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Shirazi-Mahajan, Faegheh

COSTUMES AND TEXTILE DESIGNS OF THE IL-KHANID, TIMURID AND SAFAVID DYNASTIES IN IRAN FROM THE THIRTEENTH TO THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY

The Ohio State University Ph.D. 1985

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University Microfilms International V COSTUMES AND TEXTILE DESIGNS OF THE

IL-KHANID, TIMURID AND SAFAVID DYNASTIES

IN IRAN FROM THE THIRTEENTH TO THE

SEVENTEENTH CENTURY

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate

School of The Ohio State University

By

Faegheh Shirazi-Mahajan, B.A., M.S.

******

The Ohio State University

1985

Reading Committee: Approved By

Lois E. Dickey, Ph.D. Howard Crane, Ph.D. Stephen Dale, Ph.D. Esther Meacham, Ph.D. ^ Q ' Û Adviser Department of Textiles & ClothingClothii © 1985

FAEGHEH SHIRAZI-MAHAJAN

All Rights Reserved This dissertation is dedicated to my supportive husband, Vijay, my children, Ramin and Geeti and my parents who always encouraged me.

11 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

The author of this dissertation wishes to acknowledge

the encouragement, contributions and asistance of her major advisor. Professor Lois E. Dickey and her minor advisor. Professor Howard Crane, Department of Art History.

The author is also grateful to Professor Esther

Meacham, Department of Textiles and Clothing, as well as Professor Stephen Dale, Department of History for their helpful suggestions and ideas of the final draft of this dissertation.

Ill TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page DEDICATION...... ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT...... iii

VITA ...... vi

LIST OF TA B L E S ...... vii-viii

LIST OF PLATES ...... ix-x

CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

2. METHODOLOGY...... 9

Preliminary Study...... 9 Developing Method to Record D a t a .... 10 Assessment of Data for Reliability/Validity 12 Collection of D a t a ...... 13 Limitations...... 15 A n alysis ...... 16

3. IL-KHANID PERIOD: MONGOL INVASION AND RULE (THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES) 18

Historical Background ...... 19 The Literature and Visual A r t s ...... 26 Analysis of Costumes and Textiles .... Depicted in the Miniature Paintings . . 37 Summary of the Il-Khanid Costumes and Textile D e s i g n s ...... 58

4. TIMURID PERIOD: TARTAR INVASION AND ROLE (FIFTEENTH AND EARLY SIXTEENTH CENTURIES) 62

Historical Background ...... 62 The Literature and Visual Arts .... . 6 8 Analysis of Costumes and Textiles Depicted in the Miniature Paintings . . 87 Summary of the Il-Khanid Costumes and Textile M o t i f s ...... 126

iv TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)

5. SAFAVID PERIOD AND RULE (SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES)...... 131 Historical Background ...... 132 The Literature and Visual Arts .... 143 Analysis of Costumes and Textiles Depicted in the Miniature Paintings 180 Summary of the Safavid Costumes and Textile D e s i g n s ...... 225

6. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS...... 232

REFERENCES...... 245

APPENDIX ...... 249

Glossary of Costume Terms...... 260-274 VITA

1975 ...... B.A., University of Houston, Houston, Texas.

1976 ...... M.S., Kansas State University, Manhattan, Kansas.

1977-1978 ...... Instructor, Department of Consumer Studies and Textiles. State University College at Buffalo. Buffalo, New York.

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: Textiles and Clothing

Minor Field: History of Islamic Art

VI LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1. The Il-Khanid Dynasty: Costumes for Women 43

2. The Il-Khanid Dynasty: Costumes for Men. . 44-45

3. The Il-Khanid Dynasty : Textile Motifs. . . 54

4. The Timurid Dynasty Costumes for Women 94

5. The Timurid Dynasty Costumes for Men. . 105-108

6. The Timurid Dynasty Textile Motifs . . 125 7. The Safavid Dynasty Costumes for Women 187-190

8. The Safavid Dynasty Costumes for Men . . 197-207

9. The Safavid Dynasty Textile Motifs . 222-223

10. The Glossary of Terms for Il-Khanid Dynasty: Costumes for Women...... 260

11. The Glossary of Terms for Il-Khanid Dynasty: Costumes for Men...... 261 12. The Glossary of Terms for Il-Khanid Dynasty: Accessories ...... 262 13. The Glossary of Terms for Il-Khanid Dynasty: Textile Motifs...... 263

14. The Glossary of Terms for Timurid Dynasty: Costumes for Women...... 264

14. The Glossary of Terms for Timurid Dynasdy: Costumes for Women (Continued) 265

15. The Glossary of Terms for Timurid Dynasty: Costumes for M e n ...... 266 vii LIST OF TABLES (Continued)

Table Page

15. The Glossary of Terms for Timurid Dynasty: Costumes for M e n ...... 267

16. The Glossary of Terms for Timurid Dynasty: Textile Motifs...... 268

17. The Glossary of Terms for Safavid Dynasty: Costumes for Women...... 269

17. The Glossary of Terms for Safavid .... 270 Dynasty: Costumes for Women (Continued)

18. The Glossary of Terms for Safavid Dynasty: Costumes for Men...... 271

18. The Glossary of Terms for Safavid Dynasty: Costumes for Men (Continued). . 272

18. The Glossary of Terms for Safavid Dynasty: Costumes for Men (Continued). . . 273

19. The Glossary of Terms for Safavid Dynasty: Textile Motifs...... 274

V l l l PLATES

PLATE Page I. The Birth of the Prophet Muhammed. 47 Rashid al-Din. Plate 29, (1306)

II. Sultan Muhammed ibn Malik-Shah 50 (Ruled 1105-18) Rashid al-Din. Plate 67, (1306)

III. The Quraysh in Consultation as to the 52 Proscription of Their Kinsmen. Rashid al-Din. Plate 35 (1306)

IV. Mahmud ibn Sebuktegin Receives a Robe 57 of Honour From the Caliph al-Qadir Bi-llal in 1000. Rashid al-Din. Plate 50 (1306)

V. Malikshah about to Change Horses Accosted 97 by an Old Woman Who Reproached Him for Allowing His Soldiers to Chase Her Cow. Diwan of Khawaju Kirmani, folio 85a, (1396).

VI. The Houris. Mirajname, Plate 41, 97 folio 49, (1436).

VII. Moses. Mirajname, Plate 23, folio 26, 110 (1436). ------

VIII. Courtly Scene. Shahname, folio 45.169, 112 (1444).

IX. Courtly Scene. Shahname, folio 56.10, 113 (1444).

X. The Building of the Palace of Khavarank 121 for Naman who was the Guardian of the Young Bahran Gur. Khamsa, folio 154v. (1494)

ix PLATES (Continued)

PLATE Page

XI. The Old Woman Complaining to Sultan 191 Sanjar. Khamsa, Plate 21, folio 18, (1539-15437:

XII. The Feast of I'd Begins. Diwan of 208 Hafiz, folio 86, (1527).

XIII. The Physician's Duel/Detail, Khamsa 213 Plate 23, folio 26, (1539-154377 XIV. Firdawsi Proves His Literary Talents at 221 The Court of Mahmud of Ghazna Houghton Shahname, Plate 1, folio 10, (1540)

XV. The Death of Zahhak/Detail. Houghton 217 Shahname, Plate 7, folio 37, (1540). Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION

The early part of the eleventh century was the

beginning of a renaissance of Iranian culture. For nearly

four hundred fifty years, between the end of the

thirteenth and beginning of the eighteenth centuries, Iran

was successfully ruled by three major dynasties: the

Il-Khanids, the Timurids and the Safavids. During the

rule of these dynasties, Iran underwent a series of

profound political and cultural changes which left their

mark on the evolution of various artifacts of Iranian

material culture. Costume was one of the many artifacts

which reflected the cultural evolution during this era.

Prior to the 11-Khanids' reign in the thirteenth

and the fourteenth centuries, Iran had been under domination of the Turkish Saljuk dynasty. A Turko-Iranian style of art had developed which was evident in the

costumes as well as in other aspects of the material

culture of Iranian people. The conquest of Iran by the

Mongols in the middle of the thirteenth century esta­ blished the Mongol-lranian Il-Khanid state. The Il-Khanid 2

state was dominated by a Mongol aristocracy, descendants

of Chingiz Khan, and was administered by an Iranian bureaucratic elite which was politically and commercially

in contact with the Mongol states of East Asia. These trade contacts had a striking affect on Iranian costume;

Goetz noted that certain costume details, such as broad hats, wide embroidered capes with scroll designs, and

Mandarian hats,^ reflected East Asian influence.

Although the style of Il-Khanid court dress was influenced by far Eastern elements, the dress of the ordinary people was influenced by an eastern version of the Turkish 2 costume borrowed from the Uighur Turks.

By the end of the fourteenth century, Iran was dominated by the emergence of a new political and military power in Transoxania and centered at Samarkand, namely the

Timurid state. The Timurid dynasty was founded by Timura, a Turko-Mongolian descendant of Chingiz Khan. Timur conquered much of western Asia through a series of rapid military campaigns. Iran was included in Timur's con­ quests in 1383, a decade before his death. The Timurid dynasty ruled Iran for a period of one hundred years, with major political an artistic centers located at Herat and

^Herman Goetz, "The History of Persian Costume," A Survey of Persian Art, ed. A. U. Pope (London: Oxford University Press, 1967), 2239. ^Goetz, p. 2239. Shiraz. Timurid culture was known as being refined and 3 elegant. Although heavily influenced by East Asia, in particular China, Timurid art and costume took on an indigenous Iranian character. During the Timurid period, garments became short and fitted to the body. The outer coat had a large opening at the breast area which allowed under garments to be shown. Caps were less frequently used than turbans.^

The Safavid dynasty came to power in 1501 and ruled Iran until 1736. Distinctive events of the Safavid dynasty which had a pervasive cultural influence were the rise state support of a major Muslim sect, Shiia, and the establishment of a central government. Shiism stressed the role of the prophet Muhammad's cousin and son-in-law,

Ali, from whom the Safavid dynasty claimed descent.^

With the establishment of the Safavid house, there was a revival of national consciousness and a national art. New ideas were derived from the Europeans who were in Iran on diplomatic, missionary or commercial

%oetz, p. 2245.

^Goetz, p. 2245.

5j.B. Donne, trans., The Persians, by Alessandro Bausani. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1971), 136-137. business.^ In addition, trade with the Far East was

greatly stimulated during much of the sixteenth and the

seventeenth centuries which in turn brought other cultural

influences. One of the evidences of the cultural change which

occurred in this period was costume. At the beginning of the seventeenth century a wholly new style of dress was introduced, a style which was influenced by contact with

people of the West. The new style was dominated by

horizontal lines, and evolved from a variety of sources,

both Western and Eastern in nature. The items of clothing

became greater in number; in addition, the manner in which

they were used was changed. For example, the turbans were wrapped loosely and not necessarily placed on the center

of the head and jackets were thrown over the shoulders in

a relaxed manner. Even the designs in the materials used

in clothing reflected a change in taste. The use of human

figures as a design motif became a distinctive feature of velvets and satins during the Safavid era. During the latter part of the Safavid era, at the court of Shah Abbas the Great, turbans of the early Safavid period were replaced by a broad hat with fur bordered brira.^

^E.G. Browne, A Literary History of Persia, Volume IV (Cambridge: at the University Press, T569), 5.

?Goetz, p. 2227-2256. 5

Perhaps the political situation and the mood of the

country at that specific time period was greatly

responsible for the changes evident in the costumes.

Although very limited information is available in

the literature regarding costume of the Il-Khanid, Timurid

and Safavid periods, many sources of visual documentation

have survived such as stuccos, metal work, painted

pottery, and miniature paintings. Many of these source materials are readily available in scholarly publications.

In addition, extensive literature exists on Iranian textiles, particularly for the Safavid era. For instance,

Ackerman, a scholar and an authority of the Iranian

textile art, has published a number of articles and books on the subject of Iranian textiles art.^’^’^®

The absence of a scholarly literature on the costume of the Il-Khanid, the Timurid, and the Safavid dynasties may have been caused by early scholar's lack of awareness of the significance of costume. Extensive information is available regarding glass, carpets,

Bphyllis Ackerman, "Safavid Luxury (c.1550-1610)," CIBA Review, 98. (June, 1958), 3525-3531.

^Phyllis Ackerman, "Textiles of the Islamic Periods," A Survey of Persian Art, ed, A.U. Pope (London: Oxford University Press, l967), 2069-2162.

lOphyllis Ackerman, "A Sixteenth Century Silk Tapestry," Ille Congres International d*Art et d 'Archéologie Iranians, Mémoires (1935), 6-7. 6

ceramics, and especially the miniature paintings. Since

costumes were made of natural fibers which deteriorated

easily, only a small number of actual costumes have

survived.However, the extensive body of visual

material in the form of miniature painting from the three

dynasties of Il-Khanid, Timurid, and Safavid offers an alternative and unexploited source of information about

costume.

The purpose of this investigation was to study the

costumes worn by men and women of the Il-Khanid, Timurid,

and Safavid dynasties, specifically the outerwear garments

and accessories as depicted in miniature paintings. Speci­

fic objectives were to (1) relate the stylistic changes in the costumes of the Il-Khanid, the Timurid, and the

Safavid to the historical settings of those times and (2)

establish a chronology of Il-Khanid, Timurid, and Safavid

costumes over a span of four hundred and fifty years,

between the end of the thirteenth and the middle of the

sixteenth centuries.

The terms costume, dress, apparel and clothing have

similar meanings. All terms refer to coverings of the body which serve a variety of functions, such as status, comfort, survival, decoration and modesty. Costume is the

l^Dorothy G. Shepherd, "A Persian Textile of the Safavid Period," Cleveland Art Bulletin, XXXVII (1950), 118-119. 7

most inclusive of the four terms for it includes those

ornaments which directly change the appearance of the

body, such as jewelry.

The term "costume" will be used to identify the

complete or total outfit, including jewelry, footwear and

head covering. Terms such as clothing, apparel, and dress

will be used in a general manner for men and women to

denote the outer clothing which is worn.

The term "form" is used to identify the general

outline or silhouette of the costume and accessories which enclose the body. Items of the costume enclosing the body may be differentiated as follows: (1) wrap around items,

such as sashes and turbans; (2) fitted items, such as

shoes, hats, trousers, jackets, tunics; or (3) suspended

items such as necklaces. Portions of the costume may be

further differentiated by specific details, including neckline and front opening and decorative items attached to the garments.

Textiles are an inseparable part of costumes and are of great importance in terms of supplementary information. A chronological study of motif designs depicted on textiles used for fabrication of costumes is another key for dating the costumes. Therefore, infor­ mation on the textile motifs were included when such data were available. 8

The presentation of this dissertation has been organized in the following manner: Chapter 2,

Methodology; Chapter 3, The Il-Khanid Period; Chapter 4,

The Timurid Period; Chapter 5, The Safavid Period; Chapter

6, Summary and Conclusions. Chapter 2

METHODOLOGY

An historical framework was adopted to establish a

chronology of costumes and relate style changes to the

time period of the later part of the thirteenth through

the mid-sixteenth centuries in Iran. Miniature paintings

were used as the pictorial source of information of style

details of costumes for men and women. Included in this

chapter is the preliminary study, the collection of data,

limitations, and analysis of data.

Preliminary Study

Published and unpublished manuscripts containing

miniature paintings were identified for use in studying

costume. The texts of the manuscripts are literary works,

such as poetry and history, which are illustrated with the

miniature paintings. Some of the original manuscripts

have been preserved and are in museums or in private

collections. The manuscripts include information givingg

the date of their execution and the person for whom they

ere made. Scholars have published books including detailed facsimiles of the manuscripts, and their miniature paintings. These scholarly works include 10

commentary by the authors regarding both the text and

miniature paintings, as well as discussion of the schools

of painting to which they belong.

