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Yemen in Crisis
A Conflict Overlooked: Yemen in Crisis Jamison Boley Kent Evans Sean Grassie Sara Romeih Conflict Risk Diagnostic 2017 Conflict Background Yemen has a weak, highly decentralized central government that has struggled to rule the northern Yemen Arab Republic (YAR) and the southern People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY).1 Since the unification of these entities in 1990, Yemen has experienced three civil conflicts. As the poorest country in the Arab world, Yemen faces serious food and water shortages for a population dispersed over mountainous terrain.2 The country’s weaknesses have been exploited by Saudi Arabia which shares a porous border with Yemen. Further, the instability of Yemen’s central government has created a power vacuum filled by foreign states and terrorist groups.3 The central government has never had effective control of all Yemeni territory. Ali Abdullah Saleh, who was president of Yemen for 34 years, secured his power through playing factions within the population off one another. The Yemeni conflict is not solely a result of a Sunni-Shia conflict, although sectarianism plays a role.4 The 2011 Arab Spring re-energized the Houthi movement, a Zaydi Shia movement, which led to the overthrow of the Saleh government. Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi took office as interim president in a transition led by a coalition of Arab Gulf states and backed by the United States. Hadi has struggled to deal with a variety of problems, including insurgency, the continuing loyalty of many military officers to former president Saleh, as well as corruption, unemployment and food insecurity.5 Conflict Risk Diagnostic Indicators Key: (+) Stabilizing factor; (-) Destabilizing factor; (±) Mixed factor Severe Risk - Government military expenditures have been generally stable between 2002-2015, at an average of 4.8% of GDP. -
A New Model for Defeating Al Qaeda in Yemen
A New Model for Defeating al Qaeda in Yemen Katherine Zimmerman September 2015 A New Model for Defeating al Qaeda in Yemen KATHERINE ZIMMERMAN SEPTEMBER 2015 A REPORT BY AEI’S CRITICAL THREATS PROJECT TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary ....................................................................................................................................... 1 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................. 3 Part I: Al Qaeda and the Situation in Yemen ................................................................................................. 5 A Broken Model in Yemen ...................................................................................................................... 5 The Collapse of America’s Counterterrorism Partnership ........................................................................ 6 The Military Situation in Yemen ........................................................................................................... 10 Yemen, Iran, and Regional Dynamics ................................................................................................... 15 The Expansion of AQAP and the Emergence of ISIS in Yemen ............................................................ 18 Part II: A New Strategy for Yemen ............................................................................................................. 29 Defeating the Enemy in Yemen ............................................................................................................ -
Educational Toolkit
FINDING HUMANITY PODCAST EDUCATION TOOLKITS Season 2: Seeking Justice on the Frontlines A Journalist in Captivity | Jason Rezaian Listen to the Episode Finding Humanity is a production of Humanity Lab Foundation and Hueman Group Media. This educational toolkit was created to help inspire additional learning and engagement around critical social justice and human rights topics surfaced the Finding Humanity podcast. The goal of the toolkit is to provide insight into the political, socical, legal and economic systems that hinder our progress on solving complex social and political problems. Our goal is to share our insights, research, policy analysis and key findings with hopes to inspire continued engagement and learning around the podcast episodes and the substantial content and topics unearthed