Spanish/English Speech Practices: Bringing Chaos to Order 1

AlmeidaJacqueline Toribio The Pennsylvania StateUniversity, Pennsylvania, USA

Thispaper presents a linguisticanalysis of Spanish-English bilingualspeech for scholarsand practitionersof bilingualism.More speci cally, the study surveyssev- eraloutcomes of languagecontact, among these,inter-lingual transference, codeswitching,and convergence,as evidencedin thespeech practices of heritageSpanish speakersin theUnited States. The emergentassessment is linguistically informed, therebyilluminating our understanding of bilingualspeech forms, and encourages perspectivesand pedagogiesthat validate bilingual speech practices.

Keywords: contact,codeswitching, convergence Introduction Iamthe sumtotal of my language. (CharlesSanders Peirce)

¿Y si soy ma´sde uno,Peirce? ¿Ysisoy dos, o tres o – como dir´Wa David – un millo´n? ¿En que´momento,en que´participiodel mundo se conviertetu suma en miresta, Peirce? (GustavoPe ´rezFirmat) The language situationand linguistic behaviours of heritage Spanish speakersin the United Statesare seldom regarded impassively; the ambiguity expressed in the abovetitle is intended toinvoke the contradictoryand con- ictivefervour withwhich Spanish-English bilingual speech practiceshave been addressedby scholars,educators and policymakers. On one representa- tiveposition, the bilingualism andattendant linguistic manifestations that may resultfrom the sustainedcontact of heritage anddominant language are lauded asessential to communicationin bilingual communities,where speakersare commonly called on to access a continuumof grammatical,discursive, andsociolinguistic competencies in one orthe otherof two languages (cf. Valde´s,2000). Alotof people lookat it as a disadvantage…‘Oh, you’ re Spanish’. 2 But the wayI lookat it is this: blessed, you’re blessed tospeak twodifferent languages.(quoted in Toribio,2003a) [I]t ishelpful toimagine thatwhen bilinguals code-switch,they arein factusing atwelve-stringguitar, rather than limiting themselvesto two six-stringinstruments. (Valde ´s,1988: 126)

1367-0050/04/020133-22 $20.00/ 0 Ó 2004A.J. Toribio BILINGUALEDUCATION AND BILINGUALISM Vol. 7,No. 2&3, 2004

133 134 Bilingual Education andBilingualism

However,as lamented by Zentella(1998, 2000), it is also, indeed much too frequently attestedthat in the ‘linguisticlogic ’ ofUSsociety,heritage Spanish isa negative carryoverthat must be cancelled out,and the would-be bene t ofpossessingand deploying Spanish alongsideEnglish isequated withzero: Ateachercomes up toyou andtells you, ‘No,no. You know that is a lthy language, nothingbut badwords and bad thoughts in that language’.Imean,they aretelling you thatyour language isbad. (quoted in Salazar,1970, cited in Crawford,1992) Thosepoor kids come to school speaking ahodgepodge. They areall mixed up anddon ’tknowany language well. Asa result,they can ’t even think clearly.(quoted in Walsh,1991: 106) The present articleelaborates a linguisticallyinformed assessmentof the contactSpanish, contactEnglish, and Spanish-English bilingual speech ofheri- tageSpanish speakersin the United States,devoting attention to bilingual development anddeployment andto several phenomena oflanguage contact andinteraction, among others, inter-linguistic in uence ortransference, especially salientin earlystages of learning, codeswitching,the alternating use oftwo language codes,and convergence, the increasedequivalence between twolanguages or language varieties. 3 The survey will makeevident thatrather than compensating for linguistic de ciency, ‘illicitlanguage acts ’ signalthe strategicand ef cientuse oflinguistic and cognitive resources in the appropriationand management of twolanguage systems. The paper isorganised as follows. The discussionisdeliberate din the expositionofrelevant research in bilingual codeswitching, English-language development, heritage language decline andloss, and contact-induced convergence, togetherwith illustrative contact English, contact Spanish, and Spanish-English bilingual samplesculled fromthe literature.The workends withthe presentationof three activities,suitable for classroom use, thatmay further advanceeducators ’ appreciationof the speech practicesof Spanish- English bilinguals, andin sodoing, dispel certainmisconceptions of the linguisticabilities of heritage Spanish speakersin the United States.

Bilingual Speech Practices Spanglish isthe language ofborderdiplomacy (Guillermo Go´ mez Pen˜ a) In mostbilingual communities,members nd themselvessituated along a continuumthat induces different ‘language modes ’ (Grosjean,1998) within a ‘bilingual range ’ (Valde´s, 2000).4 Forinstance, Zentella (1981, 1997), reports thatin her long-termparticipant study of the linguistic practicesof el bloque, aPuerto-Ricancommunity in el barrio of EastHarlem, children couldbe observedto speak English witheach other, while shifting toSpanish in defer- ence totheir elders,as illustrated in the recordedexchange in (1).For these children, Spanish andEnglish togetherconstitute their linguistic competence in asingularsense, and their linguistic performancewill drawprimarily upon English orSpanish, asrequired by the ‘observables ’ ofthe speech situation, e.g. pragmaticnorms, speci csetting,and participants. 5 Spanish/English Speech Practices 135

(1) Context:Lolita (age 8)pushes Timmy(age 5)off her bike, andTimmy tellsthe adultsnearby. L to T: Getoff, Timmy,get off. T to adults: Ellame dio!( ‘She hit me’.) L to T: Porque TUme diste!( ‘BecauseYOU hitme! ’) T to L: Liar! Adult to L: ¿Por que´? (‘why?’) L to adult: Porque e´lme dio,por eso. El siempre me esta´ dandocuando me ve. (‘Becausehe hitme, that ’s why. He’salwayshitting me whenever he sees me ’.) Itis also commonplace in suchcommunities that as bilingual speakersinteract in bilingual mode,they will extend thisability to alternating languages in unchanged speech situations – thatis, to codeswitching (Zentella, 1988). Gumperz,in hisseminal work on discursive strategies, notes the important functionsserved by codeswitching(Gumperz, 1976, 1982). 6 The premise underlying hisand many subsequent studiesis that codeswitching is a con- sciouschoice on the partof the speaker.Consider, by wayof example, the studyby Montes-Alcala´ (2001),which isdedicated to analysing bilingual email exchangesand imputing particularstylistic goals to speci ccode-alternations; sampleforms appear in (2):

(2) Stylisticfeatures commonly marked by language alternations: (a) reportedspeech I think so, dijo e´l. ‘Ithink so,/ saidhe ’. (b) emphasis Mientras estara´amilesde millas awayfrom here. ‘Meanwhile he mustbe thousandsof miles / awayfrom here ’. (c) elaboration Caminamospor Melrose ,checking outthe stores, yluegodecidimos ir a cenar. ‘We walkedon Melrose, / checking outthe stores,/and then we decided togo to dinner ’. (d) parentheticals All´W,totallyout of the blue, acabamosplaneando un viajepara la semana que viene. ‘There, /totallyout of the blue /we ended up planning atripfor the coming week’. (e) xed orformulaic phrases No ten´Wafuerzaspara nada, as ´W que lo deje´ andI calledit a day. ‘Idid nothave strength for anything, so I left him /andI calledit a day’. Asshown, the authorcarefully controlsher languages,bending themto her will ratherthan simply con ning herself tothe dictatesof their individual form(cf. Ferguson, 1982;Widdowson, 1994). Another,however markedly different, example ofthe ‘ownership’ of langu- 136 Bilingual Education andBilingualism age isdiscerned in the dictionariesin (3),created by the adultmigrant farm workersdepicted in Kalmar(1980, 2001). Presented withfew opportunitiesfor developing English language skills,Jacinto, Cipriano, and Alonso took hold oftheir owneducation, directing their Spanish-language abilitiesin asserting themselvesin English.

