DOCSLIB.ORG

Otto Schmidt (1888-1971): Gegner Hitlers Und Intimus Hugenbergs

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Otto Schmidt (1888-1971): Gegner Hitlers Und Intimus Hugenbergs Otto Schmidt (1888-1971): Gegner Hitlers und Intimus Hugenbergs Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde der Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität zu Bonn vorgelegt von Maximilian Terhalle aus Berlin Bonn 2006 Gedruckt mit der Genehmigung der Philosophischen Fakultät der Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität zu Bonn. Erstgutachter: Prof. Dr. Klaus Hildebrand Zweitgutachter: Prof. Dr. Joachim Scholtyseck Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: 24. Mai 2006 Diese Dissertation ist auf dem Hochschulschriftenserver der ULB Bonn: http:/hss.ulb.uni-bonn.de/diss_online elektronisch publiziert. Danksagung Unendlicher Dank gilt meinen geliebten Eltern. Ihnen habe ich es zu verdanken, daß ich mich auf diese doktorale Reise begeben durfte. Sie haben mich während der ganzen Zeit unentwegt und auf das herzlichste unterstützt. Sie haben mir das nämliche Brot und vieles mehr gewährt, was in seiner Grenzenlosigkeit kaum in Worte zu fassen ist. Disziplin, eiserne Disziplin, die Härte gegen sich selbst habe ich von Ihnen gelernt. Diese preußische Disziplin war das unersetzbare Movens, das diese Arbeit ermöglicht hat. Meinen Eltern möchte ich an dieser Stelle für Ihre liebevolle Ausdauer danken. Ihnen sei diese Doktorarbeit in Liebe gewidmet. Berlin, den 26. Mai 2006 Wir müssen den vergangenen Generationen das zurückgeben, was sie einmal besaßen, so wie jede Gegenwart es besitzt: die Fülle der möglichen Zukunft, die Ungewißheit, die Freiheit, die Endlichkeit, die Widersprüchlichkeit. Nipperdey, Th., 1933 und die Kontinuität in der deutschen Geschichte, in: ders., Nachdenken über die deutsche Geschichte. Essays, München 2. Aufl. 1986, S. 204 f. Inhaltsverzeichnis 1. Einführung 1 1.1. Gegenstand der Untersuchung und ihre Methode 1 1.2. Quellenlage 8 1.3. Gedruckte Memoirenliteratur 14 1.4. Zeitzeugen und Nachfahren 17 1.5. Forschungsstand 18 2. Familie und Jugend 19 3. Militärzeit (1906 – 1919) 21 3.1. Vom IR 19 bis zur Kriegsakademie (1906 – 1914) 21 3.2. Front und Generalstab (1914 – 1918) 25 3.3. Oberost, Brest-Litowsk und Moskau (1917 / 1918) 29 3.4. Offizier und Revolution 1918: „Zusammenbruch der Welt“ 42 4. Vom Generalstab aufs Land: der Weg in die Politik (1919 – 1924) 47 5. Hannoverscher Reichstagsabgeordneter für die DNVP: Die schwierige Suche nach dem Umgang mit der ungeliebten Republik (Mai 1924 – Oktober 1928) 77 5.1. Der Dawes-Plan und seine „deutschnationalen“ Folgen 77 5.2. Schmidts Einfluß auf die Reichspräsidentenwahl 1925 121 5.3. Zehn Monate wehrpolitischer Regierungskoalitionär 146 5.4. Wieder in der Opposition (Januar 1926 – Dezember 1926) 153 5.5. Schmidts Westarp-Kurs in Richtung Republik im zweiten Bürgerblock 163 5.6. „Dieser Staat ist nicht unser Staat“ – Schmidts Bruch mit Westarp nach der Reichstagswahl vom 20. Mai 1928 und sein Weg zu Hugenberg 181 6. Die Entscheidung 1928: mit Hugenberg gegen die Republik 200 6.1. Schmidts Aufstieg unter Hugenberg und seine erste Bewährungsprobe: der Reichsausschuß gegen den Young-Plan 1929 200 6.2. Schmidts Haltung zum Kabinett Brüning I und der weitere Zerfall der Fraktion 231 6.3. Der mißlungene Schock: Harzburg und Schmidts erwachtes Mißtrauen 257 6.4. Schmidt gegen Hindenburg und das Ende Brünings 1932 289 6.5. Schmidt im Wahlkampf für Papen: erfolglos monarchistisch 310 6.6. Verfassungsbruch als Gebot der Stunde: Schmidts Einsatz für die „einzige wirkliche antiparlamentarische Partei“ bis zum Planspiel Ott (August bis Dezember 1932) 317 6.7. Keine Unterstützung, aber ein Moratorium für Schleicher 338 6.8. Der widerwillige Sieg am 30. Januar, die Enttäuschung über Hugenberg und die neuentdeckte Notwendigkeit der Verteidigung des Rechtsstaates 353 6.9. Abkehr von