The facsimiles of the selected manuscripts were the primary source for details of costume in each period,

including length, neckline, costume pieces, footwear,

accessories, and the textile motifs. Other sources of information for the study included

published materials on Iranian history, textiles of the

Islamic period, and scholarly works regarding the history

of the Iranian costume. In addition, travelers' accounts

and the memoirs of embassy officials, both foreign and

Iranian, were reviewed for details they contained relevant

to this study. Some of the travelers accounts and embassy

memoirs contained detailed descriptions of and information

about the costumes, textiles, and the culture of the

country for the period investigated.

Developing Method to Record Data

The specific manuscripts sought for the study were

those which contained dated miniature paintings produced

during the period between the thirteenth through the

mid-sixteenth centuries. One manuscript was identified

and examined for the preliminary study, the Shahname.^

^The Shahname manuscript of 1444 A.D. Now in Cleveland Museum of Art. 11

The identified manuscript was studied to determine whether manuscript illustration in general was a usable source of information in costume history and whether details were

visible to differentiate costumes. In addition, a form to

record information was developed and tested to assess the method of data collection. Included on the form was the

following :

1. identification of manuscript: title, date, page number, plate, folio or manuscript/photograph number.

2. general information: single figure or group composition.

3. costume information: male or female clothing; description of the visible garments covering the upper and lower portions of the body, headdress, footwear, and accessories. Both silhouette and costume details were recorded. Costumes worn by military persons, children, and entertainers were excluded from the study.

4. textile information: description of the design motifs on the fabrics of the costumes. Information about the colors was not included since many of the miniatures were consulted through black and white photographs of the originals. Only the description of costume fabrics were recorded.

5. Because of the age of the manuscripts, some of the miniature paintings had been damaged or deteriorated; therefore, only those paintings which were clear were 12 used. A magnifying glass was used to examine the minia­

ture paintings. Information was recorded on 5" x 8" cards. Pencil drawings were made of costume details to provide usable reference for analysis. After examining many of the miniature paintings, it was evident that the costumes depicted in a picture were very similar in detail. Therefore, one card was prepared for each costume type, textile motif, and accessory in a manuscript. A record was made of each costume item or textile motif observed in the paintings to obtain the frequency distribution and to determine the most represen­ tative motifs and styles. Modifications or variations of a recorded style were reported separately. A master card was prepared to record the summary for all pictures in each manuscript. The summary included descriptive information about the costumes (garment, headdress, footwear, accessories, and textile motifs) for both male and female figures.

Assessment of Preliminary Data

The data collected and the literature reviewed were assessed to determine the reliability and validity of the miniatures in the manuscripts. In examining the minia­ tures it was possible to see details of the outer garment such as the seams, neckline, length, collar, and sleeves, of the footwear, the headdress and accessories as well as 13 of the textile motifs apparent on the costumes. In addition to the costumes represented in the miniatures, other objects such as pottery and architec­ tural monuments were cepicted. Since specific details of pottery and architecture are frequently depicted, and these can often be dated with considerable precision, it was assumed that other details represented in the miniatures, including costumes, were accurately illus­ trated and hence, that miniature paintings could serve as reliable sources o :: information for costume history.

The recorde- information was reviewed with regard to the objectives c ' the study. Since the method of recording the descr tive information provided the needed data, it was décidée :o use the same system of recording data for all manuscri ts selected for the study.

Col action of Data

The manuscripts used for each dynasty of the study are described as follows:

Il-Khanid Dynasty - (13th and 14th centuries) Jami al-Tawarikh of Rashid al-Din (Edinburgh University

Library, Arab No. 20) dated 1306, reproduced in David

Talbot Rice. 14 The Illustration to the World History of Rashid

Al-Din (Edinburgh: University Press, 1973).^

Timurid Dynasty (15th Century).

Diwan of Khawaju Kirmani, (British Museum, ADD

18113), dated 1396.^

Miraj Name of Mir Haydar (Bibliothèque nationale, Supplementture 190) dated 1436, reproduced in Marie-Rose

Seguy.

The Miraculous Journey of Mahomet Miraj Nameh,

(1436 A.D.), (New York: Braziller, 1977).^

Shahname, (Cleveland Museum of Art, Nos. 56.10 and

45.169) dated 1444.^

Khamsa of Nizami, (British Museum, OR6810), dated

1494.3

Safavid Dynasty - (16th and 17th centuries) Diwan of Hafiz, (Fogg Museum, Harvard University) dated 1527, reproduced in Stuart Cary Welch, Persian

Painting (New York: Braziller, 1976).^

(British Museum, Add. 25.900) dated 1539, repro­ duced in Stuart Cary Welch, Khamsa of Nizami, Persian

Painting (New York: Braziller, 1976).^

^A photocopy of a reproduction of the printed book was used.

^Black and white photographs of the miniatures in this manuscript were purchased from the Museum.

^This source is published in book form, the published book was used in this study. 15

Shahname, (Private collection of Arthur Houghton)

dated 1549, reproduced in Martin Bernard Dickson and

Stuart Cary Welch. The Houghton Shahname, (Cambridge. Harvard University Press, 1981).^ The form developed for the Preliminary Study was

used to record the data. Specific reference is made to

the folio and/or plate for clear identification source.

Limitations

Since more information is available on the costume of the upper classes than for the common people, an unavoidable bias may occur with regard to the reporting of the costumes of the Il-Khanids, the Timurids, and the Safavids. However, all costumes presented in the minia­ ture paintings which were recorded have been reported so that available information on the costume of the lower classes was included. Only the costumes of adults were reported since children were rarely depicted during the periods of this investigation. Figures depicted in the miniature paintings are two dimensional and generally the frontal view is presented.

^This source is published in two volumes. Slides were made from the miniature of both volumes by the photographic division of the History of Art at The Ohio State University. The slides were purchased for the use in this study. 16

Therefore, the analysis reported in this study will be based on items of costume that can be seen in two

dimensional paintings.

The original copies of the miniature paintings and

manuscripts are in private collections and museums and

were not accessable to the researcher. The miniature paintings that are published in book form were available

for used in the study. However, some were in black and white. Therefore, information on usage of color in costume was not included.

Analysis

The scholarly literature regarding costume for each period of the study was reviewed. The data from the miniature paintings were assessed for similarity and differences to the descriptions in the literature. From the assessment, a summary was developed for each period and presented at the end of each chapter, Il-Khanid,

Timurid, and the Safavid. The summary was developed to serve three purposes: (1) to describe the costumes for each period; (2) to relate the findings with the reviewed literature; and (3) to provide information on the chronology of costume for the Il-Khanid, Timurid, and

Safavid dynasties. Information regarding the costumes and textile motifs of each dynasty are presented in tabular form to 17

provide a quick and clear reference for comparison. In

addition to the table, a glossary of terms was developed

for costume items and textile motifs for each period. The

glossary is contained in Appendix A. The glossary was organized as follows: (1) a category heading containing

information about the costume; (2) the alphabetized

transcription of each term in Roman letters; (3) the term

as rendered in Farsi (Persian) Script;^ (4) The system

used for the purpose of transcription is adopted from the

Cambridge History of Islam.

Since inclusion of all the miniatures in the body

of this dissertation was not practical, after a careful

examination of the drawings and miniatures, it was decided

to include only a limited number of them. The decision on

the selection was based on (1) the overall clarity, (2)

representation of the most typical costumes worn for each

specific time period under investigation, and (3) depic­

tion of details in both costume and textile motifs.

^The script used in Farsi language is the same as Arabic script. Chapter 3

IL-KHANID PERIOD: MONGOL INVASION AND RULE (Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries)1

The period under investigation was one in which

political power in Iran was taken over from the Saljuk

Turks by Mongol invaders. Many rulers came to power for

short periods of time, thus the power shifted from one

Mongol ruler to another one. Along with the Mongol

invasion, there was much destruction so that many aspects

of Iranian culture were destroyed. However, as they

themselves adapted to Iranian culture, the Mongols became 2 Persianized.

Since costume reflects the culture of a group of

people, the political and social life of Iran as well as

the cultural changes which occurred during the Mongol

invasion and rule deserve consideration. The chapter is

organized into three sections: historical background;

literature and visual arts; analysis of costumes and textiles presented in the manuscripts ; and a summary of

the Il-Khanid costumes and textile designs.

^The dates are not exact, for sources differ; therefore, the approximate dates are used.

2j.F. Donne, trans. of The Persians from the Earliest Days to the Twentieth Century, by Aliensandro Bausani (London: Elek Books Limited, 1971), p. 109. 18 19

Historical Background

The end of the Turkish rule of the Saljuk dynasty

was brought about by the Mongol invasion of Iran and the

establishment of the Il-Khanid empire. The head of the

confederation of Mongol tribe which invaded Iran, Chingiz

Khan, had previously conquered many lands and enlarged his

empire. Historically, he is known as a great warrior, an army general of great ruthlessness, a fact evidenced by his massacre of Chinese through the North China plain when 3 Chin state was conquered.

Iran was invaded by the Mongols in 1219 and Chingiz

Khan became its indirect ruler. After his death in 1227, his successors continued to rule over the Iranian plateau,

some having greater influence on Iranian history than others. Mongke's rule (1251-1259) was particularly important for Iranian history since during his reign the decision was made to subdue those states which were still resisting the Mongol's invasion. A brother of Mongke,

Hulagu Khan, was given the task of putting down the

Assassins of Alamut, conquering the Abbas id Caliphate of 4 in Baghdad and bringing those areas under control.

3j. A. Boyle, "Dynastic and Political History of the Il-Khans," The Cambridge History of Iran: The Saljug and Mongol Periods, ed. J.A. Boyle Vol. V (Cambridge at the University Press), p. 303. 20

Qubilay Khan became the Great Khan in 1261 and made

Hulagu ruler over all the territories he had captured. He

gave Hulagu the title II-Khan (Tribal Khan or Local Khan)

which was handed down to his descendants. Hulagu's kingdom

stretched from the Persian Gulf in the south to the east

Amu Darya in the east. In addition to this kingdom, a number of states were Hulagu's vassals, including Georgia,

Shirvan, Trebizond, the Armeno-Cilician Kingdom and Rum.^

Hulagu's son, Abaga (1265-1282), was chosen to rule

after Hulagu's death. After Abaga's death, a disagreement

ar^se between his son, Arghun, and Abaga's brother,

Taguda, over the Mongol throne; Taguda was successful in

gaining the throne. Of particular importance during

Taguda's reign was his conversion to Islam, the first

Il-Khanid ruler to become Muslim; he adopted the name,

Ahmad. A policy was implemented by Ahmed which provided

for more Muslim Persians to be appointed to administrative positions than had previously been the case under Mongol

rule. This policy displeased a large number of the anti-Islamaic Mongol aristocracy and as a result, Ahmed was killed.

Argun (1284-1291), Ahmad's successor, did not trust the Muslim Persians who served as bureaucrats for the

^Donne, p. 109.

^Donne, p. 111. 21

Mongols. Therefore, he decided to replace some of them with Christians and Jews, hoping that these new bureau­

crats would remain loyal to him and his government. In 1291 after a struggle for power between the khans, Abaga Gaikhatu was chosen (1291-1295) Il-Khan.^ Gaikhatu

appointed Ahmad Khalidi as his vizier. This appointment

had important economic consequences for Amhad Khalidi

suggested the use of paper money (chao as it was referred

to in Chinese) be introduced into Persia since it had been

used successfully in China. Paper money, chao, was

intended to be used for internal trade, while all coin was

to be kept in the treasury. Chao was first issued at

Tabriz (the Il-Khanid capital, located in northwest Iran)

in 1294, and the people were forced to use it under threat

of death. This action had disastrous economic conse­

quences. Bazaars closed and all forms of merchandise disappeared. The paper money was therefore abolished and

the treasury remained empty. Gaikhatu's reign ended in

1295 when he was killed by his brother, Baidu, who

ascended the throne and was supported to some extent by

the Mongol aristocracy. However, he ruled for only a few

months.^

^Donne, p. 112.

7percy Sykes. A History of Persia, (London: Oxford University Press! 1922), p. 63. 22

Among the many rulers of the Il-Khanid dynasty, perhaps Ghazan Khan (1295-1304) was the greatest. g Although he was successful in his wars in Syria, he is better known in Iranian history for his reforms, build­ ings, and endowments. He encouraged agriculture, set up a standard of weights and measures, and established an administration noted for justice. He was Muslim but kept in touch with rulers of the Christian world. During his rule, Edward I of England sent Geoffrey de Langley to the 9 Persian court as ambassador.

The ruling class of the Il-Khanids consisted of four different social groups: (1) the pastorial and warrior aristocracy made of Turks, Mongols and Kurds; (2) the urban bureaucracy, mainly Persians, some of whom were extremely wealthy; (3) the senior members of the Muslim religious hierarchy; and (4) the remnants of the local provincial Iranian aristocracy. This last group was not a part of central government, while the first group held most of the political power. The Mongol rulers did not trust the Muslim Persians; therefore, none of the sensitive governmental posts were held by Muslims. Mongol pastoral soldiers who had come to Iran with their families and slaves remained faithful to their traditions and did

Bgykes, p. 63.

^Sykes, p. 64. 23

not mix with the native Persian population. Donne noted,

...this attitude led to a certain amount of decentralization, while on the other hand the policy of the Iranian bureaucracy and of those Mongol Khans willing to fraternize with the inhabitants tended to create a unified state.

As the years passed, the Mongols in Iran adjusted

to Iranian culture and ways of living. They gave up their

Shamanist, Christian, or Buddhist beliefs and became

Muslim. Although there was a gradual change in the

cultural and social life of the Mongols as they became

Persianized, they never forgot their historical origins.

The existence of national feeling among the Mongols may well have strengthened the Persians' own sense of nationalism. Arabic was the official language used for historical records prior to the rule of the Il-Khans, but under Il-Khanid patronage, Arabic was replaced with

Persian and was used for official governmental purposes.

According to Boyle,the greatest benefit from

Mongol rule was the opening of communication channels between East and West. As a result, Il-Khanid Iran was exposed to the influence of both China and Europe.

Artillery men from China were among the armies of

lOponne, p. 11.

l^M.G.X. Hodgson. "The Ismaili State," The Cambridge History of Iran: The Saljuk and Mongol Periods, J.A. Boyle, ed. Vol 5 (Cambridge at the University Press), 417. 24

Chingiz-Khan and Hulagu-Khan. A Chinese who was expert in astronomy, was Gu Meng-chi, worked in the observatory of

Nasir al-Din Tusi in Maragheh. Chinese physicians served

at the court of Ghazan-Khan, and Chinese artists operated

"...in the Buddhist Temples, (and) were to leave an 12 indelible impression upon Persian miniature painting."

Communication with European countries during the

Il-Khanid era was mainly in commerce and diplomacy.

Italian merchants had been established in Tabriz since the

reign of Hulagu-Khan (1261-1265). There were also Italian

ambassadors at the court of the Il-Khans who had been

recruited for various missions to Europe.

There is evidence of European artisans being

employed during the Il-Khanid rule in Iran. In the

correspondence of Rashid al-Din, vizier and court his­

torian of Ghazan Khan, there is a letter addressed to his son (a governor on tt.e Byzantine frontier) in which he

asked for dispatch of 20 weavers, apparently to be 13 purchased as slaves from a Cypriot slave dealer.

The Mongol conquest reduced the feudal economy of

Persia to a form of slave economy. The peasants were

subject to 15 to 30 different kinds of tax or tribute, and had to pay tribute in cash or kind, known as ikharajat,

l^Hodgson, p. 417.

13gykes, pp. 63-65. 25 which was collected from peasant farmers and went to support the emirs, soldiers, officials, and forage and treasury messengers (ilchi) . Another burden on peasant farmers was supplying provisions to the army. The official tax gatherers, after collecting the sums due to the treasury, made a second or even third collection which went into their own pockets. Peasants were expected to provide numerous services such as ulagh, upkeep of postal service horses and asses; and bigar, forced labor to clean and repair the canals and to build forts, palaces and roads. Such works were often unfinished or completely ineffective. Thus, the peasants under Mongol rulers became slaves of the soil, a condition prohibited under Islamic laws which regards workers on the land as 14 freeman.