(3) (a) Jacinto ’sdictionairy AVIVAC …… ‘ahoritaregreso ’ (‘I’ll be back’) LIMISI ……‘de´jame ver’ (‘Let me see’) AIDONO ……‘yo no se´’ (‘I don’t know’) LRERO ……‘poco’ (‘a little’) (b) Cipriano ’sdictionary JAMACH DUYUORN … …‘¿cua´nto ganas?’ (‘Howmuch doyou earn?’) AI NID SAM ER … …‘necesitoaire ’ (‘Ineed someair ’) AIGUENTTU TAON … …‘yofui alpueblo ’ (‘Iwentto town ’) GUIQUENGOU NAU ……‘podemosir ahora ’ (‘We can go now’) (c) Alfonso’sdictionary TU URRILLAP ……‘darse prisa’ (‘to hurry up’) RUAT AUEY ……‘en seguida’ (‘right away’) GUIOLTY …… ‘culpable’ (‘guilty’) TU RUICH …… ‘alcanzar’ (‘to reach’)

Though neither English norSpanish, thisnon-native and non-target variety isnot to be characterisedin termsof acquisitionalinadequacy (cf. Brutt- Grifer,2002; Kachru, 1983; Romaine, 1992), but ratherin termsof linguistic empowerment:through these entries,migrant workers claim an ‘other’ language in communicatingand recording everyday life events. 7 Tobe sure,the language samplesin the dictionairesdiffer in signi cant respectsfrom those in the emailexchanges, the latterof interest here. Most obviously,the Spanish-English bilingual authorof the formsin (2) doesnot alternateher languagesfor lack of knowledge ofstructuresor lexicalitems in her language systems,but in ful lling ‘aconsciousdesire tojuxtaposethe two codesto achieve someliterary effect, anexercise ofself-consciousness ’ (Lipski, 1982:191). However, similar to the language formsof the dictionaries,codeswitchedforms are context-bound, practiced by bilinguals, forbilinguals. Indeed, formany bilinguals, codeswitchingis an in-group orcommunitynorm (cf. Toribio,2002; Zentella, 1981, 1997). Not mixing languagesin certaincir- cumstanceswould be consideredirregular and socioculturally insensitive (cf. Seliger, 1996).

Spanish-English Bilingual Codeswitching ‘Sometimes I’ll starta sentence in English yterminoen espan˜ ol’ (title of Poplack,1980) Parallelto studies focused on the socialand discursive factors that enter intoits use areresearch efforts that have examined the grammaticalproperties Spanish/English Speech Practices 137 ofcodeswitchedspeech. 8 Considerthe codeswitchedforms that comprise the children’snarrativein (4). 9

(4) ‘Robinel Chicanobird ’ (Campbell, 1977,cited in Timm,1993) 10 ‘Robin,get up ’,saidMrs. Bird. The sun wascoming up. Erauna frescaman ˜anaen primavera. ‘Robin,get up! ’…repeated MrsBird. Robincould hardly open hiseyes. He wasso sleepy. ‘Robin!’ calledMrs Bird, for the thirdtime. Robinescucho ´ elcanto deunos pajarillosque celebraban the arrivalof spring. ‘If only Icouldsing ’,saidRobin. He gotup andwent to the window. Vio lotsof birds jumping fromplace toplace mientras cantaban alegre- mente. ‘If only Icouldsing ’,Robinsaid again, with tears en sus ojos. Then he ew away yendoa parar ontopof adried bush by alittlepond. In the rstlines ofthe abovenarrative, inter-sentential codeswitching is prevalent;entire segmentsmay be identi ed aswell-formed Spanish and English sentences.As the narrativeprogresses, the authormoves between English andSpanish withinthe con nes ofasingle clause,unveiling amode thatoffers greaterexpressive possibilitieswithout violating the grammatical rules ofeither Spanish andEnglish (Pfaff &Cha´vez,1986; Toribio & Vaquera- Va´squez,1995). 11 Such intra-sententialcodeswitched forms readily suggest a high degree of competence in the componentlanguages. Nevertheless, as Poplack(1980: 615) asserts, it is ‘precisely thoseswitch types whichhave traditionallybeen consideredmost deviant ’.Furthermore,the nomenclature – termssuch as Spanglish and Tex-Mex forSpanish-English codeswitching – carriespejorative connotations re ecting these misconceptionsabout the intellectual orlinguisticabilities of those who codeswitch (cf. Ferna´ndez, 1990; Flores& Hopper, 1975).Perhaps mostinjuriously, the latterimpressions are given voicenot only by educatorsand policymakers, but by personswithin the bilingual speech communitiesthemselves; i.e. many heritage speakers internalisethe stigmaattached to their speech formsand ascribe only negative orcovertprestige, if any,to their communityspeech norms(cf. Toribio,2002; Wald,1988; Zentella, 1998). 12 Butit is by nowwell-established amongresearchers in linguisticsthat intra- sententialcodeswitching is not a randommixture of two awedsystems; rather,it is rule-governed andsystematic, demonstrating the operationof underlying grammaticalrestrictions. 13 Procient bilinguals maybe shownto exhibit asharedknowledge of whatconstitutes appropriate intra-sentential codeswitching.For example, Spanish-English bilingual speakerswill agree thatall of the codeswitchingexamples previously illustratedrepresent accept- able bilingual forms,whereas other language alternationsdo not. Consider the excerpt fromthe ‘Snow White andthe Seven Dwarfs ’ fairytale narrative in (5);the language alternationsin thisinvented textinclude switchingat boundariesknown to breachcodeswitching norms (e.g. between auxiliaryand mainverb, between object pronoun andmain verb, between noun and modifying adjective). 138 Bilingual Education andBilingualism

