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Between Objective Engagement and Engaged Cinema: Jean- Luc

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Between Objective Engagement and Engaged Cinema: Jean- Luc It is often argued that between 1967 and 1974 Godard operated under a misguided assessment of the effervescence of the social and political situation and produced the equivalent of “terrorism” in filmmaking. He did this, as the argument goes, by both subverting the formal operations of narrative film and by being biased 01/13 toward an ideological political engagement.1 Here, I explore the idea that Godard’s films of this period are more than partisan political statements or anti-narrative formal experimentations. The filmmaker’s response to the intense political climate that reigned during what he would retrospectively call his “leftist trip” years was based on a filmic-theoretical Irmgard Emmelhainz praxis in a Marxist-Leninist vein. Through this I t praxis, Godard explored the role of art and artists r a and their relationship to empirical reality. He P , Between ) 4 examined these in three arenas: politics, 7 9 aesthetics, and semiotics. His work between 1 - Objective 7 1967 and 1974 includes the production of 6 9 1 collective work with the Dziga Vertov Group (DVG) ( ” g until its dissolution in 1972, and culminates in Engagement n i k his collaboration with Anne-Marie Miéville under a m the framework of Sonimage, a new production m l and Engaged i company founded in 1973 as a project of F t n “journalism of the audiovisual.” a t i l ÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊGodard’s leftist trip period can be bracketed Cinema: Jean- i M by two references he made to other politically “ s ’ engaged artists. In Camera Eye, his contribution d Luc Godard’s r a to the collectively-made film Loin du Vietnam of d o G 1967, Godard refers to André Breton. Then in Ici c “Militant u et ailleurs (Here and Elsewhere), a film Godard L - n made with Anne-Marie Miéville in 1970–74, he a e J cites Picasso’s Guernica (1937). These references Filmmaking” : z a n help explicate Godard’s leftist trip years. In the i m a e h former, Godard (mis)attributes to Breton a n l i e C (1967-1974), position aligned with the French Communist m d e m g Party and their instrumentalization of art in the E a d g r name of a political cause – what we will call n Part I a E g d “objective denunciation.” In the latter, by citing m n r I a Ê Guernica Godard enters into a dialogue with t 2 n 1 e Jean-Paul Sartre and his theories on political 0 m 2 e l engagement and aesthetic autonomy, especially i g r a p g his debate with Adorno about the effectiveness a n E — of images versus words in transmitting political e 4 v i 3 messages. Oscillating between these two t # c l e j positions, Godard carved out his own form of a b n r O objective denunciation in opposition to Sartre’s u n o j e schizophrenic split between two activities that e x u w l t f he considered to be incommensurable: “artistic e - e B enunciation” and “active political engagement.” Godard synthesized these activities, exploring and embracing the contradictions between the roles of “filmmaker” and “militant.” We must bear in mind, however, that Godard’s revolutionary constellation cannot be reduced to these literary references. Indeed, in La Chinoise (1966) Godard established the genealogy of his politicized aesthetics – one that departed from 08.27.12 / 17:34:29 EDT 02/13 Still from “Camera Eye” in Jean-Luc Godard, Far from Vietnam, 1967. 08.27.12 / 17:34:29 EDT traditional European intellectual history – by “fellow traveler” and the “party’s classifying literary authors, philosophers, and consciousness.” Breton claimed to be a artists as either “reactionary” or “revolutionary.” communist but distinguished his own artistic In general, between 1967 and 1974 Godard practice from the PCF’s socialist realism; he developed a revolutionary imaginary in which lamented the party’s “bad taste” and averred Dziga Vertov and Bertolt Brecht were pioneers, that the “leftist political milieus do not know how Breton was a deviation, Guy Debord’s Society of to appreciate art outside of art made with the Spectacle was a shared paradigm, Sartre was 03/13 consecrated and expired forms.”4 The heyday of his bête noire, and philosophers such as Michel the PCF as a point of reference for intellectuals Foucault, Julia Kristeva, and Gilles Deleuze were coincided with the highpoint of Structuralism, his compagnons de route (fellow travelers). when political discourse and the ethics of the ÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊFigures like Breton and Sartre are intellectual were shaped by Marxism, inseparable from the history and tradition of the psychoanalysis, and linguistics. At that time, French avant-garde, which I consider here in “the signifier” (the author, the phallus, the light of the relationship between French father) was treated with the greatest respect, as intellectuals and the French Communist Party were intellectuals, who were regarded as public (PCF). Modeled after Lenin’s vanguard party, the figures speaking truths.5 In the Sixties, however, PCF bestowed a pivotal role on intellectuals the signifier, the phallus, and the father were between the end of World War II and 1965: the contested as figures of authority and truth. production