DOCSLIB.ORG

How Does the Introduction of the Idea of Civil Society and the Development

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by RMIT Research Repository TERROR IN INDONESIA: TERRORISM AND THE REPRESENTATION OF RECENT TERRORIST ATTACKS IN THREE INDONESIAN NEWS PUBLICATIONS WITHIN A CONTEXT OF CULTURAL AND SOCIAL TRANSITION PRAYUDI AHMAD A dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at RMIT University SCHOOL OF MEDIA AND COMMUNICATION COLLEGE OF DESIGN AND SOCIAL CONTEXT ROYAL MELBOURNE INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY MELBOURNE, AUSTRALIA JUNE 2010 ii DECLARATION I certify that this dissertation does not incorporate without acknowledgement any material which has been submitted for an award of any other university or other institutions. To the best of my knowledge and belief, it contains no material previously published or written by another person, except where due reference is made in the text of the dissertation. The content of the dissertation is the result of work which has been carried out since the official commencement date of the approved research program. Any editorial work, paid or unpaid, carried out by a third party is acknowledged. Signed : Date : June 2010 iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation is the outcome of four years of doctoral research in the School of Media and Communication, College of Design and Social Context, RMIT University, Melbourne, Australia. During this time, I have worked with a great number of people who have contributed in various ways to the research and the completion of the dissertation. It is a pleasure to convey my gratitude to them all and convey my humble acknowledgment. First and foremost I offer my sincerest gratitude to my supervisors, Professor Dr. Jeff Lewis and Dr. Nasya Bahfen, whose supervision, guidance and advice have been extraordinary, whilst allowing me the space to work in my own way. They have provided me with encouragement and support throughout the research process and dissertation writing. Above all, they have become the source of knowledge that had inspired me as a research student. I am indebted to them more than they know. I convey special acknowledgement to Dr. Brian Morris (former Postgraduate Research Coordinator), Dr. Linda Daley (current Postgraduate Research Coordinator) and Angelo Tardio (Postgraduate Research administration staff), who have assisted me with my study needs at the school. Their kind attention and assistance to the postgraduate research students and me in particular, have been invaluable for the completion of my study. I owe my deepest gratitude to RMIT International for providing me with a RMIT University International Scholarship (RUIS). Margaret Jones, Reshmi Halder and Emily Ross from the scholarship office have been very helpful and understanding throughout my candidature at RMIT. Without the scholarship, my dream of pursuing a PhD at RMIT would not have been possible. My special thanks go to Jessica Raschke, who has been my Australian friend since 2001. She has proven the adage— “a true friend is not a matter of quantity, but a matter of quality”— through her kind friendship with me all these years. iv I would also like to thank the University of Pembangunan Nasional “Veteran” Yogyakarta Indonesia, the university where I work as a lecturer. The University has helped me with fund my research and airfares to and from Australia. Thanks also go to my colleagues at the Department of Communication Studies, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Pembangunan Nasional “Veteran” Yogyakarta. My four-year of hard work will be meaningless without the immeasurable support and understanding of my family. Words fail to express my appreciation to my wife, Triana Wulandari, and my children, Annisa Aqilah Rahmania and Hanif Zaki Dhiaurrahman. This dream would not have come true without their encouragement, support and sacrifice. I am happy that I was finally able to take them to visit Australia. I dedicate this to them all. I would also like to express my gratitude and dedicate this dissertation to my late parents, Ahmad Suwardi (my father) and Lestari (my mother). Sadly, my parents have not been able to see their youngest son achieve the highest degree in education. They helped my aspire to higher levels of learning. Without them, I would never be what I am now. I will always pray for them. Finally, I would like to thank those who had contributed to the successful realization of this dissertation. My apology to those whose names I could not mention personally one by one. v TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Declaration ii Acknowledgement iii Table of contents v Summary 1 Part I Chapter 1 Introduction 5 Background 5 Research questions 8 Scope of the study 9 Rationale 10 Literature review 11 Outline of the Study 13 Chapter 2 