(5) ‘Snow White andthe Seven Dwarfs ’ / ‘Blancanievesy losSiete Enanitos ’ E´ raseuna vezuna lindaprincesita blanca como lanieve . Su madrastra,la reina, ten´Wa un ma´gico mirroron the wall.The queen often asked, ‘Who is the ma´shermosadel valle ?’ Y un d´Wa el mirroranswered, ‘Snow White isthe fairestone ofall! ’ Very enviousand evil, the reina mando´ aun criadoque mataraa laprincesa . Elcriado la llevo ´ al bosque y outof compassion abandoned la all´W.Asquirrel tookpity onthe princessand led her toa pequen˜ a cabinaen elmonte . En lacabina, viv ´Wan siete enanitos que returned to nd Snow White asleep in their beds. Backat the palace,the stepmotheragain asked the espejo: ‘Y ahora, ¿quie´n es la ma´s bella?’ Elespejo otra vezle answered,without hesitation, ‘Snow White!’…14 In areading task,reported in Toribio(2001b), bilinguals rejected the language alternationsin thisnarrative as being affected andforced. Several readers involuntarilyself-corrected the ill-formed switchesin their out-loudperform- ance;and although unable toarticulateexactly what accounted for their nega- tiveassessment of the alternatingforms in the narrative,some participants proposedexplicit editing recommendationsfor improving on the ill-formed combinationsof the text:

(6) The storywas easily understood because IunderstandEnglish and Spanish, but Ijustthink, like, forexample the lastsentence, ‘When Snow White bit intothe apple, she callo´ desvanecidaal suelo ’,thatI wouldn ’t say it, it doesn’tsoundright. I wouldprobably say, ‘When White bit intothe apple, ellase callo´ al suelo’. Or ‘she fell desvanecidaal suelo ’…

Signicantly,bilinguals proffer suchjudgments in the absence ofovert instruction – speakersare not taught how to codeswitch. Nevertheless, just as monolingualnative speakers of Spanish andEnglish havean intuitive sense oflinguisticwell-formedness in their language, Spanish-English bilinguals are able torely onunconsciousgrammatical principles in producing andevaluat- ing codeswitchedstrings. Thus,contrary to common assumptions, codeswitching patterns may be used asa measureof bilingual ability,ratherthan de cit.In fact,the degree oflanguage pro ciency thata speaker possessesin twolanguages has been shownto correlate with the type ofcodeswitching engaged in. 15 In her researchon bilinguals ofdiverse levels ofcompetence, Poplack(1980) observes thatthose who reported to be dominantin one language tended toswitch by meansof tag-like phrases(e.g. …sabes/…you know and …verdad?/…right?); in contrast,those who reported and demonstrated the greatestdegree of bilingual abilityfavoured intra-sentential switches. This is corroborated by the ethnolinguisticresearch of Zentella (1981, 1997), which attests that pro cient bilinguals displaydistinct behaviours in codeswitchingfrom their more Spanish- dominantor English-dominant community peers. Likewise, Montes-Alcala´’s emailcorpus (cf. (2)) demonstratesinter-sentential codeswitching at the begin- ning of the sample,when the author ’sdegree ofbilingualism wasmore lim- ited,and increased intra-sentential codeswitching in the laterperiods as the authorreached a steadystate of bilingualism, ‘building abridge between both Spanish/English Speech Practices 139 languages’ (Montes-Alcala´,2001:198). Finally, similarpatterns are attested amongchildren acquiringtwo languages from birth (cf. Babbe, 1995;De Houwer,1995; Meisel, 1989,1994), among children acquiringa secondlanguage in earlychildhood (cf. McClure, 1981),and among adult second language learners(cf. Bhatia& Ritchie,1996; Rakowsky, 1989; Toribio, 2001a). Taken together,these investigationslead to the conclusionthat, regardless of age, the child/adultbilingual ’scodeswitchingability re ectsthe development of linguisticcompetence in the componentlanguages (Babbe, 1995).

Bilingual English and Beyond ‘English isbroken here ’ (CocoFusco) Like Spanish-English bilingual speech forms,bilingual English forms emerge fromthe waysin whichheritage Spanish speakersdeploy their languagesin contactsituations. Consider the English-language segment in (7),produced by abilingual child developing English-language literacy.The orthographical ‘errors’ attestedin thisEnglish-language sampleare predictable on the basisof the child ’spronunciation(itself indicativeof the phonologicaland phonetic differences between hisspeci cSpanish dialectand the standardised English norm)and the pairing of advancedSpanish-language literacyand incipient English-language literacy(cf. Zabaleta& Toribio,1999). 16

(7) my freybret tvshow es pober renyers ders6 paber renyers dayrescu persen adey seytde worldedey noebriting der juymens patdey morf topaber renyers asayfda world of Riraan jor masters pat lor zet cam anjiguas guyning dapaber renyers patda paber renyers win de bars andday sayf da world. 17

In thisexample, we see thatthe differences in the inventoryand distribution ofthe soundsof English versusSpanish prove dif cultfor the child – note the substitutionsfor the English sounds[v] and[ ] in * ebriting for everything, the representationof the ap in * rita for rita,andthe fricativein * ders for there’s.English vowelsalso prove aformidableobstacle for the child; especially noteworthyis the representationof long vowelsounds in * feybret for favorite, * seyt for saved, * juymens for humans,andthe representationof laxvowels as in * jor for her, * da for the, and * pat for but.Weobservethe reductionor deletion ofconsonant sequences which aredisallowed in Span- ish: * persen for persons, * seyt for saved, and * eday for and they.Lastly,and moststriking, are the Spanish-phonologicalprocesses transferred into Engish orthography:the reinforcement ofthe [w] glide by the insertionof [b/g], as in * pober for power, * guas for was, * guyning for winning and * bars for wars.Thus,while the textmay be assailedas representative of the intrusion ofone systemon another,or worse, dismissed as impenetrable by the inexpert reader,it is most properly characterisedas demonstrative of inter-lingual inuence, andmost pro tablyregarded as anagentive practice,permitting the child authorto draw on his native language abilitiesto their full advantage. In additionto pronunciation (and its orthographical representation), the involuntaryin uence ofthe nativelanguage onthe secondlanguage maybe 140 Bilingual Education andBilingualism observedat the level ofmorphologyand syntax (cf. BaetensBeardsmore, 1986; Clyne, 1972;Grosjean, 1982). Consider the bilingual English examplesin (8), uttered by kindergartenersin relatingscenes from a picture book,and those in (9),prepared in writtenform by fth andseventh GradeSpanish heri- tagestudents: 18

(8) (a) And thisis a bear snow … abookcoloreding. (b) Apig anda kittybig anda snakebig.

(9) (a) Ilike the sharkbecause ismy faboritesea animal. (b) I didn’tlike the lake because isto dirty and is not good for swimming… (c) Ilike the star shand the diferents snails. (d) Thankyou forexplaining whateat the animalsin the sea. (e) Thankyou forletas see the picturesof the sea.