in each episode. While Finding Humanity podcast is co-produced by the Humanity Lab Foundation and Hueman Group Media, these educational toolkits are prepared solely by Humanity Lab Foundation, a US-based not-for-profit 501(c)(3) organization. All statistics and information contained in this education toolkit is intended for educational purposes only and all copyrights belong fully to the owners cited in the toolkit. In our podcast, and in these toolkits, we cover pressing -- and at times controversial -- social and political issues. The views and opinions expressed are those of the interviewees and cited organizations and do not reflect the positions or opinions of the producers or any affiliated organizations. Toolkit author: Karolina Mendecka, Policy and Research Lead, Humanity Lab Foundation With support from: Ayesha Amin, Policy and Research Associate, Humanity Lab Foundation Under direction of: Hazami Barmada, Founder & CEO, Humanity Lab Foundation About the Finding Humanity Podcast | Season 2: For some, fighting for change means risking it all, one's own life. -
Kata'ib Sayyid Al Shuhada
Kata’ib Sayyid al Shuhada Name: Kata’ib Sayyid al Shuhada Type of Organization: Militia political party religious social services provider terrorist transnational violent Ideologies and Affiliations: Iranian-sponsored Shiite Jihadist Khomeinist Place of Origin: Iraq Year of Origin: 2013 Founder(s): Abu Mustafa al Sheibani Places of Operation: Iraq, Syria Overview Also Known As Kata’ib Abu Fadl al-Abbas1 Kata’ib Karbala2 Battalion of the Sayyid’s Martyrs3 Executive Summary Kata’ib Sayyid al Shuhada (KSS) is an Iraqi militia that has fought in both Iraq and Syria and is closely connected to Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and the Houthis.4 Its leader is Abu Mustafa al Sheibani, a U.S.-designated terrorist who also assisted in forming the IRGC-backed Asaib Ahl al-Haq (AAH) and Kata’ib Hezbollah (KH) militias.5 The group was founded in 2013. Its first public announcements were three martyrdom notices for members killed fighting in southern Damascus alongside Syrian regime forces.6 In Syria, KSS operates within the fold of the mixed Syrian and Iraqi Liwa Abu Fadl al-Abbas, another Iranian- backed militia.7 KSS follows the same Shiite jihadist ideology as fellow pro-Iranian Iraqi militias, framing its fight in Syria as a defense of Shiites and the Shiite shrine of Sayyida Zaynab.8 In a 2013 interview, KSS’s information office stated that the group sent 500 militants to Syria.9 Other media Kata’ib Sayyid al Shuhada statements have affirmed the presence of KSS fighters in rural Damascus along the frontlines in eastern Ghouta.10 The Associated Press has reported that KSS fighters enter Syria via Iran.11 In 2015, KSS declared Saudi Arabia “a legitimate and permissible target” after that country executed a prominent Shiite cleric.12 A 2018 KSS statement indicated the group was ready to send fighters to Yemen. -
An Analysis of Iranian Actions in Yemen
OPPORTUNITY KNOCKS: AN ANALYSIS OF IRANIAN ACTIONS IN YEMEN Maj J.M. Brooks JCSP 44 PCEMI 44 Exercise Solo Flight Exercice Solo Flight Disclaimer Avertissement Opinions expressed remain those of the author and Les opinons exprimées n’engagent que leurs auteurs do not represent Department of National Defence or et ne reflètent aucunement des politiques du Canadian Forces policy. This paper may not be used Ministère de la Défense nationale ou des Forces without written permission. canadiennes. Ce papier ne peut être reproduit sans autorisation écrite. © Her Majesty the Queen in Right of Canada, as © Sa Majesté la Reine du Chef du Canada, représentée par represented by the Minister of National Defence, 2018. le ministre de la Défense nationale, 2018. CANADIAN FORCES COLLEGE – COLLÈGE DES FORCES CANADIENNES JCSP 44 – PCEMI 44 2017 – 2018 EXERCISE SOLO FLIGHT – EXERCICE SOLO FLIGHT OPPORTUNITY KNOCKS: AN ANALYSIS OF IRANIAN ACTIONS IN YEMEN Maj J.M. Brooks “This paper was written by a student “La présente étude a été rédigée par un attending the Canadian Forces College stagiaire du Collège des Forces in fulfilment of one of the requirements canadiennes pour satisfaire à l'une des of the Course of Studies. The paper is a exigences du cours. L'étude est un scholastic document, and thus contains document qui se rapporte au cours et facts and opinions, which the author contient donc des faits et des opinions alone considered appropriate and que seul l'auteur considère appropriés et correct for the subject. It does not convenables au sujet. Elle ne reflète pas necessarily reflect the policy or the nécessairement la politique ou l'opinion opinion of any agency, including the d'un organisme quelconque, y compris le Government of Canada and the gouvernement du Canada et le ministère Canadian Department of National de la Défense nationale du Canada. -