Approaching the study 15 Introduction 15 Theoretical framework 15 Research methodology 23 Chapter 3 Terrorism, Media and Islam 32 Introduction 32 Terrorism: definition and context 33 Media and terrorism 38 vi Islam and Islamism 41 Jihad and radical Islamism 46 Conclusion 53 Part II Chapter 4 Islam, Culture and Politics in Indonesia 57 Introduction 57 Foundations of political Islam: the modern state of Indonesia 59 Islam under the New Order 65 Islam and Politics in Transition Indonesia 71 Conclusion 77 Chapter 5 Radical Islamism and Political Violence 80 Introduction 80 Terrorism and radical Islamic group: the background 81 The emergence of radical Islamism: past and present 84 The Darul Islam Movement 94 Radical Islamism in transition Indonesia 99 Jemaah Islamiyah: its network and operation 104 Conclusion 117 Chapter 6 The Indonesian Press: From “Ordered Press” To “Liberal Press” 120 Introduction 120 The ordered press 121 Indonesian press in the era of “reform” 132 Conclusion 145 vii Part III Chapter 7 The Jakarta Post Representation of Terrorism 149 Introduction 149 The Jakarta Post: profile and editorial policy 150 Terrorism attacks: the setting 155 The Jakarta Post representation of terrorism 162 Conclusion 178 Chapter 8 Textual Analysis of Sabili Representation of Terrorism 181 Introduction 181 Sabili: profile and editorial policy 182 Sabili representation of terrorism 185 Conclusion 198 Chapter 9 Textual Analysis of Tempo Representation of Terrorism 200 Introduction 200 Tempo: profile and editorial policy 201 Tempo representation of terrorism 205 Conclusion 227 Chapter 10 News Media and Terrorism: Conclusion 229 Bibliography 232 viii SUMMARY Modern terrorism has been formed and generated through its integration with the mass media and global communication systems. The representation of terrorism in the Indonesian media is associated with complex communicational processes generated through cultural, political economic and organisational patterns and factors. The most recent and publicly extant examples of terrorism in Indonesia have been associated with the more militant factions of radical Islam. Some well-publicized terrorist attacks have been occurring since the fall of President Suharto's New Order regime in 1998. This research examines terrorism in Indonesia and the way it has been constructed and represented in the reporting of several recent terrorist attacks. The research focuses on three news-based publications. These publications are presented as 'case studies' of diversity in the Indonesian print media and the print media's engagement with terrorism and terrorist attacks. The overarching aim of this research is to examine the ways in which the print media is engaging with Indonesian terrorism within a broader context of the nation's social, political and cultural transition. This process of engagement, representation and meaning-making is situated within broader historical and cultural analysis of the media, including its 'reformation' within the post New Order civic conditions. Specifically, the study is interested in the role of the media, and news repporting in particular, within a civil order that supports freedom of expression, democracy and the fourth estate function of the press. In particular, the analysis focuses on the 2002 Bali bombing, the 2003 JW Marriott Hotel bombing and the 2004 Australian Embassy bombing. The euphoria that has emerged since 1998, which marks the beginning of Reformasi (reformation), has given the Indonesian media institutions freedom to report any issues without fear of being prosecuted or banned by the government. Nonetheless, the Indonesian news media are influenced by cultural, political, and organisational factors when reporting potentially divisive issues like terrorism and religion. Within news media institutions, the interplay of these various factors contributes to the way news media represents the issue of terrorism. This study employed a broadly defined Cultural Studies framework to examine how media institutions and their professional journalists represent the issue of terrorism. The approach emphasizes the interplay between lived experience, discourses and texts. Various methods were used to generate 'data'—that is, material that is generated through systematic and empirical methods, including textual analysis and in-depth interviews. Data were gathered from news items in three national publications. Data analysis techniques included contextualism and textual analysis. The techniques were used to analyse how these specific media outlets represent terrorism, specifically as it is linked to recent militant attacks in Indonesia. The analysis especially emphasized the cultural, political and organisational factors that contribute to the formation of the texts,
Recommended publications
  • Brunei 2019 International Religious Freedom Report