In discussingthe bilingual English formsof the children represented in (8), Miller (1995)points to the differential development in lexiconversus grammar. Specically,she writes, ‘They learned rstthose elements ofEnglish whichwould prove mostef cient,that is, which would convey the mostinfor- mationin the simplestway possible. As a result,their English lexicon approachesthe level oftheir monolingualpeers, while their English syntaxis notas fully developed ’ (1995:23). This is documented in their namingof objectswith incorrect adjective-noun orderin compoundsand in phrases.In (9) there areadditional exemplars in whichSpanish language grammatical properties underlie English-language productions:we detectthe non- expressionof subject pronounsin (9a,b), the agreement ofadjectiveand noun in (9c),the post-verbalpositioning of asubject in (9d),and the in nitive-plus- encliticcomplement in (9e). Of course,continued experience andinstruction in English will leadto target-like pronunciation,grammar, and overall literacy forall of the children andadolescents quoted here.

Heritage Language Decline and Loss My namehangs around me like aloosetooth (Lorna Dee Cervantes) Justas bilingual abilitiesdevelop withcontextualised practice, so too can they decline. Ithas been reportedthat as speakers become increasingly procient in English,they tend tobecome progressivelyless pro cient in Spanish, in whatSilva-Corvala ´n(1988)has termed ‘abilingual continuum ’.19 For example, the narrativein (10)very clearlyexposes Spanish language reduction in the lexiconand simpli cationand restructuring in morphologicaland syn- tacticstructures (e.g. gender marking,lack of doubling ofindirect objects phraseswith clitic pronouns); also evident isthe use ofEnglish words(e.g. gun [cf. pistola]), phrases(e.g. se pusoen disguise [cf. se disfrazo´]), anddiscourse markers(e.g. so [cf. pues]).20

(10)Oral narrative (transcribed) Estaes la historia de …Cape[l]ucita Rojay …la mama´ deCapelucitaRoja dijo que…que se lleve este dulce ocomidaa suabuelita so …se fue y Spanish/English Speech Practices 141

encontro´ un lobo que…hablo´ conella ydespue´s…ella siguio´ caminando acasade laabuelita. Pero el lobose fue …llego´ alcasaprimero y asusto´ alabuelita y …se puso en …disguise [laugh] de laabuelita so …cuando llego´ CapelucitaRoja ella vioque noera su abuelita …pero almismo tiempo el…squirrel,argrillita,argrita (?) dijo aalguien que estabaen mucho ummm danger y… [long sigh] el hombre sefue abuscara CapelucitaRoja que s ´W estaba en… in danger y la salvo´ ummm porque llevo´…un… gun asalvarlay Capelucitaencontro ´ asuabuelitay estaban felices, estabanbien. 21 The analysisof such speech formsinvites careful consideration,however. It maybe the casethat for this heritage speaker notenough input andsub- sequent experience withSpanish hasresulted in incomplete orimperfect learning, andthe dominantlanguage hasbecome an ‘indirectdata source ’ for the nativelanguage (cf. Seliger, 1996). 22 Orit may be the casethat reduced exposure toand use ofSpanish hashad dire consequences onher linguistic performance,but competence hasremained intact(cf. Bullock &Toribio,2004, Montrul,2002; Toribio, 2000b). Another pertinent factoris the range oflinguis- ticforms that served as models for the speaker ’sSpanish language acquisition; forinstance, as reported in the literature,the popular repertoire ofmost ‘ordi- nary’ Mexicanswho immigrate to the USismade up largely ofmiddle tolow registersof Spanish, characterisedby anarrowerrange oflexicaland syntactic alternatives(cf. Valde´s,1988, 2000). 23 Thus,without application of qualitative andquantitative methodologies assessing the speaker ’slanguage historyand abilities,we canonly conclude thatsuch forms are non-target-like. 24 And even then, cautionsLipski, ‘itis not always possible toseparate the overlapping domainsof English structuraltransfer, prior existence ofarchaic/ non-stan- dardforms arising outside the United States,and the general resultsof language erosion’ (1993:156). Asrecounted in Toribio(2002), the speaker whosenarrative is represented in (10)presents a pro le offeatures and behaviours that coincide with those described by Lipski (1993)in hisdiscussion of the ontogenesisof ‘transitional bilingualism ’:littleor noschool training in Spanish; Spanish spoken in earliest childhoodas the language ofthe homeoften in conjunctionwith English; a rapidshift to English before adolescence;subsequent Spanish use limitedto intimatecircles; responding tobilinguals partiallyor wholly in English when addressedin Spanish. 25 Likewise, the speech formsin (11 –13),drawn from extractsof a personaldiary (cf. Toribio,2000), exemplify the linguisticcharac- teristicsof vestigial Spanish usagesignalled by Lipski: instabilityof nominal andadjectival in ection(11), incorrectly conjugated verb forms(12), errors of prepositionalusage andcategorical use ofredundant subject pronouns(13).

(11)Alterations in nominaland adjectival agreement (a) Fuimosa dejar eltelevicio ´n viejo a la casa. [sic] ‘We wentto leave the oldtelevision at the house ’. [cf. eltelevisor viejo/latelevicio ´n vieja] (b) Y les dices que haga una cosa… [sic] ‘And you tell themto dosomething …’ [cf. ledicesque haga/ lesdices que hagan] 142 Bilingual Education andBilingualism

(12)Alterations in verbalmorphology (a) Sabes salemos todos negr´Wosde lalabor. [ sic] ‘We comeout all black from the eld’. [cf. salimos] (b) Paralos muchachos cuando vienieran amediodia. [ sic] ‘Forthe boyswhen they wouldcome at mid-day ’. [cf. vinieran] (c) Amame digoque le poniera un botede agua … [sic] ‘Amatold me toput abottleof water …’ [cf. pusiera]

(13)Alterations in pronouns,prepositions, and complementisers (a) Fui a despedir de todoslos del grupo. [ sic] ‘Iwentto say goodbye toall in the group ’. [cf. despedirme] (b) Lasvistas llamaban ‘Rafahelel angel ’. [sic] ‘The movieswere called ‘Rafaelthe angel ’. [cf. se llamaban] (c) Las oresque estanen un ladode miventana se fueron cayendo las ramas. [sic] ‘The stemson the owersthat are on one side of my windows startedfalling ’. [cf. a las ores…se lefueron cayendo ] (d) Siempre hab ´Wa sa´bidoque el doctorB. eramuy buena jente yo le dije era. [sic] ‘She hadalways known Dr. B. tobe agoodperson. I saidhe was that’. [cf. ledije que loera ] (e) Posyo digo a uno le hacesentirse … [sic] ‘Well Isaythat it makes one feel …’ [cf. digoque auno ] (f) Amadigo que nomov ´Weramosnada hasta sepamos de verdad.[ sic] ‘Amatold us not to move anything until we knowfor sure ’. [cf. hastaque sepamos ] (g) Bueno lastengo que contestarpronto para salgan el Lunes. [ sic] ‘Well Ihaveto respond to them quickly sothat they goout on Monday’. [cf. paraque salgan ]

Notably,these characteristicsare seldom if ever found among uent native speakersor even amongbilinguals whoseSpanish containsstructural interference fromEnglish, whoreadily recognise these asbeing non-target-like.