The Mongol invasion reinforced pastoral feudalism and slave economy. The traditional Mongolian law considered the pastoral soldier to be forever bound to his hereditary lord, military unit, and his camp. The Mongol invasion of Iran created a form of slave economy, usury, and tied peasants to the land. Perhaps traditional Mongol laws (appearing in the Yasa) made sense in the pasture lands of Mongolia. However, when applied to the peasant economy of Iran, the laws served to worsen the condition

^^Donne, pp. 113-116. 26

of peasant farmers. The productivity and economy of the country declined and the treasury was nearly depleted by

the end of the thirteenth century. By mid-fourteenth

century, the Mongol empire collapsed. During the decline

in power of the Il-Khanids, a number of principalities

gained power in different parts of the Iranian plateau.

The rise of Ming in Eastern and the Ottomans in Western

Asia brought an end to all internal activities.

The Literature and Visual Arts

The rule of Il-Khanids and their domination of the vast Persian plateau made a significant contribution to

Iranian culture. Selected aspects of material culture were reviewed for the Il-Khanid era which either influenced or changed the literature, painting, textiles, and costume of thirteenth and fourteenth century Iran and became a part of that culture and civilization.

Literature

Il-Khanid literature is chiefly remarkable for the quality and number of historical writers. Although official government documents were written in Farsi,

Arabic continued to play an important role in literature.

Three classes of Arabic literature were important: (1) the Arabic works of bilingual Persians; (2) the Arabic works

^^Donne, p. 121. 27

by non-Persians which profoundly influenced Persian thought; and (3) the Arabic historical, geographical, and

biographical works. These later works emphasized persons,

places, circumstances and ideas.

Among important surviving manuscripts of this

period are two fragments of Rashid al-Dins Jamial-

Tawarikh, a history of the world. One volume is owned by the Royal Asiatic Society, the second volume is in Edin­

burgh University library, Scotland. The completion dates

for the two volumes differ; the Royal Asiatic Society

volume was completed in 1314; the Edinburgh volume, in

1306.

Another historic work, produced prior to Rashid al-Din, is the Tarikh-i Jahan-Gusha written by Ala al-Din

Ata-Malik Juwayni. This work was completed down in the

year 1307 during the reigh of Uljaytu. The Tarikh-i Jahan

Gusha is often known as Tarikh-i Ghazani.^^

One of the important contributions to the literary work of the Il-Khans is that of the Ismali ideas which

entered Islamic thought in a disguised form, mainly through Sufi mysticism. Mysticism itself continued to

1^Edward G. Browne, A Literary History of Persia: The Tartar Domination (1265-1502), Vol.Ill, New York : (Cambridge University Press, 1969), 62-63.

l^David Talbot Rice, The Illustrations to the World History of Rashid al-Din, Basil Gray, edited, (Edinbrugh,University Press,1^76), 1. 28

develop as an attitude toward life. Poetry reflected the

mysticism. Some of the masterpieces of sufi literature

were written during this period— the Masnavi-i Manavi of Jala al-Din Rumi and the literary work of Sadi of Shariz. Painting

Islamic book painting was in existence at the time 18 of the Mongol invasion, indeed it dated back to the

late Abbasid, Saljuk, and post-Saljuk dynasties. The

style of book painting in the pre-Mongol period was

strongly influenced by Iranian characteristics. However,

du ing Mongol rule a transitional style was developed in

which Chinese elements were used in subject matter and

draftsmanship. By the end of the thirteenth century, a

great movement took place in the art of painting, both

murals and manuscripts. The style change was in the

representation of the figures and adoption of Chinese

motifs in painting. It is generally agreed among art

historians that Iranian miniature painting was formed and

defined in the thirteenth century under Il-Kahnid patron­

age.

Both Mesopotamian and Chinese influences are 19 evident in early Mongol manuscripts. At the same time

18,Grabar, p. 643.

l^Eric Schroeder. "Ahmad Musa and Shams al-Din; A Review of 14th Century Painting," Ars Islamica, VI (1939), 112-142. 29

some of the miniature paintings in the Edinburgh Rashid al-Din manuscript show Western influences, such as "The

Birth of Prophet Muhammed" (see folio no. 29, p. 97).

This western influence may be explained by the fact that both trade with the Mediterranean world and the marriage of a Mongol prince to Byzantine and Armenian princess led 20 to closer contact with the art of the Christian world. The two styles of representation, Chinese and

Mesopotamian, are evident in the manuscript paintings of this time and often appear side by side in the manuscript of the Manafi al Hayawan in the Morgan Collection in New

York City. At other times, they are blended together to form a new and distinct style. Later, the blend became so complete that only careful analysis of the two styles can 21 distinguish them from each other.

The subject matter of manuscript paintings during the Il-Khanid period has a number of very traditional elements. Some reasons suggested to explain this phenomenon are the importance of aristocratic taste and patronage, the concern with legendary heroes and the old

Soghdian epic tradition and its rediscovery through the

20oieg Grabar, "Persian Art: Before and After the Mongol Conquest." The University of Michigan Museum of Art (April 9-May17, 1959), 19-21.

Zlpavid Talbot Rice, "Persia: The Mongol Period." Islamic Art. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1965), 114TrT9: 30

Mongols. However, the strongest reason was probably the personal taste of the Mongol princes, especially Ghazan

Khan as well as an earlier Mongol ruler (Uljaytu) who wanted to compile a written history record of the Mongol. Thus, the writing of history was a major focus of

Il-Khanid literature. These manuscripts and the schools which produced them created new elements of design, much of which was of Chinese origin.

Another important factor in the creation of illustrated manuscripts was the success of a court- appointed school of painters in imposing its new patterns. Two innovations of this school which were of great influence on later Iranian painting are; (1) the importance of human groupings, and (2) the representation and use of landscape. For instance, in Rashid al-Din manuscript of 1306 and 1314 trees are shown with emphasized knots (folio no. 37, p. 113) animals are painted in monochrome against a bare sky; and plains are distinguishable by a series of parallel oblique lines. All these linear qualities are of Chinese origin. In the

Edinburgh Rashid al-Din manuscript, the presentation of

Chinese-type mountains by means of a sophisticated use of drawing techniques is evident. The manner of showing facial features and types of clothing and of depicting the personages in many of the Il-Khanid era miniature paintings is clearly of Chinese origin (see folio No. 5, 31

p. 49). These new techniques and elements were used and

developed further by Iranian artists. This elaboration

and translation of Chinese origin elements gave birth to a

wholly new Iranian painting. "A great deal of Chinese

spatial and figurai representation was lost when themes

created in large scroll painting were translated into the

language of the more restricted illustrative minia- 22 tures." Since landscape painting took much elaboration, the landscape and background of the miniature painting became as important as the personages in the painting. Therefore, the Eastern style of landscape 23 painting was adapted to become a very Iranian purposes.

During the Il-Khanid period, certain areas of

southern Persia were only nominally controlled by the

Mongols. Among them was Shiraz, where the Inju dynasty ruled (1335-1353). Under this patronage there developed a large, fully independent center of art which had its own cultural achievements. Thus, the Inju School centered in

Schiraz developed its own style of painting. Other dynasties, such as the Jalayirids and Muzazffairds, also broke away from the Mongol empire of Persia. Under the patronage of the Jalayirid dynasty, which ruled in Baghdad between 1397 and 1415, a school was established which

^^Grabar, p. 656. ‘"^Grabar, p. 656. 32 produced a sophisticated and cosmopolitan court painting. The style of art which was developed here lasted through the Safavid dynasty and was dominant in the capitals of

Tabriz, Qazwiin, and Isfahan. The Musaffarid dynasty which ruled from 1353-1393 at Shiraz established a new style of painting which was less influenced by the Chinese style than the Il-Khanid style.

In conclusion, the miniature paintings of the fourteenth century established the style for Iranian paintings for centuries to come.

Textiles

Design motifs and weaving techniques used for textiles were highly influenced by Chinese art, just as were miniature paintings. The establishment of trade routes and ambassadors to and from China made it possible for Iranian artists to gain a better knowledge of weaving technique. Elegant Chinese textiles, robes, and other forms of art were imported to Iran during this time; thus,

Iranian weavers were aware of the Chinese textiles which made a great contribution to the art of weaving of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries in Iran.

Because of the great influence from the Far East, the dominant weave used in textiles was the satin weave.

A variety of satin materials have survived, some with short floats and others with longer floats. The longer 33

float was predominantly used in Persia; however, varia­

tions were also used. The combination of satin with

damask was also commonly used and produced certain unorthodox fabrics described as compound damasks. One distinguishing quality of fourteenth century

fabrics is the use of metallic thread on a dark ground,

such as green and red or most often, dark blue. Gold

thread played an important role in the production of

luxurious textiles and textile ornamentation from an early

period.

According to e zisting literature available on

Persian textiles of the thirteenth and fourteenth 25 centuries, Ikat-dyed fabrics were in use during the Il-Khanid time. However, the type of Ikat is unknown

since no example has survived. Only a very limited number

of thirteenth century Persian textiles have survived the

vicious destruction of the Mongol invasion. However,

sources of visual documentation such as pottery and

illuminated manuscripts display clothing materials worn by

the people of the time. From the surviving art objects,

one can assume that textile colors rendered on the art

24phyllis Ackerman, "Persian Weaving Techniques A History," A Survey of Persian Art" From Prehistoric Times to the Present, ed. Arthur Upham Pope Vol. V, (London: Oxford University Press), 2175-2226.

^^Ackerman, pp. 2175-2226. 34

objects may have been subjected to the artists' medium

rather than the actual representation. Many such figures

are shown with gowns of yellow, green, and white on dark

red. The yellow color may represent gold thread or

fabric. There were two textile centers which produced

metallic-thread fabrics; Herat, famous for its gold thread and silver brocade, and Yazd, a center for production of gold enriched silks. The gold-enriched fabrics from Yazd were marketed under the name parche-i Yazd or parehe-i

Yazdi, and were famous in Iran. Conventional fabric patterns are numerous in ceramic illustrations. Stripes, pattern stripes, honeycombs, quatrefoil lattices in conjunction with spots, and disks (of Sassanian 26 pre-Islamic motif) grouped together were commonly used.

Co s tume A small number of researchers have included information about the costumes of Il-Khanids in their studies 27 28 including: Herman Goetz, Phyllis Ackerman,

Z^Herman Goetz. "History of Persian Costume," A Survey of Persian Art: From Prehistoric Times to the Present, ed. %% CT Pope Vol. V~y 22jy-2241. (London: Oxford University Press), 2239-2241. 27coetz, pp. 2239-2241.

28phyllis Ackerman. 35 29 and Eric Schroeder. Thus, a limited picture was

develped about the general type of Il-Khanid costumes.

Costumes of the Il-Khanid period, like other

cultures of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, have traces of foreign influence. The Chinese influence is

strong and is evident in the general style of clothing as well as in the fabric designs. The garment worn by the

ordinary people was a version of Turkish costume as

influenced by the Saljuks and early Persians. However,

the costumes of the upper classes was elaborate and was

influenced by Chinese styles. In general, the costumes of

the Il-Khanid men included long robes, plate armor, and

boots. The ordinary coat of the period, and of preceding

times, was double-breasted and usually fastened under the 30 right arm, sometimes under the left arm.

A long loose overcoat with long dangling sleeves was worn over the double-breasted coat; the overcoat was 31 often lined with fur. Schroeder noticed in the miniatures that both monarchs and elderly personages seemed to be the most usual wearers of the overcoat.

Variations in styles during the fourteenth century were

Z^Eric Schroeder. "Ahmad Musa and Shams al-Din: A Review of 14th Century Painting." Ars Islamica, VI, (1939), 112-142. 30coetz, p. 2239-2241. 31schroeder, p. 119. 36

recorded for hats, lapels, and embroideries. For instance, there were numerous variations of the felt cap.

In general, the costumes for women remained

unchanged from the Saljuk period. However, a specific

change which occurred was in the amount of body coverage 32 by the garment. Goetz noticed that illustrations from the Il-Khanid period showed that more parts of the woman's body were covered and that more garments were used.

Ladies * head dresses were important and went through a series of change during Ghazan Khan's rule in the fourteenth century. The Mandarin hat was introduced, a head veil with or without a forehead bandeau and with a 33 large bow at the nape of the neck.

Although the costumes of the Il-Khanid Period were influenced by the Turks, the Chinese, and the Arabs, the

Iranian taste was preserved and was evident.

^^Goetz, p. 2239-2240.

^^Goetz, p. 2239-2241. 37

Analysis of Costumes and Textiles Depicted in the Miniature Paintings

The Edinburgh manuscript of the Jami al-Tawarikh of

Rashid al-Din was selected to study the costumes of the

Il-Khanid period. The following presentation is in two

sections: 1) general information about the manuscript and the miniature paintings, and 2) specific information regarding the costumes, accessories and textiles observed

in the miniature paintings. The folio number or plate number appears in parentheses (i.e., Plate no. 29) for those plates or folios reproduced for the present study, reference is indicated by Roman numberals (i.e., Plate I).

General Information: The Manuscript Miniature Paintings and Costumes

The Edinburgh Rashid al-Din manuscript, completed in 1306, is one of the few copies of the text which survived beyond the life time of the author, Amir Rashid al-Din Fadl-Allah. He was known as Rashid al-Din Tabib

(the physician) and was commissioned as court historian under the Il-Khanid ruler, Mahmud Ghazan in 1298.^^

The Edinburgh manuscript is 17 3/4 inches in height and 3 1/2 inches wide. On each page there are thirty-five lines of text in Arabic in Naskhi script. The paragraph headings are in red and there is an illuminated

34%ice, p. 1. 38

frontispiece to each part. All the miniatures are in

rectangular format. Unfortuntely, some of the miniatures

are missing (folios 1 and 2 and 70 to 107) and the volume

is incomplete at the end.

Rashid al-Din compiled the information and wrote his history of Tabriz, capital of the Il-Khanids in Iran

and in the fourteenth century a major world cultural

center. He arranged for artists to paint the miniatures

accompanying the text of his book. The intention was to produce two copies of the book each year, one copy in Persian and one in Arabic. The literary work divided into

four volumes. In the first volume the history of Turkish and Mongol tribes was included. The second volume contained the history of the ancient Iranian kings to the fall of the Sassanian dynasty and a history of the prophets. The third volume included the history of the

Prophet Muhammad and of the Muslim Caliphate, while the last volume contained information about other known people of the world, including Turks, Jews, Franks, and Indians.

Unfortunately, a complete version of the whole work has 35 not survived.

The existing text of the Edinburgh Rashid al-Din manuscript is divided into four separate parts: the first part is about the history of Persia and Arabia until the

^^Rice, p. 2. 39

birth of the Prophet Muhammad; the second part deals with

the story of the Prophet Muhammad and the early Muslim

caliphs; the third contains an account of the life of

Mahmud ibn Sebuktekin and the history of the Ghaznavids, the Saljuks and the Atabeks; and the last part is devoted

to the Sultans of Khwarizam. The Edinburgh Rashid al-Din contains 69 miniature

paintings. Twenty of the miniatures were excluded from

the present study since they were combat scenes and the

personages in them were wearing military costumes. The

remaining 49 miniatures were included in the study.

In his introduction to the book "The Illustrations to the World History of Rashid al-Din", Rice^^ indicated that at least three painters, referred to as 'hands', worked on the manuscript, with each painter providing a particular influence or speciality. Thus, the paintings of one of the painters show a strong Chinese influence, the second painter's work is marked by Western influence, and a third influence was focused on combat rather than landscape or background. There must have existed at least two subsidiary painters, most probably assistants, who worked on the paintings since the styles seem to overlap.37

^^Rice, p. 5.

^^Rice, p. 5. 40

The depicted personages did not have distinct individual features except for two portraits of Rustam

(miniatures no. 8 and no. 19). However, the different ethnic groups are identifiable by the physiognomy, physique, and general character, including costumes. The

Abyssiniens, which appear in the manuscript were distinguished by their costumes they wore (Plate no. 34).