Berlin, Hochzeitseklat bei Everling und Nichteinzug in den ersten Einheitsreichstag 370 7. Verfolgung Schmidts 1934 378 8. Rückzug in die Privatwirtschaft: innere Emigration im Zweiten Weltkrieg 383 9. Politisches Comeback: Versuch einer programmatischen Neuorientierung in der Deutschen Konservativen Partei (ab 1946) und der Deutschen Partei (1953) 386 10. Zusammenfassung und Ergebnisse 402 11. Abkürzungsverzeichnis 412 12. Quellen- und Literaturverzeichnis 414 1 Otto Schmidt (1888 - 1971): Gegner Hitlers und Intimus Hugenbergs 1. Einführung 1.1. Gegenstand der Untersuchung und ihre Methode Pastorensohn, Generalstabsoffizier im Ersten Weltkrieg, Reichstagsabgeordneter der Deutschnationalen Volkspartei, engster Mitarbeiter Alfred Hugenbergs, letzter Vorsitzender der deutschnationalen Reichstagsfraktion, Aufsichtsratsmitglied des UfA- Konzerns während des Zweiten Weltkrieges und Bundestagskandidat konservativer Parteien nach dem Krieg. Telegrammhaft sind dies die Stationen im Leben Otto Schmidts, dessen nach äußerem Schein bescheidenes Wirken eine gut erkennbare Spur in der neueren deutschen Geschichte hinterlassen hat. Schmidt gehört zweifellos nicht zu jenen „Extrapersonen“1, zu denen Jacob Burckhardt Julius Caesar, Peter den Großen oder Friedrich den Großen gezählt hat. Ob er deshalb zur „biographischen Illusion“2 avanciert, scheint heute erheblich fraglicher als noch vor wenigen Jahrzehnten. Die seinerzeitige Kritik von Seiten der Sozial- und Strukturhistoriker läßt sich folgendermaßen zusammenfassen: Biographik galt ihnen als Ausdruck eines „oft geradezu dogmatisierten Individualitätsprinzips des Historismus“3. Sie lehnten jede „Reduktion der Geschichte auf das Denken und Wirken von Individuen“ ab4, zumal die Methodik der narrativen Geschichtsschreibung in ihren sozialwissenschaftlichen Augen weniger als ungenügend ausgeformt schien. Dazu ist von ausgewiesener Seite richtig bemerkt worden: „Das Klappern dürrer Statistiken, das ihre Arbeiten geisterhaft erfüllt, die Häufung abstrakter Begriffe oder das Präparieren von Strukturen und anonymen Kollektivkräften stilisiert sich zwar gern zum Ethos entsagungsvoller sprachlicher Nüchternheit. In Wirklichkeit verrät es aber nichts anderes als einen Mangel an humaner Neugier“5. Die angenommene Determinierbarkeit der menschlichen Natur, mithin der Geschichte selbst, wurzelte untergründig in dem dogmatischen Glauben, den „Schlüssel im Schloß zu einem angeblich existierenden Geschichtsplan, sei er marxistischer oder liberaler 1 Burckhardt, J., Weltgeschichtliche Betrachtungen, Stuttgart 1955, S. 232. 2 Bourdieu, P., Die biographische Illusion, in: BIOS 1 (1990), S. 76. 3 Oelkers, J., Biographik – Überlegungen zu einer unschuldigen Gattung, in: NPL 3 (1974), S. 304. 4 Bödeker, H., Biographie. Annäherungen an den gegenwärtigen Forschungs- und Diskussionsstand, in: ders. (Hg.), Biographie schreiben, Göttingen 2003, S. 12. 5 Fest, J., Literatur ohne Heilsplan. Über den Umgang mit der Geschichte: Zur Verleihung der Wilhelm-Leuschner-Medaille, in: FAZ v. 12.2. 2000. Vgl. ders., Die Unvorhersehbarkeit der Geschichte. Über den Methodenstreit der Historiker und die Kunst der Biographie, in: E. Conze / U. Schlie / H. Seubert (Hgg.), Geschichte zwischen Wissenschaft und Politik. Festschrift für Michael Stürmer zum 65. Geburtstag, Baden-Baden 2003, S. 3-15. 2 Provenienz“6, gefunden zu haben. Diese Entmenschlichung historischer Entwicklung war ihrer vermeintlichen Kalkulierbarkeit geschuldet, führte jedoch sehr bald zu einer Blutleere in den Darstellungen, die im Klima der Zeit zunächst nur scharf konstatiert wurde. Nicolaus Sombarts spitzer Bemerkung, nunmehr würde die Geschichte des Kaiserreichs ohne den Kaiser geschrieben werden, folgten weitere Kritiken.7 Mit der Zeitenwende des Jahres 1989 / 1990, dem unmerklichen aber effektiven Drängen in der Literatur und aufgrund eines lautlosen, ungebrochenen öffentlichen Verlangens kann die Biographik nun