of hesitation in the face of the Israeli occupation’s restrictions and threats. As the occu- pation continued without rest to put hurdles in our path, and enjoyed the illusion of depriving us from the means and mechanisms to defend the defeated and oppressed, our will never waned and we were never persuaded to drift from the path we chose to tread, because it is our deep belief that we have no choice but to stand tall and defend, as Palestinian people, our existence, dignity and right to self-determination. -
Human Rights International Ngos: a Critical Evaluation
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law University at Buffalo School of Law Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law Contributions to Books Faculty Scholarship 2001 Human Rights International NGOs: A Critical Evaluation Makau Mutua University at Buffalo School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/book_sections Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Makau Mutua, Human Rights International NGOs: A Critical Evaluation in NGOs and Human Rights: Promise and Performance 151 (Claude E. Welch, Jr., ed., University of Pennsylvania Press 2001) Copyright © 2001 University of pennsylvania Press. All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations used for purposes of scholarly citation, none of this work may be reproduced in any form by any means without written permission from the publisher. For information address the University of Pennsylvania Press, 3905 Spruce Street, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104-4112. This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Contributions to Books by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Chapter 7 Human Rights International NGOs A Critical Evaluation Makau Mutua The human rights movement can be seen in variety of guises. It can be seen as a move ment for international justice or as a cultural project for "civilizing savage" cultures. -
Human Rights Organisations on 5 Continents
FIDH represents 164 human rights organisations on 5 continents FIDH - International Federation for Human Rights 17, passage de la Main-d’Or - 75011 Paris - France CCP Paris: 76 76 Z Tel: (33-1) 43 55 25 18 / Fax: (33-1) 43 55 18 80 www.fi dh.org ANNUAL REPORT 2011 ANNUAL REPORT 2011 Cover: © AFP/MOHAMMED ABED Egypt, 16 December 2011. 04 Our Fundamentals 06 164 member organisations 07 International Board 08 International Secretariat 10 Priority 1 Protect and support human rights defenders 15 Priority 2 Promote and protect women’s rights 19 Priority 3 Promote and protect migrants’ rights 24 Priority 4 Promote the administration of justice and the i ght against impunity 33 Priority 5 Strengthening respect for human rights in the context of globalisation 38 Priority 6 Mobilising the community of States 43 Priority 7 Support the respect for human rights and the rule of law in conl ict and emergency situations, or during political transition 44 > Asia 49 > Eastern Europe and Central Asia 54 > North Africa and Middle East 59 > Sub-Saharan Africa 64 > The Americas 68 Internal challenges 78 Financial report 2011 79 They support us Our Fundamentals Our mandate: Protect all rights Interaction: Local presence - global action The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) is an As a federal movement, FIDH operates on the basis of interac- international NGO. It defends all human rights - civil, political, tion with its member organisations. It ensures that FIDH merges economic, social and cultural - as contained in the Universal on-the-ground experience and knowledge with expertise in inter- Declaration of Human Rights. -
The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy
Luke Howson University of Liverpool The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy By Luke Howson July 2014 Committee: Clive Jones, BA (Hons) MA, PhD Prof Jon Tonge, PhD 1 Luke Howson University of Liverpool © 2014 Luke Howson All Rights Reserved 2 Luke Howson University of Liverpool Abstract This thesis focuses on the role of ultra-orthodox party Shas within the Israeli state as a means to explore wider themes and divisions in Israeli society. Without underestimating the significance of security and conflict within the structure of the Israeli state, in this thesis the Arab–Jewish relationship is viewed as just one important cleavage within the Israeli state. Instead of focusing on this single cleavage, this thesis explores the complex structure of cleavages at the heart of the Israeli political system. It introduces the concept of a ‘cleavage pyramid’, whereby divisions are of different saliency to different groups. At the top of the pyramid is division between Arabs and Jews, but one rung down from this are the intra-Jewish divisions, be they religious, ethnic or political in nature. In the case of Shas, the religious and ethnic elements are the most salient. The secular–religious divide is a key fault line in Israel and one in which ultra-orthodox parties like Shas are at the forefront. They and their politically secular counterparts form a key division in Israel, and an exploration of Shas is an insightful means of exploring this division further, its history and causes, and how these groups interact politically. -
S New Mccarthyism