In the miniature no. 23, the faces of Angel and the Virgin

Mary in the scene of the Annunciation are of Western origin. The Arabs are distinguished by Semetic type faces and by their costumes, the turbans and long, flowing robes. The Mongols are distinguished by their slit eyes and broad faces, quite different from the narrower, longer faces of the Chinese. Throughout the illustrations in the book, the Mongol physical type is the major one preseted which indicates the importance of the Mongol role in the 38 manuscript.

The costumes depicted in the Edinburgh Rashid al-Din manuscript vary in style and origin. The classical art origin, (i.e. the Byzantine, or Syriac) is clearly evident in some of the costumes. In some of the illus­ trations the long, flowing robes of Arabs are shown while in other illustrations costumes of Central Asia, the coat-like costumes with overlapped front openings. Many

38Rice, pp. 10-15. 41

of the illustrations include costumes with extremely long

sleeves in the Chinese manner. In general, the classical

costumes are shown in those scenes depicting Christian

stories or scenes from Muhammad’s life, which followed a

Christian model.

Arabs are illustrated as wearing long flowing robes

and turbans. Many of the personages who are depicted with

such robes also wear arm-bands (tiraz). Such arm-bands

may be adorned with decorative patterns or with

inscriptions. The use of arm-bands was widely spread throughout the Islamic world and was known before the

Mongol times. However, the arm-band style declined

towards the end of the Mongol period. Arm-bands were not

unusual in the Christian world or in Buddhist works from

the Central Asia dating from the early centuries of the

Christian era, and the style might have been carried 39 westward by Turkish-speaking people. Although the origin of the armband is not known, it was popular in the

Islamic world and they were prestigious items to wear. Usually the name of Caliph was inscribed in them.

...the arm-bands made of textiles were derived from the materials with inscriptions woven in them, which were known as tiraz stuff; these were especially popular in Egypt. The same name is used for the inscribed a r m - b a n d s . 40

^^Rice, pp. 16-17. ^^Grabar, p. 17. 42 A limited number of lower ranking people are

depicted in the miniature; they are shown in less

elaborate costumes than the upper class people. For

instance, the prisoners (see Plate no. 26 and Plate no.

42), are depicted naked above their waist and wear plain

white skirts (kilts) with no decoration. However, the

kilts of Abyssiniens (who also are shown naked above the

waist) are full, long, colored, and made of patterned

materials which reflect Ethiopian costumes.

Specific Information; Costumes, Accessories, and Textiles Designs Depicted in the Miniatures

The apparel items composing the costume and the

textile designs or the fabrics were identified and recorded to provide an objective basis for describing the costumes of the Il-Khanid period. The topics for presentation findings are the outer garments, headdress, and footwear for women; outer garments, headdress, and

footwear, and accessories for men; and textile design.

The frequency distributions of costume items and design motifs are shown in Tables 1 and 2. A Glossary of Costume

Terms is given in Appendix A.

Outer Garments (Women's). Women were less frequently included in the miniature paintings in the

Edinburgh Rashid al-Din manuscript than were men.

Therefore, limited data were available on their costumes.

Female figures were presented in four miniature paintings: Table 1

The n-Khanid Dynasty: Costume For Women

Rashid al-Oln Kanuecrlpc 1306 Ca regory I tea Frequency Outer Caroent Aral} robe, loose ankle - ru- ■■ length, long, ulde sleeves, full length front opening Robe, ankle length 2 long sleeves, loose fit Hcaddreet Magh-naeh. large 9 rectangular head veil placed on the head, one corner passes under the chin, pinned on the other side, covering the chest, part of the shoulders and back. Chadar. large ankle I length headdress covering the entire body Footuear Boots, long.pointed tips S Accessories (none observed)

43 Table 2

The Il-Khanid Dynasty: Costume for Men

Rashid al-Dln Manuscript 1306 Category Item Frequency Outer Garment Mongol robe. . tcft. over r.^hC 203 opening, open sides with two slits, long sleeves ankle length. Some examples have embroidery design on the chest area

Mongol robe, left* over 120 nyhf opening, short sleeves, ankle length Arab robe, loose fit, 82 ankle length, long loose sleeves, full length front opening. Some examples with a small attached collar Wrap. ankle length 17 covering the area between waist and ankle Headdress Turban 81 Mongol Cap. with turned 50 up brio Mongol double brimmed 37 hat Turban, with ends 23 passing under the chin and tucked below the ears Saljuk Crown 20 Flat topped hat M

44 Table 2 (continued)

Rashid al-Dln Manuscript 1306 Cfiteeorv Item Frequency Turban, with veil draped 7 over It. Fur brircjed hat with 6 leather Fur brlc-ed hat 5 Beehive hat 3

Footwear Boots, long with pointed 164 tips Sandals, two scraps 1 across the feet and one scrap passes in between the toes Accessories Bag (purse), small 9 square shape with scraps hanging from the belt Clove, cedlum length 1

45 46

Plate no. 9 (p. 57), Plate no. 23 (p. 85), Plate no. 29 (p. 97), and Plate no. 37 (p. 113).^^

Two types of costumes were Identified for women:

(1) an ankle length robe with front opening and long

sleeves, (2) the Arab robe. The usual style during the

period had a V-shaped neckline and no collar; however, the

neckline is not visible since the women are shown wearing

a long veil, the magna'a which covers the chest and part

of the shoulders. The other type of robe shown is the

common Arab robe which is loose, ankle length with wide

sleeves and full-length front opening, (Plate no. 37, p.

113). The Arab robe and magna'a are shown in Plate I on the far left figure.

Headdresses (Women's) : Two types of head-dress were shown, one being the long veil of magna'a (Plate no.

29, p. 97). Magna'a is a large rectangular piece of material placed on the head in such a way that one corner of it passes under the chin and is pinned to the central piece of the veil on the side of the head. The loose area of veil covers the chest and the other c o m e r hangs loose, covering the back and parts of the shoulder in the front.

The style represented here had fringe and stripes on the border; such decorative fringe and stripes, could be of gold and/or silver thread woven into the main body of

4l&ice, p. 57, 85, 97 and 113. PLATE I

The Birth of the Phophet Mohammed

Rashid al-Din, plate 29, (1306)

47 48

magna'a or sewn on to it. Gold pins adorned with gems and

other precious materials were commonly used on the

magna'a. This specific head-dress with such decorative

pins are still in use in Iraq and the southern part of Iran (by the Arab-Iranian people of Khuzestan).

The second type of headdress was depicted in Plate

23 and is worn by the Virgin Mary. It is a large ankle

length head veil called Chadar which covered the entire

body.

Footwear (Women's). There was only one kind of footwear shown in the miniatures worn by women; ankle

length boots with pointed tips. These boots probably were

without buttons or straps similar to those worn by men in

the Rashid al-Din manuscript since there are similarities between the Il-Khanid costumes of men and women.

Accessories (Women's). No accessories were observed in the miniatures of the Rashid al-Din manuscript.

Outer Garment (Men's). A variety of costumes for men are represented in the Edinburgh Rashid al-Din manuscript. The most common costume illustrated is an ankle length Mongol robe with short sleeves, a left over right opening, and a slit at each side area. Chinese cloud embroidery is used on the upper chest and sometimes on the upper portion of the sleeves. The second most frequently seen male costume is a version of the Mongol 49 robe except there are no slits at the side area (See Plate

II). Both Mongol robes, with or without slits on the

sides, are shown with or without a belt around the waist

line. Another robe which was depicted is the Arab robe, long with wide sleeves and full length front opening. In some instances, a small collar was attached to this robe (Plate no. 30, p. 99), otherwise it was depicted with a rounded neckline (Plate no. 2, p. 43).

Abyssinian costumes were represented in several paintings; they consist of a kilt or wrap with a tie around the waist, and the body is naked above the waist.

In one instance, a full cloak was shown in the miniature painting and is the same style of cloak depicted for the female costume (see Plate no. 23, p. 85 for the illus­ trations of this cloak worn by both male and female figures). In general Abyssinian kilts (wraps) are more gaily decorated than those kilts with the similar style worn by the prisoners.

Headdresses (Men's) . A variety of headdresses were worn by men in paintings of the manuscript. There are eight principle types of headdresses, three of which are more frequently depicted than the others. The three frequently used headdresses are (1) the turban, (2) the

Mongol cap with turned-up brim, and (3) the Mongol double-brimmed cap. PLATE II

Sultan Muhanimad ibn Mal ik-Shah

(Ruled 1105-18). Rashid al-Din,

Plate 67, (1306)

%

50 51

Variations of the turban included a simple turban,

a turban with a veil draped over it, and a turban with the

base end passing under the chin and tucked in below the

ears (See Plate III). The personages depicted in turbans

were either Arabs (such as miniatures from the Prophet's

life) or men representing teachers in the Mongol life.

Other varieties of headdresses depicted in the Rashid al-Din manuscript were as follows: beehive hat, fur

brimmed cap, flat topped hat, the Saljuk crown, and the

fur brimmed cap with feathers. The Saljuk crown was

always associated with a rank. It was only worn by

princes, rulers or personages with distinction (such as

the angel Gabriel, Plate no. 32). The style of the Saljuk

crown is constant, but the decoration varies in the

paintings.

Footwear (Men's). Two types of footwear were depicted in the miniature paintings: (1) ankle length

boots with pointed tips without buttons or straps, and (2)

sandals with two straps, across the foot (not joined

together) and a third strap passing by the big toe and

joined to the crosswise strap by a button. Another button

is placed in the center of the other crosswise strap. It could be assumed that leather was used in making of the

footwear, since leather was the chief material historically known to man for the use in production of footwear. PLATt III

The Quraysh in Consultation as to the Proscription of their Kinsman.

Rashid al-Din, Plate 35, (1306).

if

52 53

Accessories : One type of small leather purse (bag

with long handle) was depicted in the miniatures; however,

only a few were shown. The particular purse (bag) was

carried by men and was hung from the belt around the waist (Plate no. 19), three male figures are carrying such

purses).

In Plate no. 67, there is an example of a glove

worn by a male figure who is holding a hawk. Perhaps,

these specific gloves were only a protective device used

for handling such birds and were not a part of everyday

costumes of the Il-Khanids.

Textile Design: A magnifying glass was used to

examine the textile designs in miniature paintings. A

variety of textile designs appeared on the costumes presented in Edinburgh Rashid al-Din manuscript. (See

Table 3) Some of the designs appeared only on the borders, such as the motifs depicted on the magna'a (long veil) of the women in Plate no. 29. Some of the motifs may have been embroidered on the fabric, such as the gold embroidered panels on the upper portion of the bodice of the Mongol robe with left over right opening, short sleeves and two slits on the side (see Plate no. 19).

Such embroidered designs seemed to be quite popular. Table 3

The Il-Khanid Dynasty: Textile Motifs

Rashid al-Din Hanuscrlpc 1306 I ten Frequency Icem Frequency Group of small 21 Fleur-de-lis 3 1 ines design Chequer paccern 16 Small Circles 2 Floral paccern 12 Honeycomb 2 paccern Four sided scar 8 or cross design Pear shaped 1 paccern Small squares 7 Large squares 1 inside che concalning chequer paccern smaller square Combined paccern 1 composed of cheques, floral and honeycomb

54 55

The design is of Chinese origin since it resembles the

typical Chinese clouds. It appeared mostly on the upper

portion of the costume covering the chest and the upper

portion of the sleeves and in few instances when it was possible to view the back portion of the costume as in

Plate no. 62, p. 163, the design appeared on the upper

back portion of the robe.

Other textile designs most probably were either woven into the fabric itself, stamped, or painted on the

surface of fabric. It is difficult to identify the design application method just by examining the miniature paint­ ings. However, available literary information refers to the two-textured compound cloth as the standard fabric in 42 use with satin being the dominant weave.

The various designs which appeared on the fabrics in Edinburgh Rashid al-Din manuscripts as follows: a pear shaped pattern (Plate no. 66, p. 17); large squares containing smaller squares in the center (Plate no. 69, p.

177); the overall floral pattern (Plate no. 70, p. 179); the small squares in cheque patterns (Plate no. 70, p.

179); the honeycomb pattern (Plate no. 34, p. 107); the fleur-de-lis design (Plate no. 26, p. 910); the chequer pattern (Plate no. 29, p. 97); the cross or four sided stars (Plate no. 16, p. 71); the groups of small three

^^Ackerman, p. 2195. 56 lines, lay down horizontally (Plate no. 16, p. 71); and the small circles (Plate no. 27, p. 93). In addition to the above, sometimes a combination of such designs were joined in one single piece of costume, such as the example appearing on Plate no. 50, p. 139. (See Plate IV) In many instances, tiraz (The arm-band with the word "Allah"

[God] written in Arabic) was depicted on the arms of the personages in the Edinburgh manuscript. (Plate III) PLATE IV

Muhmud i bn Sebuktegin Receives a Robe of Honourfrom the Caliph al-Qadir. Rashid al-Din, Plate 50 (1306).

I

57 58

Summary of the Il-Khanid Costumes and Textile Designs

The Mongol invasion of Iran brought changes in the

life and culture of the Iranian people. The Il-Khanid

costumes of Iran, like other aspects of life of the same

period, have traces of foreign influences. Both visual

and literary sources indicate that the Chinese influence

was most significant, though Arab and Turkish influences are apparent as well.

Women in general were rarely depicted; therefore, the data for women's costumes did not provide a range of

variety for women's garments. Perhaps this is due to the

fact that women did not play an important role in the

society and were not dominant figures. The woman's body

was covered by the garments and in total appearance the .

female costume remained almost identical with that of the previous Saljuk period.

Goetz had noticed a specific headdress for women,

the Mandarin hat, as being a dominant headgear during the 43 reign of Ghazan Khan in the fourteenth century. Such

a headdress was obviously influenced by Chinese style. No

example of this sort of headdress was depicted in the

Rashid al-Din manuscript.

^^Goetz, p. 22545. 59 The magna'a or the head veil which covers the

entire head, passing under the chin and covering a part of

chest and a portion of shoulders and back was the usual headdress depicted in the Rashid al-Din manuscript.

(Plate I) This specific headdress was not referred to in any of the reviewed literature.

In general, both the male and female costumes were long in length, in most cases covering the feet. (Plates

I and II) The data provided a similar information about this aspect of the costume of Il-Khanid when it is compared with the literature available on this subject.

The footwear depicted in the miniatures showed only one type of boot (except for Plate 12 which showed one example of sandals). Women's costumes left only a small portion of the foot exposed. The small portion of the footwear that could be observed showed similarities to the boots worn by men. Therefore, it is possible that the women wore also the same style of boots commonly used by men.

The data indicated that an elaborate Mongol robe was nearly always worn by the dignitaries, as shown in

Plate IV. This conclusion is slightly different from Schroeder^^ who had noted that furlined overcoat with long, loose, dangling sleeves was worn often by the

44Schroeder, pp. 112-142. 60

monarchs as well as elderly personages. The miniatures in

the Rashid al-Din manuscript portrayed the elderly and

more dignified people often wore turbans and Arab robes.

However, the figures depicted in turbans and Arab robes clearly had Chinese physiographic features (Plates 16 and

18) and long braided hair hanging from their back (Plates

16 and 18).

^ Tiraz, an arm band usually depicted with the word

I meaning in Arabic "God is Great," was depicted several times throughout the miniatures of the Rashid al-Din manuscript (Plates 35 and 37) (See Plate III) . The data indicated that the usual wearers of such bands were the figures with the Arab robe and turbans. Perhaps a prestigious mark worn by dignified people.

A variety of headdress types were observed in the

Rashid al-Din manuscript. The most frequently depicted headdress was the turban. However, there was variation in how the turbans were worn. For example, in some instances the loose ends were crossed under the chin and tucked below the ears on the opposite corner, or a large veil was draped over the turban, or simply it was worn plain.