seit über zehn Jahren „signifikant“ reüssieren.8 Die Merkmale des reformierten Genres wurden kürzlich vom Göttinger Max-Planck- Institut aufgelistet. „Eine Rückkehr zum Verständnis des Historismus vom Menschen als ,einer kleinen Welt für sich, die letzten Endes ganz unabhängig von der großen Welt außerhalb seiner existiert’, ist für moderne Biographik nicht mehr möglich“. Vielmehr liege „[i]n der systematischen Analyse der Bezüge der untersuchten Person zu ihren historischen Lebenswelten, ihrer Prägung und Wirkung auf Familie, Verwandtschaft, peer group, Klasse usw. .. ein charakteristischer Unterschied zur individualistischen Biographie des Historismus. Die neue, reflektierte Biographie begreift den untersuchten Menschen zwar als einzigartiges, moralisch gesprochen autonomes, historisches Individuum, doch begreift sie ihn als Teil seiner historischen Lebenswelten. Die untersuchte Person steht nicht mehr länger für sich selbst, sondern wird vielmehr als Teil einer Sozialgruppe interpretiert. Die moderne biographische Forschung geht, da sie Gesellschaft und Individuum nicht mehr länger als Dichotomie begreift, von einem soziologischen Begriff der historischen Persönlichkeit aus“9. Der grundsätzliche Fortschritt dieser Neuvermessung liegt gewiß in der Anerkennung, daß die Biographie als historische Darstellungsform keineswegs ausgedient hat, sondern lange Zeit aus methodisch-ideologischen Gründen ins Abseits gestellt worden war. Gerade „[w]eil der Homo humanus, der ,duldende, strebende und handelnde Mensch, 6 Hildebrand, K., Vielleicht war sie entzückt, vielleicht war sie bedrückt. Vielleicht auch ein bißchen verrückt: Was einst Jubel und Jammer war im Leben der Kaiserin Elisabeth und anderer Unglücklicher, darf nun Erkenntnis werden in den Büchern von Brigitte Hamann, in: FAZ v. 27.12. 2003 (i.f. zit. als: Hildebrand, Jubel und Jammer). 7 Vgl. Sombart, N., Zur Lage der Geschichtswissenschaft, in: FAZ v. 27.1. 1979; Bruch, R.v., Nachwort,
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Bibliographical Essay
    Bibliographical Essay Below is a working bibliography of the most important books and artides that have been particularly useful to the editors and that complement the essays contained in the volume. Since we focused on the structural, i. e., economic, dass, and power dimensions that largely led to the collapse of the Weimar Republic and the successful ascension to power of the Nazi party, most of the items listed reßect that ap- proach. Although not exhaustive, this list indudes some of the most significant works in the field and those which have shaped our thinking. For a discussion of the emergence of fascism and its relation to dass, economics, and political development, see: Nicos Poulantzas, Fascism and Dictatorship (London: NLB, 1974); Renzo De Felice, Fascism: An Informal Introduction to lts Theory and Practice (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1976); Stanley Payne, Fascism: Comparison and Definition (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1980); Stein Ugelvik Larsen, Bernt Hagtvet, Jan Petter Myklebust, eds., Who Were the Fascists: Social Roots of European Fascism (Bergen: Universitetsforlaget, 1980); Peter Stachura, ed., The Shaping of the Nazi State (London: Croom Helm, 1978); Walter Laqueur, Fascism: A Readers Guide (London: Wildwood House, 1976); Ernst Nolte, Three Faces of Fascism (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1965); Barrington Moore, Jr., Social Ori- gins of Dictatorship and Democracy (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966); Eugen Weber, Varieties of Fascism (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Co., 1964); Francis L. Carsten, The Rise of Fascism (London: Batsford, 1967); John Weiss, The Fascist Tradition (New York: Harper & Row, 1967); Hans Rogger and Eugen Weber, eds., The European Right (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1965); George L.