    Brunei 2019 International Religious Freedom Report

    BRUNEI 2019 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary The constitution states that while the official religion is the Shafi’i School of Islam, all other religions may be practiced “in peace and harmony.” In April the government implemented the second and third phases of the Sharia Penal Code (SPC), which includes offenses punishable by corporal and capital punishments, including stoning to death, amputation of hands or feet, and caning. The SPC, which is in force in parallel with the common-law-based secular penal code, applies to both Muslims and non-Muslims, including foreigners, with non-Muslims exempted from certain sections. Under full SPC implementation, Royal Brunei Police Force (RBPF) and Religious Enforcement Division officers cooperate on investigations of crimes covered by both secular law and sharia. Following international condemnation, the sultan announced in May that the de facto moratorium on the death penalty would be extended to include cases under the SPC and that “individual privacy” would be respected. He also declared the government would ratify the United Nations Convention against Torture (UNCAT). Responding to UN expressions of concern regarding the SPC, the foreign minister reiterated that the constitution recognizes the right of non- Muslims to practice their religions “in peace and harmony.” Non-Muslims reported no significant changes with respect to the practice of minority religions following the full implementation of the SPC but noted that the law imposes new restrictions on the ability of non-Muslims to proselytize other non-Muslims, which until April had been legal. The government continued to prohibit non-Muslims from proselytizing among Muslims or persons with no religious affiliation.
  • Constitutional Documents of All Tcountries in Southeast Asia As of December 2007, As Well As the ASEAN Charter (Vol

    Constitutional Documents of All Tcountries in Southeast Asia As of December 2007, As Well As the ASEAN Charter (Vol

    his three volume publication includes the constitutional documents of all Tcountries in Southeast Asia as of December 2007, as well as the ASEAN Charter (Vol. I), reports on the national constitutions (Vol. II), and a collection of papers on cross-cutting issues (Vol. III) which were mostly presented at a conference at the end of March 2008. This collection of Constitutional documents and analytical papers provides the reader with a comprehensive insight into the development of Constitutionalism in Southeast Asia. Some of the constitutions have until now not been publicly available in an up to date English language version. But apart from this, it is the first printed edition ever with ten Southeast Asian constitutions next to each other which makes comparative studies much easier. The country reports provide readers with up to date overviews on the different constitutional systems. In these reports, a common structure is used to enable comparisons in the analytical part as well. References and recommendations for further reading will facilitate additional research. Some of these reports are the first ever systematic analysis of those respective constitutions, while others draw on substantial literature on those constitutions. The contributions on selected issues highlight specific topics and cross-cutting issues in more depth. Although not all timely issues can be addressed in such publication, they indicate the range of questions facing the emerging constitutionalism within this fascinating region. CONSTITUTIONALISM IN SOUTHEAST ASIA Volume 2 Reports on National Constitutions (c) Copyright 2008 by Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Singapore Editors Clauspeter Hill Jőrg Menzel Publisher Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung 34 Bukit Pasoh Road Singapore 089848 Tel: +65 6227 2001 Fax: +65 6227 2007 All rights reserved.
  • Dakwah Dan Politik : Study Atas Drs. H. Rachmat Yasin, Mm