Hats of various styles were also popular, especially the Mongol hat with turned-up brim. Chinese influence was evident in the styles of hats, and it is interesting to note, that the hair styles are also of Chinese origin, i.e, two locks of hair hanging in the 61

front with a long braided hair hanging from the back as shown in Plate IV.

The Rashid al-Din manuscript contained a variety of

textile motifs. The motifs appeared to be printed on the

costumes, or embroidered. However, it is possible that

some were woven into the fabrics since there is no definite way of knowing such information simply by examining the miniature paintings. The probability of the usage of woven motifs woven into the textiles exists since the literature available on this topic indicated that the gold enriched fabrics of Yazd were of finest quality.

Such enrichment was accomplished by weaving the gold thread directly into fabrics, mostly in the borders. The motifs encountered on the costumes of Rashid al-Din miniatures were similar to those described by Ackerman in the literature reviewed for the Il-Khanid textiles. Chapter 4

TIMURID PERIOD: TARTAR INVASION AND RULE (Fifteenth and early Sixteenth Centures)^

Tamerlane's invasion of Persia and the establish­ ment of the Timurid State by the Tartars brought about changes in Iran. Many cities and cultural monuments were ruined and visible changes occurred in the political, social, and cultural life of the Iranian people during the

Timurid era.

Historical Background

The fall of the Il-Khanid Mongol empire gave rise in time to the Timurid dynasty. The founder of this new dynasty was known by several names; as Amir Timur in Central Asia, as Timur Lang or "Lame" after receiving injuries by the Turkoman in the desert of Khwarazm, and as 2 3 Tamerlane in European languages. Timur was born at

Kuseh in Transoxania in April, 1336.^ By descent, he

^The dates are not exact, for sources differ; therefore, the approximate dates are used.

^E. G. Browne, A Literary History of Persia, the Tartar Domination. (Cambridge; at the University Press, lyb'y), vol.Ill, 160.

^Means "Irone" in Turkish.

^Browne, Vol. Ill, p. 186. 62 63

belonged to the Barlas, a Turkish tribe.^ At the age of

twenty-four, he received the title of Sahib Quiran ("Lord

of Auspicious Conjunction"). By 1380, Timur had conquered Transoxiana and Eastern Turkestan.^ In the spring of

1381, at the age of forty-five, Timur started his first

campaign against Persia and he captured the cities of

Sarakhs, Bushanj, Tus, Isfarza And Kalat.^ Timur

launched his second campaign against Persia during

1384-1385, and a third and last invasion occurred in

1392. The last invasion not only ended the Il-Khans' dynasty, but also ended some of the minor dynasties which had broken away from the Mongol empire, such as

Nuzaffarid, Sarbadaran of Sabzawar and the Kurts of Herat.^

For the remaining twenty years of his life following his third campaign, Timur almost annually arranged campaigns against different parts of Persia, 9 India, Syria, and China.

Spercy Sykes, A History of Persia, (London; Oxford University Press, 1922), 65-68.

^J. B. Donne. The Persians, from the earliest days to the Twentieth Century, by Allessandro Bausani (London: Elek Books Limited, 1971), 124-125. See also Sykes, 65-68.

^Browne, Vol. Ill, p. 186.

®Browne, Vol. Ill, p. 186.

^Browne, Vol. Ill, p. 199. 64

Browne^® describes Timur as one of the greatest of warriors and also as one of the worst of monarchs.

Timur was generous, brave, able, and ambitious. He also

had brilliant military qualities which made him successful

in the conquest of many of the neighboring provinces of

Persia. However, he was also known for his cruelty and

oppressiveness.

In addition, Timur made contact with other foreign

countries, exchanging embassies with Spain among others,

and in return, these countries set up embassies in

Persia. The exchange of embassies was continued by his

descendents.

On November 27, 1404, Timur arranged for a campaign

against China. During the campaign, he became ill and

died in February, 1405 at the age of seventy-one. Before

his death, Timur nominated his grandson, Pir Muhammad-i Jahangir, to succeed him as ruler of the western part of

the kingdom and his son, Shahrukh, to rule the eastern

portion which included Samarkand and Herat.

The death of Timur caused the deterioration of his

empire, provided the opportunity for the Uzbeks in

Transoxania to increase their power, and gave rise to two

l^Browne, Vol. Ill, p. 186.

^^Browne, Vol. Ill, p. 186. 65

Turkman dynasties known as Qara-groyunlu, the Black Sheep 12 Turkoman, and Aq-qoyunlu, the White Sheep Turkoman.

Timur's son, Shahrukh, was twenty-eight years old

when he became ruler o£ the Timurid empire. He already

had experience as a ruler for at the age of twenty he was

the governor of Khurasan province. Shahrukh had absolute power as governor of Khurasan and struck coins in his own name. He enlarged his domain by adding new territories:

Mazandaran, Transoxania, Fars, Kriman and Azerbayjan. As a ruler of the Timurid empire he campaigned successful wars against the rulers of fhe Black Sheep dynasty. 13 Malcolm noted that Shahruk's intentions were not to extend his empire but to repair the ravages committed by his father. During the course of his life he restored almost every town and province in his empire, and repaired the walls of the cities of Herat and Mary.

Shahrukh encouraged men of science and learning in 14 his court. He sent embassies to the Emperor of China and received an embassy of Khidr Khan from India in 1421.

l^Browne, Vol. Ill, p. 379. l^Sir John Malcolm, ed.. History of Persia, (Vol.I., 1815), 486.

l^K. M. Miatra, Trans., A Persian Embassy to China, being An Extract from Zubdatiet Tawarikh of Hafiz Abru, (New York: Paragon Book Reprint Corp., 1970). 66

He also sent an embassy to the Turkish Sultan Murad II in 1435-1436.15

During Shahrukh's reign, almost all of the Timurid domain was under his control, but after his death (at the age of seventy-two), the house of Timur was driven out of

Iran. However, the Timur's descendents played a distin­ guished role in Indian history for the Great Mogul dynasty of India was founded by Babur, the great-great-great grandson of Timur.

The Timurid community was divided into four basic groups: (l)the aristocracy of pastoral nomads, Mongols,

Turks, and Kurds, who were referred to as alh-i shamshir,

"people of the sword"; (2) the provincial aristocracy;

(3) the senior members of the Muslim hierachy; and (4) the civil servants, referred to as ahl-i khalam, "people of the pen". Among these divisions, Iranians held a majority in the last three groups.

The peasants of the Timurid period lived under conditions similar to those of the peasants of the

Il-Khanid era and were subject to many forms of taxes. In some cases, up to twenty-seven different forms of taxes

l^Browne, Vol. Ill, pp. 382-383. l^Browne, Vol. Ill, p. 380.

l^Bausani, Vol.Ill, pp. 131-132. 67

were paid to feudal lords. However, a change in the

feudal economy took place during this period of time.

Soyurgal (mongolian for bestowal or donation) was

practiced. The soyurgal was a form of hereditary concession of land granted by the ruler to one of his

vassals. The sahib-i soyurgal, or the recipient of such land, was obliged to serve his lord and to provide a certain number of armed horsemen from among his

dependents. The hereditary owners of soyurgal were

exempted from tax, immune from legal proceedings and also 18 independent of the central government. This immunity

and tax exemption weakened the central government, which

lost a large part of its military authority. The weakening of military authority gradually caused the deterioration of the Timurid power and gave rise to various Aq-qoyunlu rulers.

^^Bausani, pp. 131-132 68

The Literature and Visual Arts

The domination of the Timurids and their rule

contributed to the arts and culture of the fifteenth century Persia. The material reviewed for this study

focused on the literature, painting, textiles and costumes

of fifteenth century Iran under the Timurids.

Literature

From a literary point of view, it is interesting to

note that Persian literature flourished during periods of

anarchy and shifting of the power. 19 This phenomenon

could be explained by the existence of numerous small

courts which were in competition with each other, each

striving to outshine the others. Therefore, the poets and

other men of letters found encouragement and opportunity

to be creative and were well received. Some of the

Timurid princes were much involved with poetry. Browne

stated that Prince Baysungur, the son of Shahrukh, was much interested in Persian literature and himself was a learned man.

Timur liked to bring eminent scholars to his capital from the towns which he had conquered to increaes the glory of his court and his reputation as a man and

l^Browne, Vol. Ill, p. 353. 69

patron of letters. Among such scholars were Sad al-Din Taftazani and Sayyid al-Sharlf al-Jurjani, both considered 20 to be eminent scholars of Arabic prose writing; Among

the writers of the Timurid period, poets who were famous

and noted for their style included Ibh-i-Yamin, Khwaju

Kirmani, Ubayd-i Zakani, Hafiz of Shiraz, Kamal Khujant,

Mighribi, Bushaq, Salman of Sawa, and Nizam al-Din Mahmud Qari of Yazd.^^ 22 Professor Brown, in his Literary History of

Persia, mentions that Nizam al-Din Mahmud Qari of Yazd chose clothes for his subject. An edition of Mahmud Qaris

Diwan-i of Albisa (Book of Clothes) was edited by Mirza 2 % Habib. Mirza Habib talks about this specific book of poetry as unique, for it contains a mock-heroic account of the war between cloth and cotton (jang-nama-i muina u kattan), and a poem on the "mysteries of silk." The same volume contained other poems and stories with interesting themes, such as a clothes-thief and wool's letter to satin.

A considerable religious movement took place during the fifteenth century. The Shia sect, with its long

ZOgrowne, Vol. Ill, p. 353. ZlBrowne, Vol. Ill, p. 353

Z^Browne, Vol. Ill, p. 352.

Z^This reference was not available to the author of this study; apparently Professor Browne owned a copy of it. 70

estabished opposition to the ideas of the Sunni's, offered

a wide range of possibilities for different intellectual

ideas and attitudes. In addition, a variety of other

sects and doctrines existed, such as the Hurufi, the Mahdism, and the Ahl-i Haqq, and each contributed to the

poetry and literature of this period of time. A number of the rulers of Timurids and the Qara-qoyunlus clans were men of letters and had composed poetry. Minorsky^^

reported a manuscript, which he came to know about in

1924, that contains all the poems of Jihan-shah (Divan i 25 Jihan-shah), the central figure in Qara-qoyunlu

history; the poetry was composed in both Persian and Turkish.26

In the Habibus *-Siya, a history which is especially

valuable for the biographies of notable poets and writers,

a list was included of all literary persons who existed

during the Timurid dynasty. Twenty-three of these were

active during Timur's reign. The city of Herat was the chief town and center of literary activities. Herat, too.

2‘^Vladimir Minorsky. Medival Iran and Its Neighbours, (London: Variorum Reprints, 1982), 273-274.

Z^British Museum OR., 9493.

Z^Minorsky, p. 283. 71

exercised a great influence on the development of Ottoman 27 Turkish literature.

Dawlatshah (the author of the well known biogra­ phies of poets) reports that there were many artists,

poets, and men of learning who were contemporaries of

Shahrukh, amongst whom four were particularly talented and

special to Shahrukh's court: Abd al-Qadir of Maragha the

musician, Yusuf of Andakan the minstrel, Qiwamu al Din,

the engineer and architect, and Mawlana Khalil, the painter.

Painting

Painting entered its finest classic phase during

the Timurid era. The classical style of the Iranian

painting is associated with Shiraz under the governorship

of Iskandar-sultan (1409-1414), who was one of Timur's

grandsons. Herat, the capital city of the latter Timurid

dynasty, is equally as important as Shiraz in its

contributions to the establishment of the classical style of Iranian miniature painting. 29

^^Browne, Vol.Ill, p. 422.

Z^Browne, Vol III, pp. 384-385.

Z9James, p. 49. 72

Baysungur, one of Shahrukh's sons (1397-1433), was

probably the most talented prince and was a great patron

of art and learning. Baysungur*s court at Herat welcomed

poets, artists, scholars, calligraphists, miniature

painters, book binders, and illuminators from all parts of Persia.30

Martin mentions the talents and artistic abilities 31 of the Timurid princes. Although Timur's armies destroyed many art works his successors established a climate that encouraged and supported works of art by

supporting the artists so that artistic expression reached its most flourishing stage. Prince Baysaangur had many artists employed at his court to copy 32 manuscripts. They were supervised by Mawlana Jafar of

Tabriz. Baysungur paid large salaries and made princely presents in order to retain in his service the cleverest masters of his period. The quality of paper used for the production of the manuscripts was unsurpassed and the illuminations were extremely delicate.

3®Browne, Vol.Ill, p. 385.

31p. R. Martin, The Miniature Painting and Paintersrs

^^Browne, Vol. Ill, p. 396. 73 33 Historical documents mention that Timur made Samarkand an important center for the production of the

fine miniature paintings. However, no painting which can

actually be assigned to Samarkand has survived. The main

centers for painters were Shiraz and Herat; later Tabriz

Isfahan became important as well.^^

Shiraz miniature painting is distinguished by brilliant color, landscape, the inclusion of bird and

flower motifs in margins, and by figures which had rounded contours, fine lines, narrow eyes, and rather character­

istic sideward glances. This specific style seems to have been a blend of the Muzaffarid style of the previous 35 century with the elements of the early Timurid era.

In the Shiraz painting style, the horizon was indicated by a sudden drop in the landscape. The earliest known manuscript of Shiraz style is a Shahname dated 1370, or which is now in Istanbul. However, more typical and impressive Shiraz manuscripts are dated to 1397; they are now in British Museum and the Chester Beatty Collection.

A more mature Shiraz style which was done for Iskandar

^^Rice, p. 214. 34Rice, p. 214.

^^B.w. Robinson. Persian Drawings from the 14th through the 19th Century. (Boston: Little Brown and Company, 1965), 26. Also see Rice, p. 214. 36Rice, pp. 214-215. 74

Sultan in 1410, is the Gulbenkian collection. The style

continued after Ibrahim's death in 1435. However, the

strength of style declined. Shiraz works of 1440-1450 are 37 usually done in small scale.

Under the patronage of Baysungur Mirza, the Herat

school reached it fullest develpment. The paintings done here were characterized by greater descriptive detail than the Shiraz school. In general, the figures were small,

the work was very delicate in nature, and the colors were of softer and deeper tones than that of the Shiraz school. Particular shades of orange and red were commonly used and the kilin, or stylized Chinese cloud-form, was almost always present even though there was nothing Chinese in Q Q the actual style. These two schools of paintings

(Shiraz and Herat) are stylistically distinguishable by 39 their use of color, figurai execution, and scale.

The Timurid style of Herat continued uninterrupted and finally merged into the Bihzad style of painting, the work of one of the best known painters of the Persian miniature tradition. However, the Shiraz style lost much of its character and yielded to a new style which seems to

37 Robinson, pp. 26.

38Rice, pp. 217-218. 39Robinson, "Unpublished Paintings from a XVth Century Book of Kings, Apollo Miscellany. (1951), 17-18. 75 40 have come in with the Turkmans, conquerors of the city

of Shiraz in 1452.

One outstanding feature of the second half of the

fifteenth century is the appearance of the painters' signatures on their work. Among the first to sign his

paintings was Ruh-Allah Mirak, but other painters are also

known as doing so. The most famous painter of the age was

Bihzad. His style was more intense and dramatic than that

of other painters of his era. He was more interested in

individuals and their characters and the scenes of every

day life than most of his contemporaries. Most of

Bihzad's work was done in Herat. However, after 1506 he

was taken to Tabriz. The attribution of many works to Bihzad is complicated because

...his style came to be regarded during his lifetime as the very acme of painting, and collectors of this period who wished to show their appreciation of a particular work would write under it 'worthy of Bihzad' or just 'Bihzad' by way of praising it.^^

Another problem in regard to the attribution of certain paintings to Bihzad is that he had numerous pupils who followed his style very closely.Therefore, it is

40&obinson, "Persian Painting: a Loan Exhibition at the Victoria and Albert Museum," The Connoisseur, CXXVIII, (1951), 176-178 and 27.

4lRice, p. 223.