    [Show full text]
  • Republic of Violence: the German Army and Politics, 1918-1923
    University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Graduate Studies The Vault: Electronic Theses and Dissertations 2015-09-11 Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 Bucholtz, Matthew N Bucholtz, M. N. (2015). Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 (Unpublished doctoral thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. doi:10.11575/PRISM/27638 http://hdl.handle.net/11023/2451 doctoral thesis University of Calgary graduate students retain copyright ownership and moral rights for their thesis. You may use this material in any way that is permitted by the Copyright Act or through licensing that has been assigned to the document. For uses that are not allowable under copyright legislation or licensing, you are required to seek permission. Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 By Matthew N. Bucholtz A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN HISTORY CALGARY, ALBERTA SEPTEMBER, 2015 © Matthew Bucholtz 2015 Abstract November 1918 did not bring peace to Germany. Although the First World War was over, Germany began a new and violent chapter as an outbreak of civil war threatened to tear the country apart. The birth of the Weimar Republic, Germany’s first democratic government, did not begin smoothly as republican institutions failed to re-establish centralized political and military authority in the wake of the collapse of the imperial regime. Coupled with painful aftershocks from defeat in the Great War, the immediate postwar era had only one consistent force shaping and guiding political and cultural life: violence.
    [Show full text]
  • Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy
    Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy How do democracies form and what makes them die? Daniel Ziblatt revisits this timely and classic question in a wide-ranging historical narrative that traces the evolution of modern political democracy in Europe from its modest beginnings in 1830s Britain to Adolf Hitler’s 1933 seizure of power in Weimar Germany. Based on rich historical and quantitative evidence, the book offers a major reinterpretation of European history and the question of how stable political democracy is achieved. The barriers to inclusive political rule, Ziblatt finds, were not inevitably overcome by unstoppable tides of socioeconomic change, a simple triumph of a growing middle class, or even by working class collective action. Instead, political democracy’s fate surprisingly hinged on how conservative political parties – the historical defenders of power, wealth, and privilege – recast themselves and coped with the rise of their own radical right. With striking modern parallels, the book has vital implications for today’s new and old democracies under siege. Daniel Ziblatt is Professor of Government at Harvard University where he is also a resident fellow of the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies. He is also currently Fernand Braudel Senior Fellow at the European University Institute. His first book, Structuring the State: The Formation of Italy and Germany and the Puzzle of Federalism (2006) received several prizes from the American Political Science Association. He has written extensively on the emergence of democracy in European political history, publishing in journals such as American Political Science Review, Journal of Economic History, and World Politics.
    [Show full text]
  • In the Miracle Years, 1956–1966 S
    Chapter 4 ORDERING LANDSCAPES AND “LIVING SPACE” IN THE MIRACLE YEARS, 1956–1966 S In the 1957 federal elections, Chancellor Konrad Adenauer’s CDU party and its sister party of Bavaria, the Christian Social Union (CSU), promised “Prosperity for All.” Th eir campaign slogan came from the title of a book ghostwritten that year for Ludwig Erhard, Federal Minister of Economics and architect of West Germany’s “economic miracle.” Th e publication called for economic growth to continue unimpeded to produce national wealth that would benefi t all citizens. Th e country’s remarkable recovery was already evident in industrial production, which had more than doubled since 1945.1 Into the 1970s, with the exception of the recession in 1966–1967, West Germany’s annual rate of economic growth surpassed that of other industrialized nations, leaving its economy in third place behind the US and Japan. Yet the liberal economic policies that contributed to postwar prosperity favored industry and commerce. By the mid 1960s, a minor- ity of the population controlled much of the country’s wealth. But few people protested because unemployment was low at 0.5 percent in 1965, and average dis- posable household incomes rose steadily, quadrupling between 1950 and 1970.2 ”Prosperity for All” was a nice campaign promise. But it was a hard one to keep. In general, the country’s expanding urban areas experienced prosperity more than the rural regions. By 1961, roughly one-third of the country’s 56.5 million people lived in cities having more than 100,000 inhabitants; another 46 percent lived in smaller urban areas.