The Grand Strategy of Militant Clients: Iran's Way Of
Security Studies ISSN: 0963-6412 (Print) 1556-1852 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fsst20 The Grand Strategy of Militant Clients: Iran’s Way of War Afshon Ostovar To cite this article: Afshon Ostovar (2018): The Grand Strategy of Militant Clients: Iran’s Way of War, Security Studies To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/09636412.2018.1508862 Published online: 17 Oct 2018. Submit your article to this journal View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fsst20 SECURITY STUDIES https://doi.org/10.1080/09636412.2018.1508862 The Grand Strategy of Militant Clients: Iran’s Way of War Afshon Ostovar ABSTRACT This article argues that militant clients should be understood as a pillar of Iran’s grand strategy and an extension of its military power. The article examines why Iran has relied on militant clients since the 1979 revolution and the benefits and costs of its client approach. In evaluating these issues, it iden- tifies five main areas where Iran has gained from its client strategy: 1) maintaining independence from the West; 2) suc- cessfully exporting its religio-political worldview; 3) extending its military reach and power; 4) reducing political costs of its foreign activities; and 5) establishing needed regional allies. It further identifies five main dangers that Iran faces by continu- ing its strategic behavior: 1) increased pressure from the United States and a broader US military regional footprint; 2) more unified regional adversaries; 3) the risk of unintended escalation with the United States and regional adversarial states; and 4) enduring regional instability and insecurity Introduction In the 21st century, no state has had more success in utilizing militant clients outside its borders toward strategic ends than the Islamic Republic of Iran. -
Rewriting J-School
SPRING 2014 VOL. 68 NO. 2 Rewriting J-School Can educators connect the classroom to the newsroom? RAY WHITEHOUSE/MEDILL RAY Medill journalism students put their multimedia skills to work covering the 2012 presidential election Cover text from the 2001 (top) and 2014 (bottom) editions of “The Elements of Journalism.” An excerpt from the new edition, page 48 NIEMAN REPORTS EDITORIAL OFFICES Please address all subscription correspondence to: One Francis Avenue, Cambridge, The Nieman Foundation for Journalism at Harvard University MA 02138-2098, 617-496-6308, One Francis Avenue, Cambridge, MA 02138-2098 [email protected] and change of address information to: www.niemanreports.org P.O. Box 4951, Manchester, NH 03108 Copyright 2014 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College. ISSN Number 0028-9817 PUBLISHER EDITOR Periodicals postage paid at Boston, Massachusetts and additional entries Postmaster: Send address changes to Ann Marie Lipinski James Geary Nieman Reports P.O. Box 4951, SUBSCRIPTIONS/BUSINESS Manchester, NH 03108 SENIOR EDITOR RESEARCHER/REPORTER 617-496-6299, [email protected] Jan Gardner Jonathan Seitz Nieman Reports (USPS #430-650) Subscription $25 a year, $40 for two years; is published in March, June, September add $10 per year for foreign airmail. and December by the Nieman Foundation at Harvard DESIGN EDITORIAL ASSISTANCE Single copies $7.50. University, One Francis Avenue, Stacy Sweat Designs Isabel Campbell-Gross Back copies are available from the Nieman office. Cambridge, MA 02138-2098 Rebecca Mazur Jessie Schanzle SPRING 2014 VOL. 68 NO. 2 COVER 24 Rewrite Journalism education has come to the same ominous inflection point that journalism itself has reached—and the stakes are just as high. -
An Analysis of Online Public Discourse on Iran's Involvement in the Syrian