42Rice, p. 223. 76

difficult to distinguish which paintings were actually

done by Bihzad and which by his students. Bihzad also had

a great influence on the paintings of the early sixteenth

century for many of the painters of the early sixteenth

century were Bihzad*s pupils.

The court life of the second half of the fifteenth

century was more splendid than that of the first,

especially under Sultan Husain Mirza who reigned from 1463

until 1506. He was among the Timurid rulers who

especially admired and encouraged art. Husain Mirza's

great minister, Mir Ali Shir Nanawi, was a musician, poet

and painter. In the city of Herat, many people of various

talents were enjoying the great artistic support of Husain

Mirza's court. Among them were the historians Mirkwand

and Khwandamir, the poet Jami, Sultan Ali the greatest

calligrapher of his time, the painters Bihzad and Qasim

Ali, Mirak the illuminator, and many others whose work has vanished, and whose names are known to us only as rumors.43

^^Hannah E. McAlister, "A Shah-Nama of 1482," Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, n.s., II 1943, 126-132. ------77

Textiles

Limited information is available with regards to

the textiles of the Timurid era. However, attempts have

been made by scholars to identify the types of textiles

and the designs commonly used during this period of time. Ackerman^^ noted that, in general, the background

colors of silks were dark indigo, forest green, or tobacco,

and that the designs were enhanced with a lighter-toned pattern. The design frequently appears to be formed by gold or other metallic thread. The typical weaves, true 45 satin or satinette; had been fully developed by the

Timurid period.

The sources of design are varied but include motifs of both Irano-Syrian and Chinese ideas. The Chinese motifs appearing on the Timurid textiles are mostly of legendary animals and birds, such as the dragon, khilin. and feng, and are used either alone or in combination with other motifs. Ackerman^^ noted that one specific design, the spaced swimming ducks, appears frequently in

44phyllis Ackerman, "Islam Conquers with Sword," Ciba Review Basle: Switzerland, Ciba Limited, (June 1953), vol.9/, 3522-3523.

45phyllis Ackerman,"Persian Weaving Techniques, A History," A Survey of Persian Art, ed. A.U. Pope (London: Oxford University Press, 1967), Vol.V, 2175-2226.

^^Ackerman, p. 3523. 78

illustrations in manuscripts during the Timurid era. The

subject seems to suggest a combination of naturalism and

geometric formalism appearing side by side. Ackerman

stated that, "Neither the subject nor the style is known in subsequent textiles.

The production of fine textiles continued through­

out the Timurid era. A number of cities were the centers

for manufacturing certain types of fabrics. For instance,

Ruy Gonzales de Clavijo,^^ a Spanish diplomat to Iran,

mentions in his narratives that silken cloths, cottons,

and taffetas were from the city of Shiraz. Khurasan, a province in northeast Iran, apparently was a center of production for cotton threads and the manufacture of 49 cotton cloths woven in many colors. Clavijo mentions that the city of Tabriz was the center of trade and was known for its production of fine silk, cotton, taffeta, and "other stuffs."

^^Ackerman, p. 3523. 48ciements R. Markham, trans., Narrative of the Embassy of Ruy Gonzales de Clavijo to the Court of Timur at Samarcand A.D. l403-6, by Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo. (New York: Burt Franklin publisher, 1928), 94.

49ciavijo, p. 89. 79

Barbaro and Contarini,^^ in their travel account, mention the city of Yazd and noted that it was known for

skillful weavers who produced a variety of silks, fustain

(a fabric), and chamlett (a fabric). Barbaro and

Contarini^^ also referred to the city of Kashan as a

center for the production of silks and fustain.

Another source of information available for the textiles of this specific time period was the Persian

embassy to China, sent by Shahrukh in 1420. The account

is specifically interesting for it provides further

information about the Chinese textiles. From the account

of the embassy we learn that the chief fabrics in use (at 52 least for luxury purposes) were satin and brocade.

These fabrics were already being produced in the cities of

Yazd and Kashan at the time the report was written.

Textiles, as well as the costumes, had a very high value and prestige attached to them. Historical documents, such as the narratives written by different embassies to and from Persia, include records of royal

50william Thomas and S.A. Roy, trans., "Travels to Tana and Persia, a Narrative of Italian Travels in Persia in the 15th and 16th Century," by Josafa Barbaro and Ambrogio Contarini. (London: printed for the Hakluyt Society by T. Richards), 73.

S^Miatra, p. 11, p. 106, p. 64.

^^Miatra, p. 98. 80 presents which were exchanged between the king and

ambassadors. The gifts included items of clothing and/or

pieces of fine textiles. For instance, the royal presents

from the Emperor of China to the Persian ambassadors in 53 the Persian embassy to China were described as

follows: "The word shanshi means a royal present in Chinese. The Emperor of China gave Sultan Shah and

Bakhshi Malik three suits of royal robes with lining,

twenty-four undergarments,^^ " In another instance,

the gifts from the Emperor of China are described in the

following account. "The contents of Shadi Khwajas' tray

were,— ten bags of silver coins, thirty pieces of satin as

well as seventy other stuffs, consisting of under-vest, red silk, Lousha, Kapki,together with five

thousand bank notes....^^ On another occasion Clavijo 58 mentions Timur gave robes of honor to ambassadors.

53chalghi (a Turkish word) meaning undergarment or vest.

^'^Lousha - a kind of brocade of China, it must be the Lucca stuff or Europeans (Miatra, p. 111).

^^Kapki-a kind of velvet (Miatra, p. 111).

S^Miatra, p. 111.

S^ciavijo, p. 100. S^Goetz, pp. 2241-2246. 81

Costume

Limited literary sources are available in regard to the costumes of the Timurid era. Some information is 59 provided by Goetz , a scholar who studied Persian costumes, and the surviving accounts^^ of the travelers and embassies to and from Iran during the fifteenth century.Under Timur's successors, all the luxuries of life and arts became highly refined. The development of a refined style of life occurred as shown in the arts and costume. Thus, the zenith of Timurid costumes occurred under the rulership of Sultan Husayn Bayqara of Herat and 62 his sons, a century after Timur's rule. At the beginning of the Timurid era, there was little visible change in regard to the costume as compared with the

Il-Khanid period. However, in time the costumes of the

Timur's era slowly deviated from the Mongol style. The costumes began to have less restriction, there was greater variety and greater movement was evident than those of the

Il-Khanids. In general, garments became shorter in length.

^^Clavijo. ^^Barbara and Contarini.

^^Goetz, p. 2242.

^^Goetz, p. 2242. 82 63 more shapely, and closer fitting. The gown was opened.

showing the neck and legs, and the sleeves were short; the

outer coat had a wider opening on the chest which revealed

the undergarments. The waist was emphasized by the use of

a girdle which was usually decorated. Apparently, riding 64 trousers were common since Goetz reports that the

people of lesser rank wore a short jacket tucked into them

at the waist.

The dominant headdress for men of this time seems

to have been the Mongol cap. Wide brimmed hats were little used, hats became less frequently used and the

turban gained importance. At first turbans were only used

by the scholars, ministers, or officials; however, later

other classes adopted them as well. The size and the

shape of the turban gradually changed until about 1500 it was twice as wide as the head and high.^^

Travelers accounts and the accounts of ambassadors to the Timurid court provide some information in regard to the costumes of the Timurids. For instance, Clavijo, describes women's clothes and mentions a specific type of outer robe that was made of red silk, embroidered with

63coetz, pp. 2242-2243.

G^Goetz, p. 2243. ^^Clavijo, reported by Goetz in "The Persian Costumes" in Survey of Persian Art, 2243. 83

gold, and had a very long train which lay on the ground.

Apparently, this robe did not have sleeves since Clavijo

described it as having openings for the passage of the

neck and two armholes for the passage of the arms.^^

Clavijo also describes women's makeup and hair

dyes. He talked about the Khanum's face, the chief wife

of the Lord Timur, which appeared to be covered with white

lead or a specific cosmetic which made it look as though

she was wearing a paper mask. Apparently, it was a kind

of protective cosmetic which was customary for the women to smear on their faces both during the summer and winter

seasons to keep off the sun while they were outdoors.

Furthermore, Clavijo reported that this protective mask was used by all the attendants and the other ladies of the

court.

In regards to the usage of hair dyes, Clavijo described the color of the Khanum's hair in his narrative as follows:

6&Clavijo, reported by Goetz, p. 2243.

G^ciavijo, reported by Goetz, p. 2243. 84

(Her) hair was very black in colour for indeed, it is the hue they most esteem. Black hair with them (Persians) held to be more beautiful than that of any other colour, and the women dye their hair to preserve it so.°°

Use of perfume and makeup was not restricted to the court

ladies since in another instance Clavijo mentions about

the popularity of the use of scents and pigments by

women. "There are certain men who sell many kinds of scents and pigments for women ; and the women come

themselves to buy them, and they paint their cheeks and

their lips."^^

On the subject of the amount of coverage in women's

clothes, Clavijo^^ stated that the proper clothes for

outdoor wear was much different from the indoor clothes,

"...Women go about, covered all over with a white sheet, with a net, made of black horse hair, before their eyes, and thus they are concealed so that no one can recognize them." Clavijo's description of this specific outdoor wear apparently indicated that he was talking about a type of chaddar, a large veil placed on the head and covering the total body, still commonly in use by the Iranian women today.

^ ^Markham, p . 89. ^^Goetz, pp. 2243-2244.

^°Goetz, p. 2243. 85

Goetz^^ mentions the continuity of the Mongol

fashion during the Timurid era, specifically with regard

to items such as the ladies' veil and the men's Mongol

cap. Other Mongol styles continued in the way women used

cosmetics, specifically, the exaggerated use of makeup

with sharp eyebrows slanting down from above the nose.

Goetz further mentioned that in general women's costume

appeared to be less voluminous and more graceful than

during the Il-Khanid period. The miniatures which were used for this study indicated that some of the items in

the men's costumes were adopted for women's fashion, such as the outer coat; an observation also reported by Goetz.

The Far Eastern influences are evident in many costume details of the Timurid fifteenth century such as the Mandarin collar. Certain new elements in the costumes of the Timurid period became evident which seemed different from the Il-Khanid time. A greater variety or number of garments were used during the Timurid era when compared to the Il-Khanids. There seemed to be a differentiation of the garments for various occasions. 73 Goetz reported that the effect was luxurious since

^^Goetz, p. 2245.

^^Goetz, p. 2245. ^^Goetz, pp. 2245-2246. 86 beautiful trims, borders and fabrics were used to emphasize this effect.

The main fashion centers were the cities of

Samarkand, Bukhara and later on, Herat. It is evident that these cities influenced the culture of Persia, the

Ottoman Empire, and India according to Goetz. In India, the dress of Timur's court set the mode for the Pathans of Hindustan and the Muhammadans of Gujarat and the Deccan, while the first three Mughul Emperors (of India) followed the fashions of the late Timurid kingdom of Herat and of the first Safavids.^^

In addition to the Ottoman Turks and India, Europe was influenced by the Timurid fashion.

The courts of the Khanates of Crimea, Kazan and Astrakhan, which had been established after division of the southern Russia kingdom of the Golden Horde, adopted the Timurid style. From the Tartars, the Poles, and the Russians of the Moscow principality, which was now slowly regaining independence took over the outstanding features of most of their garments. '5

Early Slavic, Byzantine, and Tartar-Timurid elements are all presented in the old Russian costume.

^^Goetz, p. 2246.

^^Goetz, pp. 2245-2246. 76 Goetz, p. 2246. 87

Analysis of Costumes and Textiles Depicted in the Miniature Paintings

For the study of the Timurid costumes, miniature

paintings of four different manuscripts were used. The

manuscripts were (1) The Diwan of Khawaju Kirmani, dated

1396 (The British Museum catalog // Add 18113) , (2) The

Miraj Nameh, dated 1436 (Bibliothèque National, Supplement

Turc 190), (3) The Shahname, 1444, (Cleveland Museum of

Art nos. 45.169 and 56.10), and (4) The Khamsa of Nizami,

dated 1494 (British Museum, Or. 6810). The miniatures

examined represent three time periods over the course of a

century.

The presentation is in two sections: general

information about the manuscript and miniature paintings ;

and specific information regarding the costumes, acces­

sories and textiles observed in miniature paintings.

General Information: The Manuscript's Miniature Paintings and Costumes

The earliest manuscript was dated 1396 while the

latest was produced in 1494. Thus there is a range of

almost a century of visual documentation available for the study of the Timurid costumes. This span offers a valuable source for the study of costume evolution during the Timurid period.

The miniature paintings of the Diwan of Khawaju

Kirmani are not published in a book form. Therefore, the 88

black and white photographs of the miniature paintings

were purchased from the British museum. The British

Museum Diwan of Khawaju contains nine (9) miniature

paintings for three poems of Khawaju Kirmani, namely Humay

u Humayun, Kamalname and the Rauzat al-anvar. In one of

the miniature paintings (f. 45), there is an inscription

identifying the artist as Junaid of Baghdad and the date

as 973/1396.

Miraj Name manuscript dated 1436, has been

published in a book form under the title of The Miraculous

Journey of Mahmomet, Miraj Nameh. T h i s book has an

introduction and commentaries by Ms. Marie-Rose Seguy. Miraj Name is a mystical story about the journey of the prophet Muhammad to the throne of God.

The Miraj Name was calligraphed by Malik Bakhshi of

Herat in the Uighur Turkish script and translated into

eastern Turkish by the poet Mir Haydar. The manuscript

contains sixty-one illuminations which depict the

successive stages of the journey of the Prophet Muhammad

through the heavenly regions and through the world of 78 demons who torture the dammed. Miraj Name was

^^Rose-Marie Seguy. The Miraculous Journey of Mahmomet, Miraj Nameh, (New York: George Braziller, 1977)

78seguy, p. 7. 89

produced in Herat during the fifteenth century and was

purchased in Constantinople in 1673 by Antonie Galland,

the famous French translater of the stories of The 79 Thousand-and-One Nights.

The paintings for the text of the Miraj Name, which

are most likely done by more than one painter, are

accompanied by marginal notes mainly in Arabic and Turkish

and on certain pages by Persian captions. The story of

Muhammad's journey, in the sixty-eight pages, is followed by another work, also in Uighur script, known as the Memorial of the Saints. The date at the end of the text indicate that the work was finished in Herat during the

840th year of the Hegira, corresponding to the year 1436 of the Christian era.^^

The Shahname manuscript of 1444 is now in the

Cleveland Museum of Art. The black and white photographs of this manuscript were purchased from the Museum to study the costumes of the Timurid era. The manuscript contains two miniature paintings measuring 26.1 x 20.7 cm. and 26.3

X 20.7 cm. In one of the miniature paintings six female figures are depicted. In the second, there is an absence of female figures. The headdresses worn by the figures in the Shahname miniature paintings are typical of Mongol type

79Seguy, p. 8.

SOseguy, p. 8. 90

with a distinctive Chinese influence. The costumes depicted in the miniature paintings are also of typical

Mongol type . In both miniature paintings, the event is

outdoors and depicts a feast.

The British Museum Khamsa was produced between the

years ot 1494-1495. The black and white photographs of the miniature paintings in Khamsa of Nizami were purchased

from the British Museum for the purpose of this study.

There are twenty-one miniatures in this mansucript.

The attributions to various artists in the lower margins of the miniatures were added later but the miniatures on f. 37B, 135b, 190a, 214a, 225b, and 273a are considered to be possibly the work of Bihzad.°l

The Khamsa, "quintet" of Ilyas b. Yusuf Nizami (1140-1202) was illuminated by the painters Bihzad, Mirak, and Qasim All. The text was written in 1495 for Sultan

All Mirza Barlas, the ruler of Samargand. Different topics are illustrated in this manscript inclding scenes of every day life and the common people at work. Female figures are represented in ten of the miniatures.