    [Show full text]
  • Weimar Was Weimar: Politics, Culture and the Emplotment of the German Republic
    This is a repository copy of Weimar was Weimar: Politics, Culture and the Emplotment of the German Republic. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/92080/ Version: Submitted Version Article: Ziemann, B. (2010) Weimar was Weimar: Politics, Culture and the Emplotment of the German Republic. German History, 28 (4). pp. 542-571. ISSN 0266-3554 (Submitted) https://doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghq114 Reuse Unless indicated otherwise, fulltext items are protected by copyright with all rights reserved. The copyright exception in section 29 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 allows the making of a single copy solely for the purpose of non-commercial research or private study within the limits of fair dealing. The publisher or other rights-holder may allow further reproduction and re-use of this version - refer to the White Rose Research Online record for this item. Where records identify the publisher as the copyright holder, users can verify any specific terms of use on the publisher’s website. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Weimar was Weimar. Politics, Culture and the Emplotment of the German Republic Benjamin Ziemann Weimar Radicals: Nazis and Communists between Authenticity and Performance. By Timothy Brown. New York. Oxford: Berghahn Books. 2009. 240 pp. $80/£50 (hardback). Weimar: Die überforderte Republik 1918-1933.
    [Show full text]
  • Dr. Thomas Ingenhoven, LL.M. Partner
    Dr. Thomas Ingenhoven, LL.M. Partner VCARD SHARE CONTACT [email protected] FRANKFURT Neue Mainzer Straße 74 60311 Frankfurt am Main, DE T +49 69.71914.3436 F +49 69.71914.3500 Thomas Ingenhoven serves as managing partner of the Frankfurt office and is a member of the firm’s Banking and Leveraged Finance Group. Thomas specializes in acquisition finance, syndicated lending, asset finance and financial derivatives. He advises lenders, sponsors and corporate borrowers on all aspects of leveraged buyouts, financial restructurings, general syndicated lending and asset finance transactions. His recent representations include advising lenders and sponsors/borrowers on: A large number of German and international leveraged buyouts. A range of investment grade and sub-investment grade (cross-over) corporate credit facilities. Syndicated promissory notes for German and foreign issuers. Asset-based financings. Unitranche- and Super Senior credit facilities. Credit facilities embedded in multi-layered capital structures including term loan B-financings, Second Lien, PIK Facilities and capital market instruments. Recognition & Accomplishments Thomas is recognized as one of the leading lawyers by directories as JUVE, Chambers, Legal 500, IFLR 1000, Best Lawyers and Who’s Who Legal for banking and acquisition finance. He studied law at the universities of Tübingen (Dr. jur.), Leiden (The Netherlands) and Cambridge (England) (LL.M.). Thomas is author of the financing chapters of the renowned “Rechtshandbuch Private Equity”, C.H. Beck, Munich, and „Hölters - Handbuch Unternehmenskauf”, Otto Schmidt Verlag, Cologne. He is admitted in Germany (as Rechtsanwalt) and in England and Wales (as Solicitor) and speaks German and English. ADDITIONAL DETAILS EDUCATION University of Tübingen, Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • The German Right, 1918–1930 Larry Eugene Jones Frontmatter More Information
    Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-49407-6 — The German Right, 1918–1930 Larry Eugene Jones Frontmatter More Information THE GERMAN RIGHT, 1918–1930 The failure of the Weimar Republic and the rise of National Socialism remains one of the most challenging problems of twentieth-century European history. The German Right, 1918–1930 sheds new light on this problem by examining the role that the non-Nazi Right played in the destabilization of Weimar democracy in the period before the emergence of the Nazi Party as a mass party of middle-class protest. Larry Eugene Jones identifies a critical divide within the