    Dakwah Dan Politik : Study Atas Drs. H. Rachmat Yasin, Mm

    DAKWAH DAN POLITIK : STUDY ATAS DRS. H. RACHMAT YASIN, MM Oleh : Ilham Maulana NIM: 105051001856 JURUSAN KOMUNIKASI DAN PENYIARAN ISLAM FAKULTAS DAKWAH DAN KOMUNIKASI UNIVERSITAS ISLAM NEGERI SYARIF HIDAYATULLAH JAKARTA 2009 M/1430 H 1 2 DAKWAH DAN POLITIK : STUDY ATAS DRS. H. RACHMAT YASIN, MM Diajukan Kepada Fakultas Dakwah dan Komunikasi Untuk Memenuhi Salah Satu Syarat Mencapai Gelar Sarjana Strata Satu (S1) Oleh : Ilham Maulana NIM: 105051001856 Dibawah Bimbingan Drs. Jumroni, M.Si NIP. 150254959 JURUSAN KOMUNIKASI DAN PENYIARAN ISLAM FAKULTAS DAKWAH DAN KOMUNIKASI UNIVERSITAS ISLAM NEGERI SYARIF HIDAYATULLAH JAKARTA 2009 M/1430 H 3 LEMBAR PENGESAHAN Skripsi ini berjudul “DAKWAH DAN POLITIK STUDY ATAS DRS. H. RACHMAT YASIN, MM” Telah diujikan dalam Sidang Munaqasah Jurusan Komunikasi dan Penyiaran Islam UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta pada tanggal 25 Mei 2009. Skripsi ini diterima sebagai salah satu syarat untuk memperoleh gelar Sarjana Sosial Islam (S.Sos.I) Program Studi Strata Satu (S1) Fakultas Dakwah dan Komunikasi. Jakarta, 25 Mei 2009 Sidang Munaqasah Ketua Sidang Sekretaris Sidang DR. H. Arief Subhan, MA Umi Musyarofah, MA NIP. 150 262 442 NIP. 150 281 980 Anggota Penguji I Penguji II Drs. Studi Rizal, LK, MA Drs. Wahidin Saputra, MA NIP. 150 262 876 NIP. 150 276 299 Pembimbing Drs. Jumroni, M,Si NIP. 150 254 959 4 LEMBAR PERNYATAAN Dengan ini saya menyatakan bahwa : 1. Skripsi saya merupakan hasil karya asli saya yang diajukan untuk memenuhi salah satu persyaratan memperoleh gelar Sarjana Strata Satu (S1) di Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta. 2. Semua sumber yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini telah saya cantumkan sesuai dengan ketentuan yang berlaku di Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta.
  • Universal Periodic Review 2009

    Universal Periodic Review 2009

    UNIVERSAL PERIODIC REVIEW 2009 SAUDI ARABIA NGO: European Centre for Law and Justice 4, Quai Koch 67000 Strasbourg France RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN THE SAUDI ARABIA SECTION 1: Legal Framework I. Saudi Constitutional Provisions Saudi Arabia is an Islamic monarchy.1 The Saudi Constitution is comprised of the Koran, Sharia law, and the Basic Law.2 “Islamic law forms the basis for the country’s legal code.”3 Strict Islamic law governs,4 and as such, the Saudi Constitution does not permit religious freedom. Even the practice of Islam itself is limited to the strict, Saudi-specific interpretation of Islam.5 Importantly, the Saudi government makes essentially no distinction between religion and government.6 According to its constitution, Saudi Arabia is a monarchy with a limited Consultative Council and Council of Ministers.7 The Consultative Council is governed by the Shura Council Law, which is based on Islam,8 and serves as an advisory body that operates strictly within the traditional confines of Islamic law.9 The Council of Ministers, expressly recognized by the Basic Law,10 is authorized to “examine almost any matter in the kingdom.”11 The Basic Law was promulgated by the king in 1993 and operates somewhat like a limited “bill of rights” for Saudi citizens. Comprising a portion of the Saudi Constitution, the Basic Law broadly outlines “the government’s rights and responsibilities,” as well as the general structure of government and the general source of law (the Koran). 12 The Basic Law consists of 83 articles defining the strict, Saudi Islamic state. By declaring that Saudi Arabia is an Islamic state and by failing to make any 1 U.S.
  • The May 1998 Riots and the Emergence of Chinese Indonesians: Social Movements in the Post-Soeharto Era*

    The May 1998 Riots and the Emergence of Chinese Indonesians: Social Movements in the Post-Soeharto Era*

    The May 1998 Riots and the Emergence of Chinese Indonesians: Social Movements in the Post-Soeharto Era* Johanes Herlijanto Lecturer, Department of History, Faculty of Humanities, University of Indonesia I. Introduction The social movements launched by Chinese-Indonesians to struggle for recognition of their ethnic identity in post-Soeharto Indonesia should not be understood merely as a result of the collapse of the New Order authoritarian regime. On the contrary, the eagerness of Chinese Indonesians to participate in such movements should also be perceived as a changing process of their perception of their position in Indonesian society. This change in perception is most importantly related to a strategy of seeking security in a society where the ethnic Chinese often become the target of discrimination, violence and riots. This paper argues that the May 1998 riots have had an important influence on changing process of perception among Chinese Indonesians. It is after this incident that the perception which encouraged Chinese-Indonesians to struggle for the recognition of their ethnic identity as well as for the abolishment of all discrimination against them began to emerge and develop. One way to understand this is by posing questions of how the Chinese-Indonesians perceived the May 1998 tragedy and how have they constructed an alternative understanding about their position in Indonesian society. These questions will be the main focus of this paper. In dealing with these questions, this paper will discuss three important * Revised version of the paper presented at the 18th Conference of International Association of Historians of Asia (IAHA), December 6-10, 2004, Academia Sinica, Taipei, Taiwan.
  • The Role of Ethnic Chinese Minority in Developntent: the Indonesian Case