Bilingual Spanish ‘I don’tspeak Spanish. Ijustonly speak English withSpanish words ’. (eight-year-old boy) Consonantwith the foregoing discussion,the appearanceof English language elements in Spanish language contextsneed notbe interpreted asindica- tiveof attrition; it could simply be aninstance of codeswitching, in which case,the grammaticalautonomy and integrity ofeachlanguage maybe main- tained.This is not to say, however, that the Spanish ofpro cient bilinguals isimpervious to the incursionsof the secondlanguage system.As af rmed by Silva-Corvala´n(1994),among others, the permeability ofa grammarto Spanish/English Speech Practices 143 external inuence depends onthe existence ofsuper ciallyparallel structures in the languagesin contact(but cf.Thomason & Kaufman,1988). Although the differences between Spanish andEnglish aresigni cant(and therefore, it ispremature to speak ofone fused syntaxand two vocabularies – cf. Muys- ken’s(2000)congruent lexicalisation – asimplied by the boy quotedimmedi- atelyabove), there isconsiderable syntactic parallelism between the twolanguages,which may lead to convergence. Twosalient properties demonstrate the differences andemergent similaritiesat once. English allowsonly forpre- verbalpositioning of subjects; Spanish acceptspreverbal subjects,but additionallysanctions post-verbal placement (e.g. Llego´ Juan ‘Juan arrived ’). And English requires thatsubjects be overtlyexpressed; Spanish tolerates overtsubjects, but additionallylicenses (andin somecontexts requires) that subjects haveno overt realisation (e.g. Habloespan ˜ ol ‘Ispeak Spanish ’). Such equivalence isthe basisfor emergent convergence in Spanish-English bilingual settings – tobe found in the reductionof grammaticaloptions in the heritage language withgreater allowance to thoseshared with the dominantlinguistic system – andmay be the basisfor further structuralconvergence between the twolinguistic systems (Muysken, 2000).This raises the importantquestion of whether speci clanguage formsare further favouredwhen the languagesare simultaneouslydeployed. The issue,then, isnot whether the Spanish language ismaintained while drifting towardsor converging withthe grammaticaloptions shared with the English language system,but whether thisdrift is promoted by bilingual ( vs monolingual)language modes(cf. Grosjean,1998). 26 In testingthese claimsof inter-lingual violability,Toribio (2003b, 2004) examines the variationthat is attestedin the Spanish speech dataproduced by acodeswitchingbilingual as he engages in Spanish andSpanish-English codeswitchedspeech acrosstwo conditions. 27 The above-referenced syntacticfeatures of Spanish – the pos- itioningand (non) expressionof subjects – were selected forinquiry. 28 Since these properties ofSpanish syntaxare determined by discourse – and seman- tic-pragmaticconsiderations, their analysismust go beyond the con nes of isolatedsentences toa considerationof linguisticforms in relationto the narra- tiveor other discourse functions that they perform withina given text.The extended discourseof the monolingualexcerpt of Little RedRiding Hood in (14)and the bilingual extractof TheBeggar Prince in (15)prove especially opportune forexamination of subject expressionand positioning; however, the cursorydiscussion that follows is focused on the omission(marked by ) versusexpression of the subject, tothe exclusionof itspositioning. 29

(14) …Cuando iba,cuando ella ibacantando y caminandode pronto detra´s de un a´rbol, salio´ el lobo,el mismolobo que laiba persiguiendo. E´ l le dio unas oresy le dijo que´ bonitase miraba. Tambie´n le pre- gunto´ que pa’ do´nde iba,verdad, y ella le respondio´, y le dijo, ‘ voya lacasa de miabuelita a darleun … un en… aentregarle algoque mama´ me mando´. No se´ que´ es’.Entonces,e ´l le dijo, ‘Okay, pues, nosvemos. Y ten buen d ´Wa’. En eso, e´lsefue yella siguio´ por el bosque, feliz, cantandocon sus oresque le dioel lobo.Mientras ella ibapor el bosque, el lobose apuro´ y llego´ alacasa de laabuelita. 30 144 Bilingual Education andBilingualism

(15) …Since she hadagreed togo and live withhim. Elladijo que voy a ver a ver cua´nto puedoquedarme aqu ´W. Let’ssee if Icouldget used to it.Well she did, se quedo´ almostyou know, ella dijo, ‘ Me voya quedar aqu´W un mes yavera verque ´ tal’. yllegandoel, la cuarta semana,pues ya entonces ellaempezo ´ asentir el,que ´ tan duroes trabajar ,how,how easy she hadit, how all the thingsthat, that,that she tookfor granted, you know,she, uh, she startedto re ect upon, as´W que elladecidio ´ en la,durante lacuarta semana deque ellase ibaa regresaral palacio, ella no podiavivir como una pesonahumilde. 31

At rstobservation, the Spanish ofboth texts appears structurally well- formed:most expressed subject pronounscorrectly serve the function ofcon- trast,switch reference, ordisambiguation. But, there aresome pronominal usesto whichno such function canbe attributed,especially when the English language isalso activated; noteworthy in thisrespect are the pronounsin the bilingual Spanish samplesin (14).The use ofpronouns in these bilingual selectionsis not grammatically incorrect, but discourse-pragmaticallyodd, being markedby aselectionof available grammatical options that coincide withthose of English. Thus, unlike the attritionpreviously discussed,these passagesdo not involve the incorporationor loss of morphologicalinfor- mationor syntactic structures. Yet, similar to the attritionalready mentioned, the subtle changesrepresented, aremotivated by aprinciple ofredundancy reduction:the speaker arrivesat the mostparsimonious grammar that can serve bothSpanish andEnglish when bothsystems are activated (Seliger, 1996; Toribio,2004). Torecapitulate,there isimplicit in pro cient bilingual speech behaviouran appeal towardseconomy: the speaker reduces processingcosts while enjoying the richnessof bilingualism (Muysken, p.c.).Such a nding affordsan expla- nationfor why Spanish-English bilingual speakers ’ Spanish language abilities maynot be identicalto those of nativespeakers who have acquired and used their Spanish in settingsin whichonly Spanish isemployed forall interactions.32 Finally, sucha nding leadsto a judgment againstcries of corruption anddegradation by the self-proclaimed conservatorsof the Spanish language. Forit is uncertain, states Valde ´s(2000:119) ‘whether linguistic conservatism isa predictorof language maintenanceor whether the survivalof alanguage in aminority-majoritycontext requires the acceptanceof “interference ” phenomena by itsspeakers ’ (cf. Silva-Corvala´n,1994; Woolard, 1992).