German Right between those prepared to work within the framework of Germany’s new republican government and those irrevocably committed to its overthrow. This split was greatly exacerbated by the course of German economic development in the 1920s, leaving the various organizations that comprised the German Right defenceless against the challenge of National Socialism. At no point was the disunity of the non-Nazi Right in the face of Nazism more apparent than in the September 1930 Reichstag elections. is Professor Emeritus in the Department of History at Canisius College in Buffalo, New York, where he has taught since 1968. His previous publications include the award-winning German Liberalism and the Dissolution of the Weimar Party System, 1918–1933 (1988) and Hitler versus Hindenburg: The 1932 Presidential Elections and the End of the Weimar Republic (2015). © in this web service Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge
    [Show full text]
  • German Empire (Berlin)
    GERMAN EMPIRE (BERLIN) Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.202.58, on 29 Sep 2021 at 07:53:52, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0960116316000051 BERLIN FO 64/717: Lord Augustus Loftus to Earl Granville, No 100, Berlin, 28 January 1871 [Received 30 January by Messenger Leeds. For: The Queen / Gladstone / Circulate; Qy: ‘Inform Mr Littlewood that a telegram has been received on the 29th from Versailles to the effect that “Mr Worth will shortly be liberated” ’; ‘He has been informed I think’, G[ranville]] Mr Worth on trial in Cologne after escaping from Paris via balloon; allegedly sold arms to the French I have the honour to enclose to Your Lordship, herewith, copy of a Report I have received from Mr Harriss-Gastrell on the case of Mr Worth now under confinement in Cologne having been made prisoner by the Prussians out of a Balloon from Paris.1 From this report Your Lordship will see that the Trial has taken place although the sentence has not been definitively pronounced, the decision having been referred to the Higher Military Authorities at Versailles. It appears that the offence of which Mr Worth has been guilty is of a graver nature than was at first anticipated, and that he has acknowledged to have been the writer of a Letter to Mr Littlewood, which was captured previous to his own arrest, and which contained an order for the purchase of arms for the French Government.
    [Show full text]
  • The Northern Pacification of 171Q-20 Downloaded From
    478 July The Northern Pacification of 171Q-20 Downloaded from PAET I.—THE TEEATIES WITH PRUSSIA. FTER the death of Charles XII Sweden was obliged to submit A to peace with some, at least, of her adversaries upon the http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ best terms she could obtain, and in the first place with either Hanover or Eussia. George I and Peter the Great, mutually in almost declared hostility, were willing enough to secure permanent possession of their acquisitions in the war each at the expense of the other. Denmark stood, undecidedly, with Hanover, Prussia firmly with Eussia. George made his principal condition of peace the cession of the duchies of Bremen and Verden; Peter, that of his conquests south of Finland. If he would have restored Livonia at New York University on September 12, 2015 and the port of Eeval as well as Finland, peace would almost cer- tainly have been made with him. Just before the death of Charles was known, George, to protect his electorate from the attack which was believed to threaten from Sweden and Eussia combined, had concluded with Austria and Saxony the treaty of Vienna of 5 January 1719. This provided principally against the passage of Eussian troops through Poland into the empire and their junction with those of Prussia. It was never completed, because the republic of Poland never acceded to it, as was provided. The withdrawal of the Eussian army from Poland was claimed as its firstfruits, but this Peter would seem to have decided upon before,1 requiring all his forces to prosecute the war with Sweden, after his terms of peace had been rejected.