    The Role of Ethnic Chinese Minority in Developntent: the Indonesian Case

    Southeast Asian Studies. Vol. 25, No.3, December 1987 The Role of Ethnic Chinese Minority in Developntent: The Indonesian Case Mely G. TAN* As recent writIngs indicate, the term Introduction more commonly used today is "ethnic Chinese" to refer to the group as a Despite the manifest diversity of the whole, regardless of citizenship, cultural ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia, there orientation and social identification.2) is still the tendency among scholars The term ethnic or ethnicity, refers to focusing on this group, to treat them a socio-cultural entity. In the case of as a monolithic entity, by referring to the ethnic Chinese, it refers to a group all of them as "Chinese" or "Overseas with cultural elements recognizable as Chinese." Within the countries them­ or attributable to Chinese, while socially, selves, as In Indonesia, for instance, members of this group identify and are this tendency is apparent among the identified by others as constituting a majority population in the use of the distinct group. terms "orang Cina," "orang Tionghoa" The above definition IS III line with or even "hoakiau."D It is our conten­ the use in recent writings on this topic. tion that these terms should only be In the last ten years or so, we note a applied to those who are alien, not of revival of interest In ethnicity and mixed ancestry, and who initially do ethnic groups, due to the realization not plan to stay permanently. We also that the newly-developed as well as the submit that, what terminology and what established countries In Europe and definition is used for this group, has North America are heterogeneous socie­ important implications culturally, so­ ties with problems In the relations cially, psychologically and especially for policy considerations.
  • Modernity, Wahhabi Islam and Monarchial Power in Qatar

    Modernity, Wahhabi Islam and Monarchial Power in Qatar

    MODERNITY, WAHHABI ISLAM, AND MONARCHIAL POWER IN QATAR EXHIBITED IN ITS CONTEMPORARY ART ____________ A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of California State University Dominguez Hills ____________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in Humanities ____________ by Christine Crane Fall 2017 This thesis is dedicated to my husband, Mark, whose confidence in me and support made it possible. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to acknowledge my mentor Dr. Patricia Gamon. I would also like to acknowledge the use of the library and graduate tutoring services at Utah Valley University, especially the help and support of Rebecca and Kelsey in the Writing Center. iii PREFACE Because of the laws in the Gulf that do not allow for criticism of any of the Gulf monarchy as well as Islam, in order to maintain their position at Qatari schools or even their research and travel privileges in the Gulf, authors ignore or soft-pedal any serious problems in the Gulf states; this must be taken into consideration when doing any research regarding this region. Another shortsightedness, I have also seen repeated in the scholarship of Qatar is a disregard for the belief in Wahhabi Islam, almost always reducing it to a “culture” or “tradition.” I examine art created and collected within a cultural context that includes the influence of Wahhabi Islam as religion. To this end, I have chosen to use the English word for Allah, which is of course God. My sources are entirely based on English-language sources. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE DEDICATION ......................................................................................................................... ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS....................................................................................................iii PREFACE ...............................................................................................................................
  • How Islamic Is Indonesia Constitution?

    How Islamic Is Indonesia Constitution?