Pedagogical Implications Ourreal lives are the family,our friends, the street,jobs, and all that we camewith from before. (ahigh schoolstudent quoted in Walsh,1991) Itis hoped thatthe foregoing discussionmay be heeded asan exhortationto educatorsto become familiarwith the researchliterature on bilingual speech practices.Much isto be gained by educators ’ understandingof the language diversityof heritage language students,especially asthey uphold the stan- dardisedlinguistic varietiesthat are required foracademic success (cf. Valde´s, 2000).The ensuing paragraphspresent pedagogicalpractices that further pro- Spanish/English Speech Practices 145 motethis positive disposition towards heritage language students,their parti- cularspeech forms,and their communitiesof practice. 33 Teacherswho serve Spanish heritage language studentsmay carry out examinationsof bilingual materialsin concertwith activities in subjects such associal studies and language arts.Suitable exemplarsare readily available in the literaryoutput of poets and writers. The linguisticin ectionsin Tato Laviera’sbilingual poem, ‘My graduationspeech ’,reproduced in (16),are especially instructivefor high schoolaudiences. The poem re ectsLaviera ’s deliberate use of ‘anti-aesthetic ’ language torender anenactment and com- mentaryof the linguistic dilemmaof PuertoRicans in the United States (Flores,1993). 34

(16) ‘My graduationspeech ’ ithink in spanish iwritein english iwantto go back to puerto rico, but iwonderif my kink couldlive in ponce, mayagu¨ ezand carolina tengo lasvenas aculturadas escriboen spanglish abrahamen espan˜ ol abrahamin english tatoin spanish ‘taro’ in english tontoin bothlanguages how are you? ¿co´mo esta´s? i don’t know if i’m coming orsi me fui ya sime dicen barranquitas,yo reply, ‘con que´ se come eso?’ sime dicen caviar,i digo, ‘anew pairof converse sneakers ’. ah´W supe que estoyjod ´Wo ah´W supe que estamosjod ´Wos english orspanish spanishor english spanenglish now,dig this: hablolo ingle ´s matao hablolo espan ˜ ol matao no se´ leer ninguno bien soit is, spanglish to matao what i digo ¡ay,virgen, yono se ´ hablar! Numerousand varied themes arise in the interpretationof this poem, some orientedtowards content, and others focused on linguisticform. At one level, 146 Bilingual Education andBilingualism the poem isan indictment of the educationalsystem, at another,the linguistic modulationof the poem represents the dif cultyof marking out an ‘interling- ual’ space.Laviera presents a poet-personawho is silenced by the linguistic mismatchbetween English andSpanish, one whois inarticulate even in Spanglish, notonly by assertion( ‘Spanglish tomatao ’),but alsoby employing in hisspeech suchcombinations as ‘yo reply’, ‘orsi me fui ya ’, and ‘what i digo’,switches,which, as noted, are unacceptable amongbilingual speakers (Toribio& Vaquera-Va´squez,1995). Yet, writes Flores (1993: 176), the closing line ‘mustbe understoodironically: the readeris by nowaware that the speaker knowswhat he issaying and can say what he thinksin bothlanguages andin awide arrayof combinations of the two ’. Linguisticissues of voice may also be highlighted in discussingprose narrative,such that excerpted fromNorma Cantu ´ ’s Can´Wcula:

(17)Mami was the madrinaone year;she sewed the mostbeautiful out t forthe baby Jesus – ofwhite tulle, embroidered in white silk,complete withknitted capand socks – we allhelped withthe preparativos, althoughwe usually didanyway, even when itwas some other neighbor whowas the madrina.From the tamaladaon Christmas Eve, for the acostaral nin ˜ o,the singing ofMexicancarols, and later because wekids insisted,English onesas well, the champurradoand the littlebags of goodies(oranges, pecans, Mexican cookies), and the colacionesand otherChristmas candy that fell fromthe star-shapedpin ˜ ata that invariablyTon ˜ o,the oldestof the neighborhood bullies, wouldbreak, Don˜ a Carmen’sposadawas the best.

The Spanish lexicalitems function asechoes of a culturaltradition that remainsinaccessible to the mainlanguage ofthe text,English. Thus while we mayoffer the facile conclusionof lexical borrowing as typical of language contactsituations, as anaestheticpractice, its description is more complex, for in mixing languages,there isa mixing ofcultures and of world views that is partand parcel of the (im)migrantexperience. Otherclassroom activities could reference naturalisticlanguage samples suchas those afforded in personalnarratives. Students couldbe askedto chronicletheir ownexperiences, independently orin collaborationwith sib- lings andother family members.The brief entries in (18),drawn from the personalhistory of an agricultural worker (cf. (11 –13)),are uniquely valuable in allowingfor extensive culturaland linguistic analysisand discussion (Toribio,2000a).

(18)Sali paraD. en aviona las2 de latarde, pero yamero no la hac ´Wa como antesde llegar alaero-puerto se nos etiola llanta de latroca de J. Estuveen D.porcerca de 4horas.estaba en ‘stand by’. […]…adema´s notenemos agua caliente, ni ban˜ o para ban˜ arnosy el servic ´Wo(escusado) seesta cayendo nomas con unas tablas delgadas sosteniendolo y la puertadel servicioesta toda quebrada; no la puedes cerrerporque sila sierrasse quebra; Nombre sipisas un pocapesado …[…] A. y D. no andantrabajando en lalabor noma ´ssequedan en latroca porque toda- Spanish/English Speech Practices 147

viano se comienzala escuela paralos migrantes creo que empiezahasta lasemana que entray nosotrosno nos registramos porque yanos vamos paraNorte Kora y Minnestota.[ …]Nomasva alaescuela A.yD.,todos losdemas vamos a trabajaren el betavel.Estuvimos levantados desde lascinco de laman ˜ anay el (bus) autobusvino como a las7:30 siete y media. [sic]35

