Gross National Happiness The Himalayan nation of Bhutan has been a leader in development decide to put something as ephemeral as devising and promoting an alternative development happiness fi rst? paradigm called gross national happiness. The king’s Th e king’s statement signaled that Bhutan’s develop- statement “Gross National Happiness is more impor- ment process would grow out of its own cultural context, tant than Gross National Product” arose from including its ancient Vajrayana Buddhist traditions, rather Buddhism, which recognizes the transitory nature of than being imposed by foreign experts. Development material satisfactions. This view, together with the fi nd- would need to support the Buddhist quest for enlighten- ings of positive psychology, is encouraging Western ment for the good of all sentient beings—a quest associ- nations to measure the full spectrum of human ated with the development of enduring equanimity, well-being. compassion, and spiritual inspiration at the individual and collective levels. n 1972, the fourth king of the Himalayan nation of I Bhutan, King Jigme Singye Wangchuk, proclaimed, Buddhist Roots “Gross National Happiness is more important than Gross National Product”—a statement that challenged In articulating gross national happiness (GNH), the king prevailing economic development theories around the drew on Bhutan’s deep well of compassion for and non- world. violence toward all sentient beings, based in its 1,200- Th e proclamation was especially bold because tiny, year history of Buddhism. His statement connected with mountainous Bhutan, wedged between India and China, previous policies, also grounded in Buddhism. A 1675 was—at that time—one of the world’s least-developed Buddhist equivalent of a social contract declared that and most-isolated nations. Even today, it is among the happiness of all sentient beings and the teachings of the least-developed countries in the world, according to the Buddha are mutually dependent. In 1729, a Bhutanese Offi ce of the High Representative for Least Developed legal code required that laws promote happiness of sen- Countries, Landlocked Developing Countries and Small tient beings. Island Developing States (OHRLLS) at the United Among the tenets of Buddhism are the ideas that all Nations (UN DESA and OHRLLS 2011). Extreme beings want to be happy, and that, while life is full of suf- topography and self-imposed isolationism kept Bhutan fering, the cessation of suff ering through guidance, prac- cut off from most visitors from beyond the Himalayan tice, and attention is possible, leading to the achievement region until 1974, when foreign dignitaries arrived for of enlightenment. Interdependent co-arising—the con- the king’s coronation. In the 1970s, more than 90 percent cept that there are no independently existing causes, of Bhutan’s populace lived in rural areas. Fewer than identities, or egos—creates the impetus to protect life. 1,200 kilometers of roads facilitated movement about the Th e doctrine of karma teaches that one always reaps the country. Villagers eked out subsistence livelihoods on the benefi ts or harms of one’s actions, which provides further steep hillsides, without electricity, running water, or incentive to treat other living beings compassionately and mechanized means of tilling their fi elds. How could a considerately. Within Vajrayana Buddhism, the fi gure of nation that sorely needed infrastructure and economic the bodhisattva (one who attains enlightenment but 180 www.berkshirepublishing.com © 2012 Berkshire Publishing grouP, all rights reserved. GROSS NATIONAL HAPPINESSLS • 181 remains on the earthly plane to assist other sentient natural disasters, chemical leaks, epidemics, or drug beings in their eff orts toward enlightenment) is revered, addiction. Th e GDP measures also ignore the externali- indicating a cultural imperative to generate boundless ties of industrial production, such as pollution, environ- compassion. mental degradation, and toxic waste, which have negative health and ecological eff ects over large areas. A more accurate accounting of the costs of production would GNH and Gross Domestic Product subtract these social costs and make GDP more meaningful. During the 1980s and 1990s, the king further elaborated Table 1, on the next page, summarizes the primary on the concept of GNH as Bhutan’s guiding development concepts of GNH compared to established development policy. He criticized standard socioeconomic develop- measurement approaches. ment indicators for measuring means rather than ends, Because GDP measures production, consumption and indicated that happiness would be the goal of devel- must continually increase in order to raise production opment in Bhutan. Th e king proclaimed that Bhutanese rates. Th