Israel’s New McCarthyism Peter Dreier published the following article in The American Prospect. Dreier teaches politics and chairs the Urban & Environmental Policy Department at Occidental College. His latest book is The 100 Greatest Americans of the 20th Century: A Social Justice Hall of Fame (Nation Books, 2012). The article examines the growing attacks on Israel’s progressive civil rights and human rights movement (such as Breaking the Silence) and on the New Israel Fund by the Netanyahu’s government and extremist groups like Im Tirtzu: Israel’s New McCarthyism Inside the well-organized campaign against Israel’s progressive community. As international discontent with Israel’s occupation policy continues to rise, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government and Israel’s ultra-right-wing movement have escalated their attacks on the country’s progressive community, which opposes the 49-year-old Israeli occupation of the West Bank and the ever-expanding government-subsidized settlements. This week, the Knesset is expected to take up a bill backed by Netanyahu and his allies that will require Israeli nongovernmental organizations that expose and challenge the government’s human rights abuses against Palestinians to register, in effect, as foreign agents. Some Israeli activists call the legislation their country’s version of McCarthyism. Others liken what’s happening in Israel as similar to the current attack on Planned Parenthood by Republicans and their more successful campaign several years ago to dismantle the community organizing group ACORN. The attack includes the recent publication of a report and the release of a video, both sponsored by the ultra-nationalist group Im Tirtzu (literally, “if you will it”). -
NGO MONITOR: SHRINKING SPACE Defaming Human Rights Organizations That Criticize the Israeli Occupation
NGO MONITOR: SHRINKING SPACE Defaming human rights organizations that criticize the Israeli occupation A report by the Policy Working Group September 2018 PWG Policy Working Group Table of content 3 Foreword 6 Executive Summary 11 Chapter 1: Ideological bias and political ties Background Partisan people One-sided focus, intrinsic bias Connections with the Israeli government and state authorities 19 Chapter 2: Lack of financial transparency 23 Chapter 3: Faulty research and questionable ethics Baseless claims and factual inaccuracies Dismissing and distorting thorough research 28 Chapter 4: Foul tactics Framing the occupation as an internal Israeli affair Branding NGOs as an existential threat in order to deflect criticism of the occupation Using BDS to defame Palestinian and Israeli NGOs Accusing Palestinian NGOs of “terrorist affiliations” 40 Notes 2 Foreword NGO Monitor is an organization that was founded in 2002 under the auspices of the conservative think tank JCPA (the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs) and has been an independent entity since 2007. Its declared goal is to promote “transparency and accountability of NGOs claiming human rights agendas, primarily in the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict”.1 This is a disingenuous description. In fact, years of experience show that NGO Monitor’s overarching objective is to defend and sustain government policies that help uphold Israel’s occupation of, and control over, the Palestinian territories. Israeli civil society and human rights organizations consistently refrained from engaging with NGO Monitor. Experience taught that responding to its claims would be interpreted in bad faith, provide ammunition for further attacks and force the targeted organizations to divert scarce resources away from their core mission – promoting human rights and democracy. -
REPORTING HUMAN RIGHTS in the PHILIPPINES a Field Guide for Journalists and Media Workers
REPORTING HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE PHILIPPINES A Field Guide for Journalists and Media Workers Red Batario Main Author and Editor Yvonne T. Chua Luz Rimban Ibarra C. Mateo Writers Rorie Fajardo Project Coordinator Alan Davis Foreword The publication of this guide was made possible with the support of the US Department of State through the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor (DRL) Copyright 2009 PHILIPPINE HUMAN RIGHTS REPORTING PROJECT Published by the Philippine Human Rights Reporting Project 4th Floor, FSS Bldg., 89 Scout Castor St., Barangay Laging Handa Quezon City 1103 Philippines All rights reserved No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfilming, recording, or otherwise, without written permission from the Publisher. Printed in Quezon City, Philippines National Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data Batario, Red Reporting Human Rights in the Philippines: A Field Guide for Journalists and Media Workers TABLE OF CONTENTS Foreword .......................................................................8 REPORTING HUMAN RIGHTS AS NEWS .............. 10 Covering and reporting human rights are often reduced to simplistic narratives of the struggle between good and evil that is then set on a stage where dramatic depictions of human despair become a sensational representation of the day’s headlines HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE NEWS MEDIA ............ 19 Why do journalists and the news media need to know human rights? What are human rights? What are ordinary rights? THE NEWS PROCESS............................................ 31 How to explore other ways of covering, developing and reporting human rights for newspapers, television, radio and on-line publications.