Perhaps the mostimmediately outstanding feature ofthe journalis in itsform andwhat it reveals about the authorand her socialand linguistic disadvan- tages.In survivinglargely asan oral language, the Spanish of thisspeaker maybe attritedin isolationfrom the codi ed (written) normand adapt in its contactwith English. The samplesrepresent asimpli cationof the complex mapping between soundand graphemes toa few knownvalues, and repro- duce manyof the phonologicalcharacteristics of her ruraldialect. Most telling ofthe directtranscription of oralspeech isher renditionof the statename: Norte Kora,aphonetic representationof her pronunciationof ‘NorthDakota ’. The vocabulary,e.g. itemssuch as la labor ‘the eld’ speaksto her occupational segregationin agriculturalcommunities and to broader features of colloquial MexicanSpanish, e.g. noma´s ‘only’.Anothersalient characteristic of the journal isthe adoptionof English wordsand phrases, e.g. phonetically unincorpor- atedforms such as stand by,andloan translations, such as peroya mero no la hac´Wa ‘Inearly didn ’t make it’ (lit.trans.), which may be uninterpretable tothe readerwho has no knowledge ofEnglish. Withrespect to grammar,the princi- paltendency in the journalis to simplify the verbalmorphology, with the resultthat there isa greaternumber ofverbs that follow the regular conju- gation;in addition,mismatches in agreement arenoted for subject-verb agreement,especially withnull andpost-verbal subjects, vaa laescuela A.yD. ‘A. andD. goto school ’.Butthe keynote ofthis written record is the issueof self- determination:the authorliterally writes her ownhistory in avoicethat clearlyarticulates her migrantidentity. In conclusion,it should be patentlyevident thatthe introductionof materialsand activities such as thoseoutlined abovecan provide the basisfor teacher-facilitatedpeer discussionson a broadrange ofviable andvital issues – fromcivics to orthography – thatare of personal relevance andedu- cationalmerit to heritage language students.More thanthat, the mere actof acknowledging thatbilingual speech formsare worthy of examination will cultivatean affective environmentthat will translateinto greater engagement onthe partof Spanish heritage students.

Correspondence Any correspondenceshould be directedto Almeida Jacqueline Toribio, Departmentof Spanish, Italian,and Portuguese, The PennsylvaniaState University,211 Burrowes Building, UniversityPark, PA 16801,USA.

Notes 1.The paperdraws its subtitle from apaperco-presented with SantiagoVaquera- Va´squez atajoint conference ofThe Rocky Mountain Councilfor Latin American 148 Bilingual Education andBilingualism

Studies and the Paci cCoastCouncil for Latin American Studies held in Las Vegas in 1995. 2.It is not uncommon forLatinos in the UStoself-identify as ‘Spanish’;alsoattested is the classifying ofEnglish-speakers as ‘English’. 3.As described in Muysken ’ssynchronic study ofbilingual speech, in many situations ofprolonged language contact,a number ofphenomena involving mixing co-occur:lexical borrowing, codemixing, interference, calquing, relexi cation,sem- anticborrowing, rst language transfer in second language learning (cf. Muysken, 2000). 4.The reader is referred toGrosjean (1982)for a popular,accessible text on bilingualism. 5.Consult Zentella (1988,2000) for a discussion ofthe principal communicative patterns – ‘who speaks what towhom ’ – thatemerged in her study ofthe bilingual families of el bloque. 6.Gumperz provides alist ofdiscourse functions marked bycodeswitching: quo- tation,addressee speci cation,interjections, reiteration, and message quali cation (cf.McClure, 1981; Valde ´s-Fallis, 1976).The listing is not exhaustive, asareview of the literature will demonstrate; subsequent research has corroboratedGumperz ’s classicationand has revealed additional conversational strategies accomplished bycodeswitching. Especially noteworthy are the ndings reported byZentella (1997),who identi ed atleast 22communicative aims achieved bycode alternation among PuertoRicans in New York City. 7.As such,the forms are boundto the contextof this migrant community and need not beregulated byreference toa standardised norm. 8.The reader is referred tothe early Spanish-English code-switching studies by Aguirre (1977,1985), Gingra `s(1974),Gumperz (1976), Gumperz and Herna´ndez- Cha´vez(1975), Lipski (1985),McClure (1981), Pfaff (1979), Poplack (1980, 1981), Timm (1975),and Zentella (1981). 9.We must bearin mind, however, thatliterary examples do not necessarily rep- resent societalusage, since the former re ectinherent correction, editing, and rewriting. We are nonetheless in agreement with Lipski (1985)that the literary artefactshould not beentirely exempted form sociolinguistic criteria (cf.Toribio, 2001b).For relevant discussion on the narrative structure ofcodeswitching, consult the literature grounded in Keller (1979). 10.The Spanish portions are translated asfollows: ‘Itwas a fresh spring morning ’; (he) listened tothe song ofthe some little birds who were celebrating ’; (he) saw’; ‘while they sang happily ’; ‘in his eyes’; ‘going toland ’. 11.Note thatintra-sentential codeswitching is tobe distinguished from lexicalinser- tions and tag-switches (cf.Romaine, 1995for discussion). Lexical insertions (i)and tags (ii)may beevidenced in bothmonolingual and bilingual modes ofinteraction; in contrast,codeswitching, ofinterest here, is illustrative ofa bilingual speech mode which requires ahigh degree ofbilingual competence. (i) Le´W el libro en el referenceroom . (‘Iread the bookin the reference room ’) (ii) It’sraining alotthese days, verdad? (‘It’sraining alotthese days, isn ’t it?’) 12.When the parents in Zentella ’s(1981)study of el bloque were asked why they or their children shifted between Spanish and English, they allattributed it toa lack oflinguistic knowledge. However, her observations revealed thatonly ten percent ofswitches were intended tocover gaps in knowledge. 13.Consult the syntactic-theoretical works ofBelazi et al. (1994), D’Introno (1996),Mac- Swan(1999, 2000), Toribio (2001a),Toribio and Rubin (1996),Woolford (1984,1985). 14.In the monolingual rendition, the language switches are indicated byaslash mark: ‘There once wasa beautifulprincess aswhite asthe snow. Her stepmother, the queen, had amagic /mirror on the wall.The queen often asked, ‘Who is the /most fairin the valley? ’ And one day the /mirror answered, ‘Snow White is the fairest one ofall! ’ Very envious and evil, the /queen sent ahouseboy to kill the princess. The houseboy tookher tothe forest and /outof compassion abandoned /her there. /Asquirrel tookpity on the princess and led her to Spanish/English Speech Practices 149