rough increasing production, a nation may rap- development would recognize the social, spiritual, and idly deplete its natural resources, which registers as an emotional needs, as well as the material needs, of the increase in GDP even as it drives down natural capital, individual, instead of being based solely on economic the stock of resources available for the future. GDP thus measures and consumption. He recast “development” to can have an inverse relationship to GNH: as circum- mean the enlightenment of the individual through the stances get worse, the economic standing of a nation creation a harmonious psychological, social, and eco- rises. In contrast, GNH is inherently predisposed toward nomic environment that could lead to the blossoming of sustainability because it recognizes that material devel- happiness. Measuring the country’s consumption of opment is not the only valid measure of human progress, goods and services would not refl ect the paramount goal and it understands that declining natural resources are a of spiritual development. drain rather than a boon to GDP. Th e king and his advisors further defi ned GNH as standing on four “pillars”: sustainable and equitable socioeconomic development, environmental conserva- GNH and Global Policy tion, preservation and promotion of culture, and good governance, which guided development eff orts in the late With the introduction of GNH onto the global stage in 1990s and early 2000s. Th ese four pillars make it clear 1998 at the Millennium Meeting for Asia and the Pacifi c that socioeconomic development represents only one- in Seoul, South Korea, the concept began to gain inter- quarter of the necessary conditions for the promotion of national currency. Gross National Happiness , a book GNH. Economic development, rather than being a cen- of discussion papers, was published in Bhutan on the tral metric for measuring progress, is part of a constella- occasion of the king’s Silver Jubilee in 1999. In 2001, the tion of metrics. Centre for Bhutan Studies co-hosted a seminar entitled In articulating this vision, the king and his advisors “GNH—As Challenged by the Concept of Decent pointed out a well-recognized diffi culty with standard Society” in the Netherlands, with which Bhutan has measures of a country’s development or success, such as a close aid relationship. In 2002, the South Asian gross domestic product (GDP). Th is measure refl ects the Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) planning economic value of all production of goods and services in and economic ministers embraced GNH as a strategy for a country during a given period and is typically seen as a poverty reduction in southern Asia. proxy for standard of living, such that greater consump- A series of conferences, begun in 2004 in Bhutan, has tion of goods and services implies a higher material stan- helped spread awareness of GNH, while supporting the dard of living. As the Bhutanese have noted, however, Bhutanese government in creating tools to operationalize after certain basic material needs are met, greater con- and eventually measure GNH. International experts in sumption of material goods does not guarantee greater economics, psychology, policy, and other aspects of happiness. Further, as ecological economists point out, development were invited to deliberate on how Bhutan the correlation between GDP and standard of living might use its development paradigm to guide interna- breaks down when a country increases its spending to tional engagement and material improvements in the combat social problems (see, for example, Daly and Cobb lives of local people. Th e conferences also introduced aca- 1994; Norgaard 1994; Planning Commission, Royal demics and policy experts from around the world to an Government of Bhutan 1999). In that scenario, GDP alternative development paradigm, which many have continues to rise, even as greater shares of resources are worked to implement at various scales in their home used to ameliorate drains on society, such as crime, countries. Conferences on GNH have since been held in www.berkshirepublishing.com © 2012 Berkshire Publishing grouP, all rights reserved. 182 • THE BERKSHIRE ENCYCLOPEDIA OF SUSTAINABILITY: MEASUREMENTS, INDICATORS, AND RESEARCH METHODS FOR SUSTAINABILITY Table 1. Comparison of GNH and Traditional Development Paradigms UN Millennium Traditional GNH Development Goals Development Seeks to maximize Individual and national Social welfare Strong economies (as happiness measured by gross national product and gross domestic product) Needs to be met Material, spiritual, and Peace and security, human rights, Material, through emotional and sustainable development, international economic primarily through provision of cooperation education, health, and