    Implementing Islamic Constitutionalism: How Islamic Is Indonesia Constitution? Muhammad Siddiq Armia Abstract: Implementing Islamic Constitutionalism: How Islamic Is Indonesia Constitution?. Religious constitutionalism has recently become a global discussion. Such a trend arises as a result of several countries that have a majority of religious adherents declare their constitution based on certain religions. Thailand, for example, provides special norms about Buddhism (Buddhist constitutionalism), the Vatican has special norms about Catholicism (Catholic constitutionalism), India has special norms about Hinduism (Hindu constitutionalism), Saudi Arabia has norms specifically about Islam (Islamic constitutionalism), and so on. This article analyzes whether or not the Islamic principles have been adopted in the Indonesian Constitution. These principles consist of protecting religion, soul, mind, offsprings, and property. The author uses the five principles as a standard in measuring the entire Indonesian Constitution which constitutes to the teachings of Islam (Islamic constitutionalism). The implementation of Islamic constitutionalism can be identified through articles in the constitution. This study concluded that, in general, the Indonesian constitution could be considered to have agreed to Islamic constitutionalism, although in some cases it still needs to be actualized more. Keywords: Islamic constitutionalism, Indonesian’s constitution, comparative constitutional Abstrak: Mengimplementasikan Konstitusionalisme Islam: Seberapa Islamkah
  • The Quarrel Between the Anti- and Pro-Constitutionalist Jurists in Iranian Constitutional Revolution of 1906

    The Quarrel Between the Anti- and Pro-Constitutionalist Jurists in Iranian Constitutional Revolution of 1906

    religions Article Divine vs. Human Law: The Quarrel between the Anti- and Pro-Constitutionalist Jurists in Iranian Constitutional Revolution of 1906 Mehdi Mirabian Tabar Faculty of Philosophy, Philosophy of Science and Religious Studies, Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich, 80539 München, Germany; [email protected] Abstract: This study investigated the quarrel between the pro-and anti-constitutionalist jurists following the establishment of the first National Consultative Assembly (Majlis) in Iran and the drafting of the first constitution in 1906. A group of shi\ite jurists launched an attack on Majlis, in addition to the ideas of human legislation, freedom, and equality, by considering the Islamic Shar¯ı\a law to be a set of perfect and impeccable laws. In response to these oppositions, the pro-constitutional jurists argued in favor of the constitutional movement. In this paper, it is argued that the quarrel could be considered as evidence for the perennial tension between the divine and human law in Islam. It appears that examining this conflict may shed light on incidents shaping the history of contemporary Iran. Keywords: constitutionalism; constitution; parliament; Islamic Shar¯ı\a law; human law; freedom; equality; Iran Citation: Mirabian Tabar, Mehdi. 2021. Divine vs. Human Law: The Quarrel between the Anti- and 1. Introduction Pro-Constitutionalist Jurists in In Iran, the nineteenth century, which coincided with the reign of the Qajar dynasty, Iranian Constitutional Revolution of was a period of profound changes in the economy, politics, and culture. As Abbas Amanat 1906. Religions 12: 630. https:// explained, “gradual awareness of, yet ambivalence toward, the West’s pervasive ways doi.org/10.3390/rel12080630 was at the heart of the Qajar experience.” (Amanat 1997, p.
  • A Royal Romance: the Cult of Cyrus the Great in Modern Iran

    A Royal Romance: the Cult of Cyrus the Great in Modern Iran

    A Royal Romance: The Cult of Cyrus the Great in Modern Iran ALI ANSARI Abstract: This article looks at the continuing fascination with the idea of monarchy in Iran, dismissed and condemned after the revolution but gradually rehabilitated through an engagement with the Shahnameh and a reinvigorated interest in ancient Iran. The interest in Sasanian Iran, as the cradle for the development of Islamic civilisation, has in turn enabled a popular reacquaintance with Achaemenid Iran, previously frowned on for its association with Mohammad Reza Shah but legitimised by the enthusiastic endorsement of the figure of Cyrus the Great by President Ahmadinejad. This political myth of Cyrus the Great reflects the changing political dynamics of the Islamic Republic and the need to appropriate popular nationalist iconography to the state. Key words: Monarchy, Shahnameh, Sasanian Iran, Achaemenid Iran, Cyrus the Great, political myth, nationalism Royalty has rarely been more popular in Iran. As paradoxical as this statement may first appear it should come as little surprise that after nearly 40 years of Islamic Revolution and Republic the public are reacting against an official ideology that has ostensibly defined itself against the institution of monarchy. Part of this reaction is a consequence of the continuing romance of monarchy that is deeply embedded within Iranian culture and which is reflected in the widespread fascination with the ‘national’ epic, the Shahnameh; a fascination that despite initial reservations, the political establishment of the Islamic Republic, has come to embrace, if for no other reason than its literary merit. But the interest goes further and into areas that highlight not only the contradictions of contemporary political culture but the difficulties in imposing state narratives on an unwilling population.
  • 1708-06Detik-Detik-Indonesia

