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WHEN POPULISM MEETS NATIONALISM Reflections on Parties in Power
WHEN POPULISM MEETS NATIONALISM Reflections on Parties in Power edited by Alberto Martinelli activities with a significant introduction by Paolo Magri caudem faudam mo con tatuit, firmant erfirios, nest ad Pennsylvania, ISPI placed first When Populism Meets Nationalism Reflections on Parties in Power edited by Alberto Martinelli © 2018 Ledizioni LediPublishing Via Alamanni, 11 – 20141 Milano – Italy www.ledizioni.it [email protected] When Populism Meets Nationalism. Reflections on Parties in Power Edited by Alberto Martinelli First edition: December 2018 The opinions expressed herein are strictly personal and do not necessarily reflect the position of ISPI. Print ISBN 9788867059003 ePub ISBN 9788867059010 Pdf ISBN 9788867059027 DOI 10.14672/67059003 ISPI. Via Clerici, 5 20121, Milan www.ispionline.it Catalogue and reprints information: www.ledizioni.it Table of Contents Introduction........................................................................ 7 Paolo Magri 1. Populism & Nationalism: The (Peculiar) Case of Italy............................................... 13 Alberto Martinelli 2. National-Populism in Trump’s First Year of Presidency.................................................... 47 Eliza Tanner Hawkins, Kirk A. Hawkins 3. Populism and Nationalism in CEE: Two of a Perfect Pair?....................................................... 71 Radoslaw Markowski 4. The Unsettling Shadow of the Past: National-Populism in Austria......................................... 95 Karin Liebhart 5. Turkey’s AKP and the West: Nationalism, -
Network Pragmatism: Towards an Open Social Economy Yochai Benkler Democratic Market Society Is Facing a Crisis
Network Pragmatism: Towards an Open Social Economy Yochai Benkler Democratic market society is facing a crisis. For forty years, the nation state has eroded as the central organizing principle of economy, identity, and institutions, losing its centrality to competing sources both externally and internally. Externally, globalization, cosmopolitanism and universal human rights, and internationalism shifted economy, identity, and polity from the state to the regional and global. Internally, the role of the national public fragmented and shrank along the same three dimensions. Deregulation and privatization (economy), pluralism, civil rights, and individualism (identity), and private ordering through contracts and property (delegating to private actors the domain of polity – use of coercion to achieve social order) mirrored the internationalizing effects. The economic nationalism embodied by the Trump and Brexit victories, as well as by the ascendance of more explicit majoritarian authoritarianism as in Russia, Turkey, or Hungary, offers an internally coherent alternative by inverting all three dimensions of markets, identity, and polity. The newly emerging economic nationalism is a fundamental rejection of the Davos Consensus: an intellectual congruence and political détente between neoliberalism, rights pluralism, and postmodernism that typified the United States and Britain since the 1970s, with clear echoes in other economically advanced democracies. Neoliberalism emphasized the free movement of goods, capital, and labor, freed from the fetters of social and national commitment, promising economic dynamism in exchange for economic security and enhanced consumer sovereignty and entrepreneurial freedom in exchange for solidarity. Cosmopolitanism and pluralism offered tolerance and celebration of difference and individual self-creation in exchange for the solidarity that came with the imagined community of nationalism and easy insider-outsiders binaries as the foundation of collective identity. -
On Russian Music Might Win It
37509_u01.qxd 5/19/08 4:04 PM Page 27 1 Some Thoughts on the History and Historiography of Russian Music A preliminary version of this chapter was read as a paper in a symposium or- ganized by Malcolm H. Brown on “Fifty Years of American Research in Slavic Music,” given at the fiftieth national meeting of the American Musicological Society, on 27 October 1984. The other participants in the symposium and their topics were Barbara Krader (Slavic Ethnic Musics), Milos Velimirovic (Slavic Church Music), Malcolm H. Brown (Russian Music—What Has Been Done), Laurel Fay (The Special Case of Soviet Music—Problems of Method- ology), and Michael Beckerman (Czech Music Research). Margarita Mazo served as respondent. My assigned topic for this symposium was “What Is to Be Done,” but being no Chernïshevsky, still less a Lenin, I took it on with reluctance. I know only too well the fate of research prospectuses. All the ones I’ve seen, whatever the field, have within only a few years taken on an aspect that can be most charitably described as quaint, and the ones that have attempted to dictate or legislate the activity of future generations of scholars cannot be so charitably described. It is not as though we were trying to find a long- sought medical cure or a solution to the arms race. We are not crusaders, nor have we an overriding common goal that demands the subordina- tion of our individual predilections to a team effort. We are simply curious to know and understand the music that interests us as well as we possibly can, and eager to stimulate the same interest in others. -