A variety of garments is depicted throughout the manuscript. The long robes with extremely long sleeves seems to be commonly used by both men and women. Turbans,

B^Norah M. Titley. Miniatures from Persian Manuscripts, British Museum Publications Limited, 1977, IW. 91

Saljuk crowns, and a variety of Mongol headdresses are

depicted in the illustrations. Generally speaking, a

greater variety of clothing items are presented than the

costumes depicted from the Shahname. A majority of the scenes are depicted outdoors which includes the archi­

tectural representations and outdoor vegetations.

Specific Information: Costumes, Accessories, and Textiles Designs Depicted in the Miniatures

The apparel items included in the costume and the

textile designs for the fabrics were identified and

recorded to provide an objective basis for describing the costumes of the Timurid period. The topics for the

presentation findings are the outer garments, headdress,

footwear, and accessories for women; the outer garments,

headdress, footwear, and accessories for men; and textile

design. The frequency distributions of specific items are

shown in Table 4 for women. Specific mansucript plate or

folio number are given following the costume description;

for example, "A long dress, ankle length, with short

sleeves, front opening to the waist % deep V-shaped neck and a partial attached collar (f. 45b).' A glossary of

costume terms is in Appendix A.

Outer Garments (Women's) . Sixty-four women were depicted in the Diwan of Khawaju Kirmani (1396) . The data

collected from the manuscript were used to identify three Table 4

The Timurid Dynasty: Costumes for Women

Diwan ot KhBwjviKlrnanl Miraj Nameh Hanuacrlpt Shahnameh Manuscript Khamaa of Hltaml Manuscript 1396 1436 1444 1494______

Itai Frequency Category Item Frequency Item Frequency Item Frequency

Outer r.araant Jacket, knee length 40 Robe, long loosely Robe ankle length, 21 V shape neckline, fitted, front opening full length front short sleeves with with fur trlme around opening, with or Dreai, long ankle 20 small cuff, the neckline and the without buttons and length, short sleeves, full length front edges, extremely long attached collar, used open front, buttoned to opening, small sleeves, like an outer coat,fully tfia waist, deep V shaped attached collar, a Press, long, front lined with short or long neckline, partial a saah or belt used opening, long sleeves, sleeves. attached collar. around the waist. rounded neckline. Robe,floor length,full 9 Robe, floor length, loose 10 Mongol robe, knee 33 length front opening, fit, extremely long length, left over long sleeves.A slit or hole sleeves, attached fur right opening, short Is provided in the sleeves collar, open front. sleeves, v shape so that the arms can pull neckline. through then and the robe Robe, floor length, open 3 used as s short sleeve In the front, attached costume. This robe has sailors collar extremely Loin cloth, ankle 17 attached collar, fully long sleeves, full lined. length, tied around lined, buttoned to the the waist. waist and used as an outer coat. Jacket, knee length, Robe, ankle length, 5 loose fit, full front extremely long sleeve, Jacket, above the knee 4 open, loose short sleeves buttoned, V>shaped length, short sleeves, attached collar worn with neckline, partial front opening. Composed a sash around the waist. attached collar. of two pieces: the upper part and the skirt part. Robe, floor length, loose The skirt piece Is fit. baggy long sleeves, slightly gathered, worn silts on both sides, with a sash or belt. decorated bands around the bottom edge and Jacket, above knee 3 sleavas. length, short sleeves, front opening, close fitting, buttoned to the we let, attached collar worn with aaah or bait. rov£> Table 4 (continued)

MlraJ Hameh Hanuacrlpt Divan of KhadjV Kirmani Shahnameh Hanuacrlpt fhamaa of Hltaml Hanuacrlpt 1436 1396 1444 1494

Category Ita. frequency Itam frequency Item frequency Item frequency

Out f r C I r ■ I n c Drtat, ankle length, long or extremely long aleevea, cloaa fitting front opening to the valet vlth button! end attached collar vorn vlth aaah or belt around tha valet,

Preaa, ankle length, looaa fit, full length front opening, decorative but tone on both a Idea of the front a a veil a a around tha a 11ached collar.

Ra I d • d r a • I feather headdraaa 44 Veil, haa a long, 34 Veil, ahort ahoutder 6 Veil, ahort, »orn alone IV floor length place length vorn vlth taj or vlth atrlnga of pear la. Mongol crovn J attached to Ita back. and atrlnga of pear la, Maghneeh or head veil 13 Saljuk crovn 3 vorn alone or vlth a bandana tied around tha Tall cap vorn over 2 forehead, the abort veil. Saljuk crovn 5 Maghneeh or head veil 1 made of a rectangular Chaddar, fhead and body 1 piece of materiel vrap). a 1 arge piece of placed on the heed material placed on the vlth one corner peeaad head, covering the entire under the chin and body except tlia face. pinned on the oppoalta corner, covering tha cheat and ahouloer areaa. IjJ Table 4 (continued)

Mlr»l H«m(h Hanuicrlpt niwan of Kh- Kirmani Shahnameh Hanuacrlpt Khemma of Nltaol Hanuacrlpt U 3 5 1396 1644 1494

C«tf*ory Itru Frequency Item Frequency Item Frequency Item r requrncy

Footw««r Cloiod ellpperf 3 Cloaed allppera 13

ACCf•- •orlci Scrln%n of pearl» 21 Golden belt 38 String» of pearl» 6 Pearl ear drop» 17 Pearl ear dropa 10 String» of pearl» k

4^VO 95 types of garments: (1) a long dress, ankle length, with

short sleeves, front opening buttoned to the waist, deep

V-shaped neck, and a partial attached collar; (2) robes of three types worn over the dress (a) long, loose, floor length with extremely long sleeves and fur collar (f. 40b);

(b) long floor length with front opening, attached sailor collar, extremely long sleeves, fully lined, (f. 45b), and (c) - long, loose floor length robe, baggy long sleeves, slits on both sides, with decorated bands around the bottom edges and sleeves (See Plate V, folio 85a); and (3) a jacket which is knee length, loose fitting, full front opening with loose short sleeves and attached collar worn with a sash around the waist (f. 45b).

The illustrations in the Miraj Name manuscript depicted four types of costumes for females: (1) a knee length Mongol robe with left over right opening, short sleeves and a V-shaped neckline (Plate 3); (2) an ankle length robe with extremely long sleeves, buttoned,

V-shaped neckline and a partial attached collar (Plate

15); (3) an ankle length loin cloth (Plate 53); and (4) a knee length jacket worn over the ankle length robe. (See the Standing figure in Plate VI, folio 49). This jacket was depicted with a deep V-shape neckline revealing the undergarments and a part of the robe beneath it, short sleeves with small cuff, full length front opening, a PLATE V

Malikshan Reproached by an Old Woman. Diwan of Khawju Kirmani, fo lio 85a, (1396 )

L -, X.

■'Vu X

I ■/

96 PLATE VI

T h e H0 u r i 3 . Mi r_aj_ jJajn_e , Plate 41,

foli 0 49 . ( 1436 ) .

m m #

97 98 small attached collar (Plate 15), and a golden belt or a

long tie and bow around the waistline.

The knee length jackets in both folio 45b of the

Diwan of Khawaju Kirmani and Plate 15 of the Miraj Name manuscript have a number of similarities in details such as the length of the jacket and sleeves, the shape of the neckline and collar, and the manner in which the jacket is worn, i.e., over other garments.

The Shahname manuscript included six female figures. Two types of outer garments were identified: (1) a long robe (coat) loose fitting, front opening with fur trims around the neck and all around the edges, and extremely long sleeves (CMA 45.169). The robe or coat in

CMA 45.169 of the Shahname manuscript and the robe in f. 40b of the Diwan of Kawaju Kirmani seemed identical in both details and style although there was a span of 48 years between the two. The second type of outer garment was a long dress, front opening, rounded neck, long sleeves (CMA 45.169).

The miniatures from the Khamsa of Nizami (1494) manuscript depicted forty-eight female figures. This manuscript illustrated six (6) types of outer garments for women: (1) a floor length robe with variations in the length and size of the sleeves (short, loose fitting or long, or extremely long, or a combination of both, i.e., extremely long sleeves with an opening in them so that the 99

arms could be pulled through and they became short

sleeves) (f. 144b); (2) a full length, front opening robe,

ankle length, buttoned or without buttons, with an

attached collar in most instances this specific type ofcostume being worn over other types of garments and

serving as an outer coat; (3) a jacket above knee length, short sleeves, front openings, and constructed in two pieces, the upper and the skirt portion. The skirt portion is sewn to the upper part and slightly gathered) and a sash or a belt (f. 39b); (4) a jacket with short sleeves, front opening, above the knee length, loose fitting and attached collar (f. 62b); (5) an ankle length dress with long sleeves or extremely long sleeves, close fitting, front opening to the waist with buttons, and attached collar, and sash or belt around the waistline; and (6) a dress, ankle length, loose fitting, front opening with decorative buttons on both sides of the front and around the attached collar (f. 39b).

The data collected from the Khamsa of Nizami revealed more variety of outer garments for women both in styles and details than did the Diwan of Khawaju, the

Shahname and the Miraj Name. For example, buttons were frequently depicted and served as a decorative item. Such buttons were arranged either in a long row or in pairs.

The knee length jacket in the Khamsa of Nizami appeared to 100

be more shapely than those examples in the Diwan of Khuju

Kirmani and the Miraj Name; perhaps the waistline made it

possible to fit the garment close to the body. Some of

the figures in the Khamsa of Nizami were depicted wearing garments with a deep V-shaped cut neckline (OR6810).

All the miniatures selected for the study of the

Timurid costumes appeared to have the waistline lower than

its natural position. Therefore, the figures seemed to

have elongated upper bodies and to be tall in height. The

costumes, in general, appeared to be loosely fitted rather

than a close fitted garment, with the exception of the knee length jacket in the Khamsa.

Feet were not revealed for the standing figures nor

in most cases in the seated figures in the miniatures of the Diwan of Khawaju Kirmani. The length of the outer garment in the Diwan Khawaju Kirmani generally appeared longer than those in the Shahhname, Miraj Name and

Khamsa. However, an interesting observation in the miniatures of the Diwan of Khawaju Kirmani was the length of the garments for men which appeared to be about ten to twenty inches shorter than women's costumes (depending on the type of the costume worn). In addition, most of the women in the Diwan appeared with their costumes cleared from their feet which revealed their footwear (f. 12a, and f. 64b). It is possible that perhaps the longer costumes were in vogue for the women during the earlier part of the 101

Timurid rule and eventually the length of the costumes

became shorter in the early and middle part of the fifteen

century. The data collected for the Timurid outer

garments indicated that the Mongol dress and the long sleeved ankle robes were the most frequently depicted

costumes, while the long ankle length dress with a partial attached collar, short sleeves, and deep V-shaped neckline

was the least depicted costume. Overall, the style did

not change, except in the length of the garments and the

shape of the neckline and collar.

Headdress (Women's) . The Diwan of Khawaju Kirmani

was examined and four types of headdress were identified

for women: (1) veil with a floor length corner hung from

the back worn with or without strings of pearls, as shown

in Plate V, folio 85a; (2) tall cap worn over the veil

(f. 45b); (3) magna'a, a rectangular large piece of material placed on the head with one corner passed under the chin and pinned on the opposite corner covering the chest and the shoulder areas (f. 45b); and (4) the Saljuk crown (f. 45b).

The data collected from the Miraj Name were used to identify two types of headdress: (1) the feather head dress (Plate VI) composed of two large pieces of feathers on either side of a smaller feather (for an example of this specific headdress (Plate VI, folio 49), and (2) the

Mongol Crown (Plate 11). 102

The Shahname showed only one type of headdress for

the women, a short veil which had a front piece attached

to it covering a small portion of the chest. This veil is

worn with a Taj and strings of pearls (MA 45.169). The data collected from the Khamsa of Nizami showed

four types of head dress for women : (1) a short veil which was worn alone (f. 157a) or with a Taj (f. 190a);

(2) a Chaddar (head and body wrap) which is a very large piece of material covering the head and the entire body and is the wrap which is still commonly used in Iran

(f. I6a); (3) the Saljuk crown (f. 37b); and (4) magna'a

(4.62V) worn alone or with a bandera tied around the head cover magna'a (f. 39b). From the collected data, the most frequently depicted headdress for the females was identified as the feather headdress while the least frequently shown headdresses were the Saljuk crown with pearls or a combination of veil and pearls. Three of the manuscripts, i.e., the Diwan of Khawaju Kirmani, the Shah

Name, and the Khamsa of Nizami depicted veils. The Mongol Crown and the feather head dress were shown only in the

Miraj Name. Both the Khamsa of Nizami and Diwan of

Khawaju Kirmani included the Saljuk Crown.

The usage of Taj, pearls, and feathers seemed to be common features of the headdress for women in the Timurid period. In general, for the manuscripts examined, there was a limited variety of styles of headdress depicted for 103 women, but there was variation in the manner of wearing the headdress. For example, the basic veil appeared in a

variety of lengths and was worn with other items such as a

cap, pearls, Taj, and feathers. However, the principal item, the veil, remained constant.

Footwear (Women * s). No examples of footwear were shown in either the miniatures of the Diwan of Khawaju

Kirmani or in the Miraj Name. The Shahname manuscript

depicted one type of footwear, the closed slippers

(45.169). Data collected from the Khamsa of Nizami also

indicated the closed slippers were identical to those worn

in Shahname (f. 190a). It is possible that other types of

footwear were used by women in the Timurid time but were

not shown in the manuscripts which were examined. The closed slippers worn by women in both Khamsa and Shahname were identical to those depicted as worn by the men in the

Timurid time.

Accessories (Women's) . The miniatures in the Diwan of Khawaju Kirmani illustrated strings of pearls used on women's headdress (f. 45b). The Miraj Name manuscript illustrated such accessories as the golden belts and pearl ear drops worn by the angels (Plates 28 and 7). The illustrations in the Shahname manuscrpt indicated that strings of pearls were worn by women on their heads.

Accessories shown in the Khamsa of Nizami were the pearl ear drops (190R.) and the strings of pearls worn with the headdress (f. 190R.). 104

The collected data indicated that the most fre­

quently used accessory item was the strings of pearls

which were used with the headdress.

Outer garments (Men's). A variety of outer garments for men are presented in the Diwan of Khawaju

Kirmani (see Table 5). The most common costume illustra­ tion shown in this manuscript is the long Mongol robe with

short sleeves, a left-over-right opening, and a slit at each side area (f. 12a). This robe is often worn with a belt around the waistline. The second most frequently seen men's costume is a long robe with full length front opening, extremely long sleeves, fur collar, and fur trim around the edge (Plate V, folio 85a). A gown was depicted with short sleeves, buttoned front opening to the waist, a deep V-shaped neckline, and a partial attached collar.

This gown was often worn with a belt (f. 406). In f. 91a, the same gown appears with a different length sleeve and neckline.