    1708-06Detik-Detik-Indonesia

    Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie Detik-Detik yang Menentukan Jalan Panjang Indonesia Menuju Demokrasi THC Mandiri Detik-Detik yang Menentukan Jalan Panjang Indonesia Menuju Demokrasi Penulis: Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie Desain Kulit: Anom Hamzah Layout: M. Ilyas Thaha Foto kulit: Harian Umum Republika/Sekneg Cetakan Pertama September 2006 Cetakan Kedua September 2006 Diterbitkan oleh: THC Mandiri Jl Kemang Selatan No. 98 Jakarta 12560 - Indonesia Tel: 6221 7817211, Fax: 6221 7817212 www.habibiecenter.or.id, E-mail: [email protected] Perpustakaan Nasional: Katalog Dalam Terbitan (KDT) Detik-Detik yang Menentukan: Jalan Panjang Indonesia Menuju Demokrasi / Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie. -- Jakarta, THC Mandiri, 2006. 549 hlm. ; 15 x 21 cm ISBN: 979-99386-6-X 1. Demokrasi. 321.8 Hak Cipta dilindungi Undang-undang. Dilarang memperbanyak sebagian atau seluruh isi buku ini dalam bentuk apa pun, baik secara elektronik maupun mekanik, termasuk memfotokopi, merekam, atau dengan sistem penyimpanan lainnya, tanpa izin tertulis dari Penerbit. Daftar Isi Pengantar i Prolog 1 Menjelang bab 1 Pengunduran Diri Pak Harto 31 bab 2 100 Hari Pertama Menghadapi Masalah Multikompleks dan Multidimensi 69 bab 3 Antara 100 Hari Pertama dan 100 Hari Terakhir, Sebelum Pemilihan Presiden ke-4 RI 159 bab 4 Seratus Hari Sebelum Pemilihan Presiden ke-4 RI 301 Epilog 447 Lampiran 510 Akronim 523 Glosari 529 Indeks 536 Biodata 546 Pengantar Sejumlah buku sudah terbit dan mengungkapkan sejarah politik kontemporer Indonesia, khusus masa lahirnya reformasi yang ditandai dengan mundurnya Presiden Soeharto dari gelanggang politik di Indonesia. Buku-buku tersebut —beberapa di antaranya ditulis oleh pelaku sejarah— telah membantu kita menelaah sejarah perpolitikan di Indonesia, dalam sebuah kurun waktu tertentu.
  • The State and Illegality in Indonesia in Illegality and State the the STATE and ILLEGALITY in INDONESIA

    The State and Illegality in Indonesia in Illegality and State the the STATE and ILLEGALITY in INDONESIA

    Edited by Edward Aspinall and Gerry van Klinken The state and illegality in Indonesia THE STATE AND ILLEGALITY IN INDONESIA The popular 1998 reformasi movement that brought down President Suharto’s regime demanded an end to illegal practices by state offi cials, from human rights abuse to nepotistic investments. Yet today, such practices have proven more resistant to reform than people had hoped. Many have said corruption in Indonesia is “entrenched”. We argue it is precisely this entrenched character that requires attention. What is state illegality entrenched in and how does it become entrenched? This involves studying actual cases. Our observations led us to rethink fundamental ideas about the nature of the state in Indonesia, especially regarding its socially embedded character. We conclude that illegal practices by state offi cials are not just aberrations to the state, they are the state. Almost invariably, illegality occurs as part of collective, patterned, organized and collaborative acts, linked to the competition for political power and access to state resources. While obviously excluding many without connections, corrupt behaviour also plays integrative and stabilizing functions. Especially at the lower end of the social ladder, it gets a lot of things done and is often considered legitimate. This book may be read as a defence of area studies approaches. Without the insights that grew from applying our area studies skills, we would still be constrained by highly stylized notions of the state, which bear little resemblance to the state’s actual workings. The struggle against corruption is a long-term political process. Instead of trying to depoliticize it, we believe the key to progress is greater popular participation.