UC Santa Cruz Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UC Santa Cruz UC Santa Cruz Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Unbecoming Silicon Valley: Techno Imaginaries and Materialities in Postsocialist Romania Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0vt9c4bq Author McElroy, Erin Mariel Brownstein Publication Date 2019 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ UNBECOMING SILICON VALLEY: TECHNO IMAGINARIES AND MATERIALITIES IN POSTSOCIALIST ROMANIA A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in FEMINIST STUDIES by Erin Mariel Brownstein McElroy June 2019 The Dissertation of Erin McElroy is approved: ________________________________ Professor Neda Atanasoski, Chair ________________________________ Professor Karen Barad ________________________________ Professor Lisa Rofel ________________________________ Professor Megan Moodie ________________________________ Professor Liviu Chelcea ________________________________ Lori Kletzer Vice Provost and Dean of Graduate Studies Copyright © by Erin McElroy 2019 Table of Contents Abstract, iv-v Acknowledgements, vi-xi Introduction: Unbecoming Silicon Valley: Techno Imaginaries and Materialities in Postsocialist Romania, 1-44 Chapter 1: Digital Nomads in Siliconizing Cluj: Material and Allegorical Double Dispossession, 45-90 Chapter 2: Corrupting Techno-normativity in Postsocialist Romania: Queering Code and Computers, 91-127 Chapter 3: The Light Revolution, Blood Gold, and -
Birthright Democracy: Nationhood and Constitutional Self-Government in History
BIRTHRIGHT DEMOCRACY: NATIONHOOD AND CONSTITUTIONAL SELF-GOVERNMENT IN HISTORY By Ethan Alexander-Davey A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Political Science) at the UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN-MADISON 2013 Date of final oral examination: 8/16/13 The dissertation is approved by the following members of the Final Oral Committee: Richard Avramenko, Political Science Daniel Kapust, Political Science James Klausen, Political Science Howard Schweber, Political Science Johann Sommerville, History i Abstract How did constitutionally limited government and democracy emerge in the West? Many scholars from many different perspectives have attempted to answer this question. I identify the emergence of these forms of self-government with early modern nationalism. Broadly speaking, nationalism of the right sort provides indispensable resources both for united popular resistance against autocratic rule, and for the formation and legitimation of national systems self- governance. Resistance and self-government both require a national consciousness that includes a myth of national origin, a national language, a common faith, and, crucially, native traditions of self-government, and stories of heroic ancestors who successfully defended those traditions against usurpers and tyrants. It is through national consciousness that abstract theories of resistance and self-government become concrete and tenable. It is though national fellowship that the idea of a political nation, possessing the right to make rulers accountable to its will, comes into existence and is sustained over time. My arguments basically fall under two headings, historical and theoretical. By an examination of the nationalist political thought of early modern European countries, I intend to establish important historical connections between the rise of nationalism and the emergence of self-government. -
Between Imperialism and Islamism
COVER FEATURE Between imperialism and Islamism KAREN HAYDOCK Between the xenophobes of the West and the illogical fundamentalism in Muslim societies, the choices keep getting grimmer. A mutually beneficial disentanglement can only be provided by humane, reasoned and principled leftwing politics. BY PERVEZ HOODBHOY any of us in the left, particularly in Southasia, Consciousness is not simply a consequence of material have chosen to understand the rise of violent conditions; less tangible, psychologically rooted factors MIslamic fundamentalism as a response to can be very important, as well. It is a palpable truth that poverty, unemployment, poor access to justice, lack the most dangerous religious radicalism comes from a of educational opportunities, corruption, loss of faith deliberate and systematic conditioning of minds that in the political system, or the sufferings of peasants is frenetically propagated by ideologues in mosques, and workers. As partial truths, these are indisputable. madrassas and over the Internet. They have created a Those condemned to living a life with little hope and climate wherein external causes are automatically held happiness are indeed vulnerable to calls from religious responsible for any and all ills afflicting Muslim society. demagogues who offer a happy hereafter in exchange Shaky Muslim governments, as well as community for unquestioning obedience. leaders in places where Muslims are in a minority, American imperialism is also held responsible. have also successfully learned to generate an anger that This, too, is a partial truth. Stung by the attacks of steers attention away from local issues towards distant 11 September 2001, the United States lashed out enemies, both real and imagined. -