a/small cabinin the forest. Inthe cabin,there lived seven dwarfs that/ returned to nd SnowWhite asleep in their beds. Backat the palace,the stepmother again asked the /mirror: ‘And now who is the most beautiful? ’ the mirror again answered /her, without hesitation, ‘Snow White!’… 15.It must not go unremarked, however, thatalthough codeswitching is subserved bybilingual competence, it is not anessential featureof bilingual practice. Researchers such asValde´s(1981)and Lipski (1985)have observed thatwhile competence in twolanguages is anecessary precondition, it is aninsuf cient prerequi- site in determining successfulcodeswitching performance: membership in acom- munity in which codeswitching is practised may alsobe required. That is, codeswitching practicerequires socialknowledge thatis culturallyspeci c and acquired through contextualised practice(cf. Toribio 2002). 16.These datawere made availableby Richard Durań, Professor ofEducation, Univer- sity ofCalifornia, Santa Barbara and director ofthe project entitled ‘Activity and Classroom Culture Among Language Learners ’,sponsored bythe Center for Research on Educationof Students PlacedAt-risk, Johns Hopkins and Howard Universities. 17.A normative orthography would render the following: My favouriteTV show is Power Rangers. There ’ssix power rangers. They rescue persons and they saved the world and they know everything. They ’re humans butthey morph topower rangers and save the world ofRita and her masters butLord Zedd comes and he waswinning the power rangers butthe power rangers win the wars and they save the world. 18.The written texts were made availableto me byKaren Beckstead. 19.This pattern oftransitional bilingualism is masked bycontinued in uxof monolin- gualSpanish-speaking immigrants, butthe shift toEnglish is evident (cf.Bills et al., 1995; Gutie´rrez &Silva-Corvalań, 1993;Mart ´Wnez, 1993;Silva-Corvala ń, 1986,1994; Torres, 1997),and the lackof intergenerational transmission will usher in language shift awayfrom Spanish (cf.Fishman, 1964). 20.Consult Zabaleta(2001) for further discussion onlanguage variation and attrition among heritage speakers. 21.The text is translated asfollows: ‘This is the story ofLittle Red Riding Hood and …Little Red Riding Hood ’smother said that …thatto take these sweets or foodto her grandmother so …she went and found awolfthat …spoke with her and then …- she continued walking tothe grandmother ’shouse. But the wolfwent …arrived at the house rst and scared the grandmother and …’ 22.This speaker couldbe said torepresent Fishman ’s(1964)fourth stage ofimmigrant bilingualism: English has displaced the mother tongue in allexcept for the most intimate or private domains. 23. Valde´ssuggests thatbecause of the large in uxof persons ofrural and working- classbackgrounds, the Spanish ofthe Southwest is characterised byfeatures ofthe Mexican normalrural .This is not tosuggest, she cautions,that these speakers are unableto alternate Spanish speech styles; rather, the difference between the Spanish spoken byMexican-Americans in the Southwest and thatspoken in Mex- icois in the fewer number ofstyles in the speakers ’ repertoire, and the frequency with which eachstyle is employed. 24.It is unclear whether such tendencies entail changes in competence, i.e. in the formal morphosyntactic features ofthe component languages (cf.Platzack, 1996). The interested reader is referred toVago (1991)for discussion ofaspects of native languageattrition thatindicate thatmore abstractlevels ofknowledge may beaffected, e.g. asrevealed bya speaker ’sinability tomake grammaticality judgments. 25.As reported in Toribio (2000b,2002), the speaker ’severyday interactions are carried outalmost exclusively in English, though she embellishes her speech with Spanish- language discourse markers, formulaicexpressions, and lexicalitems (which could beconsidered partof her core English-language lexicon).The speaker switches into Spanish, even in bilingual interactions thatfavour English, her dominant language, in order toassert her culturalautonomy and uniqueness; i.e.,linguistic modulation 150 Bilingual Education andBilingualism

becomes anactof cultural differentiation and reaf rmation, the linguistic material around which her Latina identity is con gured. 26.Seliger and Vago (1991)note thatsuch areduction ofredundancy presupposes thatthe bilingual ’slanguages are not altogether autonomousof each other. 27.The speaker wasselected foranalysis becausehe reported engaging in oralcode- switching in adiversity ofdiscourse contexts,especially with in-group members such asfriends and family, and some reported alternating Spanish and English in their written communications (e.g.personal letters, and email) aswell. 28.As is well known, the ordering ofphrases in Spanish declarative sentences demon- strates asensitivity todiscourse-pragmatic considerations such astheme- rheme/topic-focusrequirements, and lexicalconsiderations such asverb class(cf. Llego´ Juan ‘Juanarrived ’ vs. Estudio´ Juan ‘Juanstudied ’).Inaddition, subjectpro- nouns are omissible in Spanish; they are in contexts ofcontrastive focus,switch reference, or disambiguation. 29.What is required is athorough quantitative analysis ofthe positioning ofsubjects assanctioned byverb classand bytheme-rheme/ topic-focusproperties. For instance, the low incidence ofpost-verbal subjects in the ‘bilingual’ Spanish mode couldbe due tothe factthat the speaker produced few unaccusativeverbs that license this pattern, or thatthe speaker adopted alternate strategies formarking theme-rheme/topic-focuscontrasts (the latter possibility, ofcourse, is signi cant asit speaks tothe point). 30.The segment is translated asfollows: ‘When she walked, when she walked singing and walking from behind atree there appeareda wolf,the same wolfthat was following her. He gave her some owers and told her how pretty she looked. He alsoasked her where she wasgoing, right, and she responded, and said tohim, ‘I’mgoing tomy grandmother ’shouse togiver her a … a… togive her something thatmother sent me. Idon ’tknow what it is ’.Then he told her, ‘Okay, well, we ’ll see eachother. And have agood day ’. ‘Justthen, he left and she continued through the woods, happy,singing with her owers thatthe wolfhad given her. While she walked through the woods, the wolfhurried and arrived atthe grandmother’s house’. 31.The Spanish language segments are translated asfollows: ‘[…]She said thatI am going tosee how long Icanstay here. [ …]she stayed [ …] she said, ‘I’m going to stay here amonth and see how it is ’. […]and having arrived the the fourthweek, well then she began tofeel the how hard work is [ …]so she decided in the during the fourthweek thatshe wasgoing toreturn tothe palace,she couldnot live like ahumble person ’. 32.This linguistic study alsoinvites investigations into related issues, among these, the assessment oflanguage pro ciency among bilinguals (cf.Valde ´s&Figueroa, 1994),and the simultaneous processing and representation oflanguages and language modules (cf.the early proposalby Sridhar &Sridhar, 1980). 33.Recent treatments such asthose ofHaberman (1995),Ladson-Billings (1994),and Olsen (1997)have yielded aconsistent pro le: successfulteachers are those who demonstrate adisposition thatincludes, among other attributes,an orientation to the speciccommunity ofwhich the students are members, and skills in using students’ linguistic strengths toteach a second language or language variety. 34.Consult Bruce-Novoa(1982) and L. Flores (1987)for insightful discussion on Chicanopoetry. 35. ‘Ileft forD. byplane at2 in the afternoon, butI almost didn ’tmake it since before arriving tothe airport we got a at tire on J’struck.I wasin D.forclose to4 hours. Iwason ‘stand by’. […] …in addition we don ’thave hot water, nor abath forbathing and the facilities re falling only some thin boardsholding it together and the door is allbroken; youcan ’tclose it becauseif you close it breaks; man, ifyou step on it heavily. [ …]…A.and D.aren ’tworking in the elds they just stay in the truck becauseschool forthe migrants doesn ’tstart Ithink it doesn ’t start until next week and we did not register becausewe were going toNorth Dakota and Minnesota. [ …]Only A.and D.go toschool, all the others ofus go towork Spanish/English Speech Practices 151

in the beet elds. We were upsince ve in the morning and the (bus)bus came around 7:30seven-thirty ’.

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