and transmission of political Likewise, intellectuals and their status as the knowledge to the proletariat. As described in consciousness of the party and society were What Is To Be Done?, Lenin’s Party functioned as challenged. As Frederic Jameson has argued, the vanguard of the proletariat, a highly this was an unprecedented situation in which it centralized body organized around a core of became possible for radical intellectuals to experienced intellectuals designated as imagine revolutionary work outside and “professional revolutionaries” who were charged independent of the PCF.6 with leading the social democratic revolution.2 ÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊEnter Maoism. To subscribe to Maoism was This ideological avant-garde operated in the a way of taking a position against the Communist realm of opinion and leftist common sense, Party in accord with the Sino-Soviet split and to putting art in the service of political causes and disconnect from the “dark” outcome of the taking for granted the artist’s position as the Cultural Revolution. In line with the attempt to porte parole of humanity. Such an avant-garde break away from the model of the vanguardist posits a transitive relationship between art and intellectual, the Maoists “established” politics – that is, a causal relationship between themselves in factories; they worked alongside the two, even the instrumentalization of art in the workers and rejected the exteriority of the name of leftist political ideology. discourse in favor of the interiority of practice, believing in the creative potential of the proletariat. By rejecting theory in favor of practice and giving preference to direct intervention (without mediation), Maoism embraced the mythical junction of students and workers and declared war against the despotic regime of the signifier, the figure from above who speaks truths. Around May ’68, rejecting the idea that “knowledge is power,” Maoists launched an attack on vanguardist politics by posing the following questions: Who speaks and acts, from where, for whom, and how? Specifically, these interrogations were addressed to union delegates, intellectuals, professors, writers, and artists, as Maoists questioned the representativity of engaged intellectuals and Sartre speaking out. delegates. Maoists challenged their legitimacy as disinterested agents who could speak ÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊCommitted French avant-garde artists, critically on behalf of the proletariat and lead the intellectuals, and writers were obliged to take a Revolution. Walter Benjamin’s critique of Lenin’s position regarding the PCF and its dogmatic professional intellectual was influential in the socialist-realist aesthetic.3 For example, French Sixties. For Benjamin, the problem with Althusser and Aragon were members of the party, professional intellectuals is that when they Breton was a dissident, and Sartre was a distant attempt to integrate themselves into the 08.27.12 / 17:34:29 EDT 04/13 Still from Dziga Vertov Group and Sonimage's film, Here and Elsewhere, 1970-1974. 08.27.12 / 17:34:29 EDT proletariat, they ignore their own position in the contradiction. Maoist contradiction is a kind of process of production. Benjamin calls this the nondialectical, eternal struggle of opposites trap of logocracy, a system that implies the ruling which starts from a principal contradiction to power of words.7 In order to avoid this trap, which other contradictions are subordinated. Maoists prioritized practice (working alongside Maoist contradiction is thus a self- workers) and denigrated discourse, focusing revolutionizing logic that, instead of reaching a their energies on liberating the forms and higher order, advances from quantitative change instruments of production (to achieve self- 05/13 to qualitative change through leaps forward. management) and promoting self- Godard’s gesture of simultaneously incorporating representation. and rejecting politicized modernism reflected ÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊÊIn accord with Maoist theory and practice, the epistemological change brought on by the the logic under which Godard’s work operated post-structuralist separation of the signifier during this period was not that of the old from the signified. This shift brought ideological avant-garde but that of the war of representation into crisis and was transfigured position, a strategic rather than an ideological into the theoretical and practical ideologemes of approach. Godard’s avant-garde was nominal the Left: instrumentality, realism, reflexivity, insofar as it transformed proper names, cries, didacticism, and historiography.8 Taking into battles, and avant-garde positions into concepts account the theoretical-practical problems of and slogans. The filmmaker’s vanguard was these ideologemes, Godard developed a series of further predicated upon a relationship to art of contradictions relating to the new historical the past that differed from the traditional problems that brought traditional Marxism to its vanguardist negativity; instead of treating it as a limits, such as the novelty of an emergent class tabula rasa, Godard reclaimed, contradicted, and of university-educated consumers and the disavowed the art of the past.
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