Persica 26, 63-101. doi: 10.2143/PERS.26.0.3286868 © 2018 by Peeters. All rights reserved. #DEFENDERS_OF_ISIS: AN ANALYSIS OF ONLINE PUBLIC DISCOURSE ON IRAN’S INVOLVEMENT IN THE SYRIAN CONFLICT LiekeSchut ABSTRACT ThisstudyanalyzesPersianTweetsandInstagrampostsaboutIran’sinvolvement inSyriainordertounderstandhowIraniandiscursivelyarguefororagainsttheir country’spartakinginthisconflict.Bycarefullycircumventingrestrictionsonfree speechposedbytheIraniangovernmentthroughsocialmedia,thisstudyreveals apolarizedpublicdebatethatentailsvariousonlinesocietalgroups,suchasthe “Barandazan”andagroupofconservativeactivists.Theanalysisexposesargu- mentativestrategiesanddelegitimizationsbasedonpresentationsoftheotheras evilandchangingdiscursivepowerrelations.Assuch,itcontributestotheunder- standingofonlinecommunitiesandpracticesaspartoftheIranianwebingeneral andtheonlinepublicdebateonIran’sinvolvementinSyriainparticular. INTRODUCTION The Iranian involvement in the conflict in Syria has caused a lively public debate in Iran.1 Media reports exposed that since the start of the conflict in 2011, the Iranian government has been supporting Bashar al-Assad with financial, logistic, and technical aid, in addition to sending military personnel and advising the Syrian army.2 The attitude of the Iranian population towards the involvement is crucial since even the Iranian regime is not omnipotent and is influenced by public mood and temperament. Research of public opinion reveals some Iranians support their country’s partaking in the conflict, while others are skeptical. -
The 1968 Siege of Sana: a Houthi Historical Parallel by Asher Orkaby
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 2334 The 1968 Siege of Sana: A Houthi Historical Parallel by Asher Orkaby Nov 10, 2014 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Asher Orkaby Asher Orkaby received his PhD in Middle East history from Harvard University and is currently a research fellow at the Crown Center for Middle East Studies. Brief Analysis Locals tend to perceive today's conflict less as a struggle between external forces than as a continuation of long-running tensions between Zaydi tribal elite and the modern Yemeni state. he beginning of November saw Sana's airport, government buildings, universities, and even major city T intersections firmly under the control of the antigovernment Houthi movement. Since the 1990s, the Houthi clan has gained the support of many northern Zadyi tribes, adherents of Yemen's branch of Shia Islam, which comprises around 30 percent of the country's population of 25 million. The attack on Sana caps a decade of armed political struggle between the tribesmen of the Houthi movement and the Yemeni government. For its part, the foreign media has portrayed the Houthi rebellion in global terms of religious sectarianism, Iranian foreign policy, and al-Qaeda, while largely ignoring local Yemeni factors. Behind the Houthi rebellion, however, lies a long history of Zaydi minority religious rule over the Sunni majority in Yemen and decades of opposition to the modern Yemeni government. Reflecting back on the 1968 siege of Sana provides historic insight into the current assault on the city. The Siege: Buildup and Aftermath O n September 26, 1962, the Yemeni imam Muhammad al-Badr, from the Zaydi clan of Hamid al-Din, was overthrown by a group of military officers who founded what is now recognized as the modern Yemeni republic, marking the end to more than a thousand years of Zaydi religious rule in Yemen. -
Iraq 2021–2022: a Forecast
JUNE 2021 BY KATHERINE LAWLOR IRAQ 2021–2022: A FORECAST Katherine Lawlor, Institute for the Study of War IRAQ 2021–2022: A FORECAST Cover: Iraqi protesters gather at Tahrir square during ongoing anti-government demonstrations in the capital Baghdad on October 31, 2019. (Photo by AHMAD AL-RUBAYE/AFP via Getty Images) All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing or from the publisher. ©2021 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2021 in the United States of America by the Institute for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 | Washington, DC 20036 understandingwar.org ABOUT THE AUTHOR Katherine Lawlor is an Iraq analyst at the Institute for the Study of War. Her work focuses on Iraqi politics, popular protests, and Iranian proxy militia groups. Her work has been cited by the Washington Post, Voice of America, the Financial Times, Foreign Policy, Politico, the US Department of Defense Lead Inspector General for Operation Inherent Resolve, and others. Katherine received her Masters of Arts in International Relations from the University of St Andrews in Scotland where she also studied US civil-military relations and Russian. Prior to joining the ISW team, Katherine worked with a congressional campaign, on Capitol Hill, and at her local public radio station. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This paper would not have been possible without the hard work and endless cheer of Eva Kahan, who created all of the maps within the text and helped scope the initial research effort. -