2. Svetoslav Manoulov. Joseph De Mestre
ALMANACH VIA EVRASIA, 2013, 2 Svetoslav Manoilov, Dr. (Russian History) Eurasia center VIA EVRASIA JOSEPH DE MESTRE AND THE ORIGINS OF THE RUSSIAN CONSERVATISM One of the most important preconditions for the spread of the European conservatism in Russia was the residence of some members of this political party in the empire. Russia was one of the favourite places for settlement of French immigrants as they join its military and civil service. One of the main representatives of European conservatism living in Russia since the beginning of the XIX century was Joseph de Maistre. This study examines the stay of Joseph de Maistre in the Eastern empire, his impact on the Russian society, and particularly, his influence in the foundation of the Russian conservative ideology. His impact on the conservative ideology in Europe is so significant that even nowadays his personality and political philosophy arise interest among scholars. However, there are controversial opinions in historiography. R. Triomphe1 defines him as "an ideologue of absolute power and mystical materialism". I. Berlin2 as “cruel prophet of our time and precursor of fascism”, J.-L. Darcell3 as “cosmopolitan searching for unity”. F. Verimiale4 studies the years in exile of Joseph de Maistre, J. Murray5 - his political philosophy. Another interesting research is that of C. Armenteros, 1 Triomphe, R. Joseph de Maistre. Etude sur la vie et sur la doctrine d'un materialiste mystique (Geneve, 1968). 2 Berlin, I. Joseph de Maistre and the origins of Fascism (The New York Rewiew of Books, 1990). 3 Darcel, J.-L. La «conversion» de J. de Maistre (1789-1791): a propos de notes marginales attribuees a J. -
Downloaded from Elgar Online at 09/30/2021 05:40:26AM Via Free Access
1. The rise of an unstable century At the dawn of the twentieth century, the European powers confronted two major geopolitical weaknesses. The first one related to the future of the Tsarist Empire, the second to the escalating fragmentation of the so-called “sick man of Europe”, that is, the Ottoman Empire and, broadly speaking, the Balkan Peninsula. In reality, since 1809, the European powers were concerned about a potential “booming revolution” in the Tsarist Empire.1 The debates were vivid among intellectuals and in political circles, but they reached their peak when the 1905 revolution threatened, for a while, the implosion of Russia and the stability of Europe. Until that moment, reactionary circles feared that any reform – including those introduced during the Enlightenment, those dealing with the educa- tional reform, and those related to the foundation of the Academy – would encourage the lower popular strata and potentially most of the peasants to a rebellion. Joseph de Maistre and the Marquis de Coustine, for example, as well as the Slavophiles in Russia belonged to this mainstream. Others, by contrast, believed that the autocratic regime, particularly promoted by Nicholas I, was so refractory to any reform that the only way to achieve change was by revolution. From Narodniks to Anarchists and Marxists, several schools of thought, both in Russia and in Western Europe, nur- tured that belief. To a large extent, these opinions were mainly connected to the unbalanced social relations in the Tsarist Empire, that is, the polari- zation between landowners and peasantry, as well as the industrial – and the broader economic – backwardness of the country. -
Russia's Emergence As an International Conservative Power
Russia’s Emergence as an International Conservative Power Russian Conservatism: An Ideology or a Natural Attitude? Paul F. Robinson Paul F. Robinson Graduate School of Public and International Affairs, University of Ottawa, Canada. Professor Scopus AuthorID: 57205126860 E-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 (613) 562 5800 ext 4174 Address: 120 University, Ottawa, Ontario, K1N 6N5, Canada DOI: 10.31278/1810-6374-2020-18-1-10-37 Abstract Since Vladimir Putin’s return to the presidency in 2012 it has become common to talk of a “conservative turn” in Russian politics. Various commentators argue that this ideological shift applies to external as well as internal politics, with Russia becoming an international conservative power. This article seeks to determine what being an “international conservative power” actually means for Russia, by means of an examination of four different variations of Russian conservatism—Orthodox/Slavophile conservatism, civilizational conservatism, isolationist conservatism, and state/official conservatism. It argues that these are not all fully compatible with each other. If Russia truly is emerging as a conservative international power, this could lead both Russia and the world in one of several different directions, depending on which version of conservatism comes to dominate. Overall, though, it seems likely that the result will be a pragmatic, moderate 10 RUSSIA IN GLOBAL AFFAIRS Russia’s Emergence as an International Conservative Power variety of conservatism rather than the more radical versions associated with conservative ideologists. Keywords: Russia, conservatism, international power, Orthodoxy, Slavophilism, civilizations, isolationism ince Vladimir Putin’s return to the presidency of the Russian federation in 2012, it has become common to talk of a “conservative turn” in Russian politics (engström, 2014, p. -