    [Show full text]
  • Protestant Missionaries and German Colonialism, 1860-1919
    ABSTRACT Title of Document: “FOUNDING A HEAVENLY EMPIRE”: PROTESTANT MISSIONARIES AND GERMAN COLONIALISM, 1860-1919 Jeremy Best, Doctor of Philosophy, 2012 Directed By: Professor Jeffrey Herf, Department of History This dissertation investigates the relationship between German Protestant missionaries and secular leaders of colonial politics and culture in the German colonial empire during the nineteenth century. In particular, it examines how missionaries defined their collective identity as an international one against pressures that encouraged mission societies to adopt and promote policies that favored the German colonial state and German colonial economic actors. Protestant missionaries in Germany created an alternative ideology to govern Germans’ and Germany’s relationships with the wider world. The dissertation examines the formation of an internationalist missionary methodology and ideology by German missionary intellectuals from 1870 and the shift to traditional Protestant nationalism during World War I. It then examines the application by missionaries of this ideology to the major issues of Protestant mission work in German East Africa: territorial rivalries with German Catholic mission orders, mission school policy, fundraising in the German metropole, and international missionary cooperation. In so doing, it revises conventional interpretations about the relationship between Protestantism and nationalism in Germany during this period. “FOUNDING A HEAVENLY EMPIRE”: PROTESTANT MISSIONARIES AND GERMAN COLONIALISM, 1860-1919 By Jeremy Best Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Maryland, College Park, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2012 Advisory Committee: Professor Jeffrey Herf, Chair Professor Vincent Carretta Professor Paul S. Landau Professor Richard Price Professor Andrew Zimmerman © Copyright by Jeremy Best 2012 Dedication To Amy who has been with me on this from the start.
    [Show full text]
  • Daniela Gasteiger, Kuno Von Westarp (1864–1945). Parlamentarismus
    2019 | 2 Daniela Gasteiger, Kuno von Westarp (1864– 19./20. Jahrhundert – Histoire 1945). Parlamentarismus, Monarchismus und contemporaine Herrschaftsutopien im deutschen Konservatismus, DOI: München (De Gruyter Oldenbourg) 2018, X–521 S. 10.11588/frrec.2019.2.62891 (Quellen und Darstellungen zur Zeitgeschichte, 117), Seite | page 1 ISBN 978-3-11-052905-0, EUR 64,95 rezensiert von | compte rendu rédigé par Roger Chickering, Washington, D. C. The history of the German right during the Weimar era has recently become the object of renewed interest, particularly the way it found institutional expression in the German-National People’s Party (DNVP). The consolidation, parliamentary maneuvers, and subsequent fragmentation and dissolution of this party have produced a rich collection of scholarship from the pens of Larry Jones (the doyen of this field), Wolfram Pyta, Maik Ohnesorg, Philipp Nielsen, Maximilian Terhalle, and Johannes Leicht, among others. The appearance of this work has, however, accentuated the curious anomaly that the arguably most influential and interesting figure in the DNVP’s history, Kuno von Westarp, has not been the subject of a serious biography. The impressive new study by Daniela Gasteiger, a revised version of her dissertation at the LMU in Munich, has now rectified this problem. Kuno von Westarp was born in Posen and pursued a bureaucratic career that culminated when he was named to the Prussian Oberverwaltungsgericht in Berlin. He was then elected to the Reichstag in 1908 and quickly rose to a position of leadership in the German Conservative Party, where he became head of the parliamentary caucus in 1913. His ascent reflected his deep Prussian conservatism, his uncompromising monarchism, and his growing hostility to Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg, who he believed was too weak for his job.
    [Show full text]
  • The History of Peter the Great, Emperor of Russia
    The History Of Peter The Great, Emperor Of Russia By Voltaire The History Of Peter The Great, Emperor Of Russia CHAPTER I. DESCRIPTION OF RUSSIA. The empire of Russia is the largest in the whole globe, extending from west to east upwards of two thousand common leagues of France, and about eight hundred in its greatest breadth from north to south. It borders upon Poland and the Frozen Sea, and joins to Sweden and China. Its length from the island of Dago, in the westernmost part of Livonia, to its most eastern limits, takes in near one hundred and seventy degrees, so that when it is noon in the western parts of the empire, it is nearly midnight in the eastern. Its breadth from north to south is three thousand six hundred wersts, which make eight hundred and fifty of our common French leagues. The limits of this country were so little known in the last century, that, in 1689, when it was reported, that the Chinese and the Russians were at war, and that in order to terminate their differences, the emperor Camhi on the one hand, and the czars Ivan or John, and Peter, on the other, had sent their ministers to meet an embassy within three hundred leagues of Pekin, on the frontiers of the two empires, the account was at first treated as a fiction. The country now comprehended under the name of Russia, or the Russias, is of a greater extent than all the rest of Europe, or than ever the Roman empire was, or that of Darius subdued by Alexander; for it contains upwards of one million one hundred thousand square leagues.
    [Show full text]