Taking the Lead Back in Yemen KATHERINE ZIMMERMAN
Statement before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Middle East, North Africa, and International Terrorism on “The Humanitarian Crisis in Yemen: Addressing Current Political and Humanitarian Challenges.” Taking the Lead Back in Yemen KATHERINE ZIMMERMAN Research Fellow and Critical Threats Project Research Manager March 6, 2019 The American Enterprise Institute (AEI) is a nonpartisan, nonprofit, 501(c)(3) educational organization and does not take institutional positions on any issues. The views expressed in this testimony are those of the author. Katherine Zimmerman March 6, 2019 Chairman Deutch, Ranking Member Wilson, and members of the subcommittee, thank you for your attention to securing America’s interests in Yemen and for the opportunity to participate in this hearing. America has vital national security interests in Yemen. Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), one of the terrorist groups most focused on attacking the US homeland, retains a safe haven and support among local populations there. A small Islamic State affiliate also persists and could emerge as a threat. The Iranian-backed al Houthi movement threatens the free flow of goods through one of the world's most important maritime chokepoints, the Bab el Mandab Strait, and increases the risk of regional conflict by attacking population centers in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. The deepening humanitarian catastrophe in Yemen fuels the conflict and threatens to spread waves of refugees through an already- destabilized region. The US must refocus on Yemen to develop a policy that recognizes and addresses all of these interests. America must, above all, retake a leadership role in securing itself and shaping the actions of its allies so that they support our interests and accord with international law and norms. -
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International Journal of Education and Social Science Research ISSN 2581-5148 Vol. 2, No. 06; 2019 THE ASSOCIATION BETWEEN THE LEFT AND RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT IN IRAQ: AN ASSESSMENT Shak Bernard Hanish, Ph.D. Foreign Language Department Yuncheng University Yuncheng, Shanxi, China ABSTRACT This paper will examine the reasons for the emergence of the electoral coalition for the last May 2018 Iraqi parliamentary elections between the Sadrist (Islamic) movement, the large grassroot movement in Iraq, which contains large marginalized people of lower classes, and the Marxist leftist movement, the Communist Party in Iraq, which calls theoretically and practically to defend the interests of the poor masses. What are the reasons for such alliance that was called Sairoon (Marchers) between the two different ideologies and movements? How such alliance was received by the public in Iraq? Has the coalition achieved tangible election results? What are the prospects of such alliance? Can this alliance survive, or its path is a failure due to ideological differences and the nature of leadership in the Sadrist movement? Can the alliance affect Iraq's political, economic and social future? Finally, what is the near future of this alliance and the long-term effect. This paper will try to answer these questions and to provide a political background for this event. KEYWORDS: Iraq, Iran, Communists, Al-Sadr Movement, Civic Society, Islamists INTRODUCTION In preparing for then the upcoming May 12, 2018 Iraqi parliamentary election, a unique electoral alliance emerged between the moderate Shiite Islamist Sadrist movement and some secular parties, specifically the prominent Iraqi Community Party. This was a surprised move by the popular and controversial leader Muqtada al-Sadr to contest the Iraqi legislative elections in May 2018, the first of its kind in the history of Iraqi elections.