Geopolitics in the Black Sea Region - Tendencies and Challenges
Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Institute for the Study of Societies and Knowledge Centar for strategic researching and national security - CESNA B, Belgrade, Serbia BULGARIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES, INSTITUTE FOR CENTER FOR STRATEGIC RESEARCH ON NATIONAL THE STUDY OF SOCIETIES AND KNOWLEDGE SECURITY - CESNA B, BELGRADE, SERBIA THEMATIC PAPERS PHILOSOPHY NOWADAYS PHILOSOPHY GEOPOLITICS IN THE BLACK SEA REGION - TENDENCIES AND CHALLENGES PHILOSOPHY NOWADAYS SECOND INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE PROCEEDINGS E D I T O R S Slobodan Neskovic, PhD Bogdana Todorova, PhD 1 Belgrade, 2019 Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Institute for the Study of Societies and Knowledge Centar for strategic researching and national security - CESNA B, Belgrade, Serbia Center for Strategic Research on National Bulgarian Academy of Security - CESNA B, Sciences - Institute for Belgrade, Serbia the Study of Societies Romanian Academy of and Knowledge Sciences - Institute of Political Science and International Relations “Ion I.C. Brătianu” University of Bucharest, University of Liège, Romania - Faculty of Belgium - Department of Philosophy Philosophy Azerbaijan National Slovak Academy of Academy - Institute of Sciences - Institute of Philosophy Philosophy Polish Academy of Uludag Sciences - Institute of University, Turkey - Philosophy and Sociology Department of Philosophy TEMATIC PAPERS GEOPOLITICS IN THE BLACK SEA REGION - TENDENCIES AND CHALLENGES PHILOSOPHY NOWADAYS SECOND INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE PROCEEDINGS EDITORS Slobodan Neskovic, PhD Bogdana Todorova, -
This Essay Explains Benjamin Disraeli Parliamentary Response to The
Conservatism and British imperialism in India: finding the local roots of empire in Britain and India by Matthew Stubbings A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfillment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2015 © Matthew Stubbings 2015 Author’s Declaration I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public ii Abstract This thesis explores the importance of political conservatism in shaping the ideological and political foundations of British imperialism in India between 1857 and 1914. From the Indian Revolt to the rise of Indian nationalism, it examines how British and Indian conservatives attempted to define a conceptual and institutional framework of empire which politically opposed liberal imperialism to the First World War. It relies upon a biographical analysis to examine how intellectual configurations defined distinct political positions on Indian empire. This study reveals the extent that local conservative inclination and action, through political actors such as Lord Ellenborough, Benjamin Disraeli, Lord Mayo, Lord Lytton, the Kathiawar States, Roper Lethbridge, and M.M. Bhownaggree, shaped public and partisan discourse on empire. It argues that British and Indian conservatives evoked shared principles centered in locality, prescription, and imagination to challenge, mollify, and supplant the universal and centralizing ambitions of liberal imperialists and nationalists with the employment of pre-modern ideas and institutions. It is argued that this response to liberalism conditioned their shared contribution and collaboration towards an imperial framework predicated principally upon respecting and supporting local autonomy and traditional authority in a hierarchical and divided India. -
The Cossack Myth: History and Nationhood in the Age of Empires
THE COSSACK MYTH In the years following the Napoleonic Wars, a mysterious manuscript began to circulate among the dissatisfied noble elite of the Russian Empire. Entitled The History of the Rus′, it became one of the most influential historical texts of the modern era. Attributed to an eighteenth-century Orthodox archbishop, it described the heroic struggles of the Ukrainian Cossacks. Alexander Pushkin read the book as a manifestation of Russian national spirit, but Taras Shevchenko interpreted it as a quest for Ukrainian national liberation, and it would inspire thousands of Ukrainians to fight for the freedom of their homeland. Serhii Plokhy tells the fascinating story of the text’s discovery and dissemination, unravelling the mystery of its authorship and tracing its subsequent impact on Russian and Ukrainian historical and literary imagination. In so doing, he brilliantly illuminates the relationship between history, myth, empire, and nationhood, from Napoleonic times to the fall of the Soviet Union. serhii plokhy is the Mykhailo Hrushevsky Professor of Ukrainian History at Harvard University. His previous publications include Ukraine and Russia: Representations of the Past (2008)andThe Origins of the Slavic Nations: Premodern Identities in Russia, Ukraine and Belarus (2006). Downloaded from Cambridge Books Online by IP 210.212.129.125 on Sun Dec 23 05:35:34 WET 2012. http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ebook.jsf?bid=CBO9781139135399 Cambridge Books Online © Cambridge University Press, 2012 new studies in european history Edited by PETER