In the miniature f. 91, an example is shown of a short loose jacket with full length front opening, long sleeves, and attached collar. A shawl was wrapped around the waist over the jacket. The style of this specific jacket is very similar to the jacket in f. 45 of the same manuscript worn by a woman. Other types of costumes depicted from the Diwan of Khawaju Kirmani included pants (drawers), which were baggy around the hip area and closely Table 5

The Timurid Dynasty: Costumes for Men

niwAn of Kh3\/wKlrm*nl MlraJ Mameh Hanuacrlpt Shahnameh Hanuacrlpt Khamaa of Nltaml Hanuacrlpt 139b 1636 1666 1696

Category Item Frequency Item Frequency Item Frequency Item Frequency

C u ter Garment Loin cloth 59 Mongol robe, ankle 60 Mongol robe, below the 36 wrapped around the length, left over knee length, right over Mongol robe, ankle 36 walat, covering the right opening with left opening, abort length, left over hlpa and parta of ahort or long aleevea. Some example» right opening, allta lega. aleevea. ahow tie and bowa on the on either aide, ahort right aldea of the robe aleevea Gown, ankle length 50 Prawera (panta), 60 aa a faatenlng device. full length, front ankle length, wide Gown, full length 7 opening, rounded around the hip area, Gown, below knee length, 3P front opening, neck line. cloaely fitted buttoned to the walat buttoned to the walat, around the anklca. either with cloae fitted V ahaped neck line Tunic, knee length 65 aleevea or ahort aleevea, with partial attached front opening, deep V ahaped neck line c o l l a r . long aleevea, V and attached collar. ahaped neck line, Prawera ( p a n t a ) ,ankle 6 attached collar. Pobe, floor length, 26 length, baggy and attached collar, fully looae around the hip Arab robe, ankle 65 lined, extremely long area, cloae fitted length, looae aleevea, full length around the ankle. fitting, long, wide front opening, buttons looae aleevea, full and tlea on either aide Jacket ahort, cloae I length front of the front aa a fitting, full length opening, with a faatenlng device. This front opening, long email, attached robe used aa an outer aleevea, attached collar. coat. collar, w i t h a belt or aaah around the Mongol robe, knee 26 A r a b robe ankle length, 22 w a l a t . length, left over looae fitting, long, right opening, looae aleevea, full ahort or long length front opening, a l e e v e a . buttoned to the walat, narrow attached collar, Veat, below the 19 V ahaped neckline. hip alee, compoaed of two rectangular Loin cloth, almple wrap, 72 plecea covering tha tied around the walat O Table 5 (continued)

Diwan of Kh3Wj*Klrmanl Miraj Nameh Manuscript Shahnameh Manuscript Khamsa of Nlraml Manuscript 1396 1436 1444 1494 Category Item Frequency Item Frequency Item Frequency Item Frequency

Outer chest and back Garment areaa, two straps covering the areas are connecting between walat and knees. front and the back Thl* Jacket, knee length 19 ve«t la a full with either ahort or long length, front aleevea, full length opened costume with front opening, attached a loose, long tie collar, V ahaped neck and bow tied line, worn with a large around the walat. shawl or aaah around the waist. Drawers (pants), below 16 the knee length, close fitted lega.

Veat, full length front 4 opening with a aaah used around the walat.

Gown, ankle length, 2 sleeveleaa, full length front opening with paired buttons and straps used as a fastening device, deep, V ahaped neck line and attached collar. Drawers (pants), above 2 the ankle length, loose fit. Jacket, cloae fitted with 1 cloae fitted sleeves, V shaped neck line.

CTiO Table 5 (continued)

Diwan of KhgwjuKlrmanl MlraJ Nameh Manuscript Shahnameh Manuscript Khamsa of Nleaml Manuscript 1395 1436 1444 1494

Category Item F requency Item Frequency Item Frequency Item Frequency

Head" rtre»» Turban with a cap In 35 Turban with one 60 Turban with a cap In 20 T u r b a n w i t h a cap In 85 the center corner passed under the center the center the chin and tucked Mongol double brim hat 8 In opposite corner. M o n g o l br i m m e d hat 11 Mongol double brimmed 14 hat with or without Mongol crown 54 Mongol double 8 feather Tall cap brimmed hat Mongol brimmed hat Saljuk crown 41 Fur hat 13 Tall skull hat 7 Fur brimmed hat Turban with a cap 34 Fur brimmed hat 11 In the center Skull hat 5 0 Saljuk crown Tall skull hat Turban with a vail 11 Tall skull hat with 2 Small akull hat draped over It fur trim Saljuk crown 6 Brimmed hat with 2 Soft skull cap with 6 Brimmed hat Feather headdress 3 feather simple brim ,, Turban with one corner Cr own 2 paased under the chin Skull hat with 1 Brimmed hat 2 and tucked In opposite feather Tall skull hat with a 2 corner Brimmed hat 1 wrap tied around It Saljuk crown 1 Turban with a cap In 2 center with one corner Turban 1 passed under the chin and tucked In opposite corner

Turban with a cap In the 1 center and feather

Tall akull can with a 1 wrap and feather with Arabic Inscription

O Table 5 (continued)

Dlw«n of Kh^«AuKlraanl Mirai Nameh Hanuacrlpt Shahnameh Hanuacrlpt Khamaa of Nizami Hanuacrlpt 1396 1636 1666 1696

Citegory itao F requency F r equency Item Frequency Item Frequency

Long booCi 18 Footwear Sandla with high 32 Long boota 21 Long boota 36 ralaad platform Cloaed allppera 3 Cloaed allppera 12 Cloaad allpper 1 Short boota, ralaed 6 back, long tongue. pointed tlpa and buttona

Boota, ankle length. 2 pointed tlpa, email heel and three buttona

Cloaed allppera 1

Accea- Purae 2 aorica Roldan balte 38 Golden belta with 6 Golden belta with Jeweled 11 Jeweled bucklea bucklea Glovea 2 Pearl ear dropa 10 Pearl ear dropa 6 Anklata worn by 9 demona Clovea I

œo 109 fitted around the ankle portion (f. 12z). A top which was

fashioned after the Mongol robe was always depicted being

worn with this specific pant.

The data collected from the Mira.j Name was used to

identify six types of costumes for men: (1) loin cloth

composed of a simple wrap tied around the waist covering

the hips and parts of legs and leaving the upper part of the body exposed; it was depicted worn by men who are

being punished in hell (Plates 55, 56, and 57); (2) a knee

length tunic with front opening, long sleeves, V-shaped

neckline and attached collar (this specific tunic was

shown with other types of costumes); (3) an ankle length gown with a full length front opening and rounded neckline was shown worn under the tunic; (4) a long vest (below the hip area) connected on the shoulders with bows and stitched on the sides, full length front opening used with a loosely tied long tie and bows around the waist area

(Plates 11 and 13); this specific vest was depicted worn over the tunic; (5) a knee length Mongol robe was included which was often worn over the ankle length robes (Plates

26 and 27); (6) the ankle length Arab robe, loosely fitted, full length front opening with wide loose sleeves and a small attached collar as shown in Plate VII, folio

26. In some examples, the Arab robe appeared with extremely long sleeves (Plate 4). The outer garments worn PLATE VII

Moses. Mi raj Name, Plate 23, foil 0 26, ( 1436 ) .

110 Ill by men in of the Miraj Name were greatly affected by the subject of the painting which depicts heavenly scenes.

The miniatures from the Shahname illustrated two types of costumes for men: (1) an ankle length Mongol robe with short or long sleeves (See Plate VIII, folio

45.169); 2) the baggy pants (drawers) ankle length, wide around the hip area and closely fitted around the ankles

(See Plate IX, folio 56.10). This specific style of pants was depicted worn with tops fashioned after the Mongol robes and tucked into the top of the pants. The baggy pants shown in the Shahname and the Diwan of Khawaju

Kirmani are identical in styles.

The miniatures of the Khamsa of Nizami illustrated a variety of costumes for the males. Three types of gown were shown: (1) below the knee in length, full length front opening, buttoned to the waist, short sleeves, deep

V-shaped neckline with collar, worn with a sash or a belt around the waist, and with two slits on either sides of gown (f. 37b); (2) a knee length gown buttoned to the waist line, either with close fitted long sleeves or short sleeves, deep V-shaped neckline with attached collar

(f. 157a), and was very similar in style to the gown depicted in f. 37b. A variety of collars appeared with the gowns in different miniatures (f. 16a and f. 22b); (3) an ankle length sleeveless gown with full length front opening, paired buttons and straps used as fastening device PLATE VIII

Courtly Scene, S ha_hnajne , folio 45.169 (1444).

112 PLATE IX

Courtly Scene, Shahname, folio 56.10 (1444).

113 114

were to the waist, with a deep V-shaped neckline and attached collar was shown (f. 137b).

Three types of robes were depicted in the Khamsa of

Nizami: (1) a loose, floor length robe with attached collar, fully lined, extremely long sleeves, full length

front opening with buttons and ties on either sides of the

front as a fastening device; it was obviously used like an

outer coat (folio 37b); (2) an ankle length Arab robe,

loose fitting with long loose sleeves, full length front

openings, buttoned to the waist, narrow attached collar,

V-shaped neckline (f. 22b) was worn over gowns, perhaps used like an outer coat; (3) below the knee length Mongol

robe, with left over right opening, and short sleeves was

shown (f. 157). The same miniature shows fur ties and bows provided on the right side of the robe, used as a

fastening device.

Other types of outer garments depicted from Khamsa of Nizami included two types of jackets: (1) a close

fitting jacket with close fitted long sleeves and a deep

V-shaped neckline (f. 16a); (2) a knee length jacket

illustrated either with short or long sleeves, full length

front opening, attached collar, deep V-shaped neckline worn with a large shawl or sash around the waist S(f.

72v). These two jackets are different from each other mainly in the way they fit. The first type has a closer fit than the second type. Three types of pants (drawers) 115 included: (1) loosely fitted pants (drawers) above the ankle length depicted worn with the second type of jacket

(144b); (2) below the knee length pants (drawers), and (3) close fitted ankle length pants (drawers) with a straight cut (f. 137b). The pants differed from each other in the way they fit and their length. Other types of costumes depicted in the Khamsa of

Nizami included a vest type garment with a full length front opening, a sash around the waist, and worn over the

Mongol robe (folio 214a); and loin cloth or a simple wrap covering the area between waist and knees (f. 27b).

The data collected for the Timurid men's costumes indicated that the Mongol robe was a common costume used throughout most of the century for the Timurid era.

Khamsa of Nizami manuscript (1494) illustrated the most variety of costumes whle the Shahname manuscript contained the least variety of male costumes. The Miraj Name (1436) and Khamsa of Nizami (1494) both depicted vests of similar styles use as an outer garment worn over other types of costumes; both manuscripts contained examples of loin cloths. Illustrations of pants of similar styles and lengths were included in the Khawaju Kirmani Khamsa of

Nizami, and the Shahname. However, the Khamsa of Nizami had examples of greater variety of pants than either the

Shahname or Khawaju Kirmani. Jackets were illustrated in 116

both Khawaju Kirmani and Khamsa of Nizami. The length of

the jackets, the shape of the neckline, and the full

length front opening were similar in the paintings;

however, the jacket illustrated in Khawaju Kirmani differed by having a collar. One or the jackets depicted

in the Khamsa of Nizami appead to have a closer fit than

another jacket shown in the Khamsa or the example in Khawaju Kirmani.

Robes of different length and details were common; however, certain features of the robes which were probably

used as an outer coat were frequently depicted: (1) the

full length with front opening and buttons, and (2) the

extremely long sleeves as shown in Khawaju Kirmani and the

Miraj Name. Various neckline shapes were depicted, such as rounded (as in Miraj Name example) or V-shaped neckline

(as appeared in the robe examples of the Khamsa of

Nazami). Other details such as fur collars and linings

seemed to be common features for the robes. The Arab robe which is distinguished by being loosely fitted with wide

loose sleeves appeared in both Miraj Name and Shahname.

The Arab robe in most examples was worn by elderly type personages and perhaps was a sign of dignity.

Headdress (men's). The illustrations from the

Diwan of Khawaju Kirmani depicted eight types of headdress 117 for the men (Table 5); (1) the Saljuk Crown (Plate V, folio 85a); (2) the turban with a cap in its center (See

Plate V, folio 85a); 3) the fur brimmed hat (f. 12a); (4) the Mongol cap with brim and feather (Plate V, folio 85a);

(5) the Mongol double brimmed hat (Plate V, folio 85a);

(6) tall cap (f. 12a); (7) the small skull hat (f. 45b); and (8) the brimmed hat (f. 45b) . In one example, a turban was depicted with a loose end of the material passed under the chin and tucked in the opposite corner

(4.64b).

The miniatures in Miraj Name depicted seven types of headdress for the men: (1) the Saljuk Crown (Plate 2);

(2) the Mongol Crown (Plate 11); (3) a type of crown

(Plate 44); (4) the feather headdress (plate 12); (5) the turban with a veil draped over it (Plate 5); (6) the turban wih a cap in the center (Plate 8); and (7) the turban with a corner passed under the chin and tucked in the opposite corner (plate 2).

The data collected from the Shahname manuscript was used to identify four types of skull cap: (1) the plain skull cap (CMA.45.169); (2) the feathered skull cap

(CMA.56.10); (3) the tall skull cap with fur trim (CMA

45.169); and (4) the tall skull cap (CMA 45.169). Other types of headdresses included 1) brimmed hat (CMA 56.10);

2) brimmed hat with feather (CMA 56.10); 3) the Mongol brimmed hat (CMA 45.169); 4) Mongol double brimmed hat 118

(CMA 45.169); 5) the Saljuk Crown (CMA 45.169); 6) the

simple turban (CMA 45.169): and 7) the turban with a cap

in the center (CMA 45.169)

The Khamsa of Nizami manuscript depicted a variety of headdress. Four (4) types of skull cap were shown :

(1) the tall skull cap (f. 154b); (2) soft skull cap with

a simple brim (f. 106b); (3) tall skull cap with a wrap

and feather This specific example appeared with an Arabic

inscription at the border edge of the cap reading

( ^ \ ^ ) meaning; there is no God

except Allah, and Muhammad is his messenger (f. 157a); (4) a tall skull cap with a wrap tied around it (f. 22b).

Other types of headdresses depicted from the Nizami manuscript included: (1) the Mongol double brimmed hat depicted with or without feather (f. 214a and f. 16a); (2) turban with a cap in the center (f. 2l4a); (3) turban with a cap and feather in the center (f. 214a); (4) the fur hat with a tie wrap around it (f. 144b); (5) the fur hat

(72v); (6) the Saljuk Crown (f. 37b); and (7) brimmed hat

(f. 37b); (8) the fur brimmed hat (f. 27b) and (9) turban with a cap in center with onecorner passed under the chin and tucked in opposite corner (f. 5v). The illustrations in the miniatures examined for the Timurid era indicate many similarities in the headdress for male figures. Turbans were of the most common headgear for the men depicted in the miniatures. 119

Turbans appeared with different details; the most frequently depicted style of turban appeared to be the turban wound around a cap placed on the center of the head. Miraj Name contained examples of turban with a veil draped over it. Khamsa of Nizami illustrated example of turban with cap and feathers. The plain turban was depicted in the Shahname manuscript. The Diwan of Khawaju

Kirmani, Miraj Name and the Khamsa of Nizami showed examples of a turban in which one end of the fabric was passed under the chin and tucked in the opposite side of the turban. Similarly, the Mongol Crown, Saljuk Crown,

Mongol brimmed hat, Mongol double brimmed hat, and brimmed hat appeared to be commonly depicted in the manuscripts.

The Miraj Name manuscript depicted a specific headdress, the feather headdress worn by the angels. This headdress did not appear in the other manuscripts.

Generally speaking the data indicated that there was still a strong Mongol influence in the style of headdress for the Timurid men. Eventually turbans gained popularity and imagination was displayed by the use of feathers and the way the turbans were wrapped.

Footwear (men's) : The Diwan of Khawaju Kirmani manuscript depicted two types of footwear for men: (1) the closed slippers (f. 91a); and (2) the long boots. When the closed slippers were worn, leg warmers were also worn 120 which covered the area between the ankles and the knees (shown in Plate V, f. 85a). Table 5.

The figures in the Miraj Name were rarely illustrated wearing footwear; they were shown either with bare feet or their feet were not shown at all, perhaps indicating that the feet are covered by the length of garments worn by the figures. However, two types of footwear were identifed: (1) the closed slipper (plate

42) which was very similar in style to those depicted in the Diwan of Khawaju Kirmani manuscript, and (2) a type of sandle with high raised platform (very similar to Turkish style) and a strap going across the width of the foot

(Plates 27 and 37).

The Shahname manuscript depicted only one type of footwear for males, the long boot (CMA 45.169). The long boots in the Shahname were indentical in styles with those worn by men in the Diwan of Khawaju Kirmani.

Five types of footwear were depicted from the miniatures of the Khamsa of Nizami: (1) short boots with raised back, long tongue with pointed tips, and buttons

(See Plate X, folio 154v); (2) ankle length boots with pointed tips, a small heel and three buttons (f. 175a); (3) long boots (f. 37b); (4) closed slippers (f. 37b); and

(5) the closed slipper with zig zag edges and turned up tips (f.62b). In Khamsa of Nizami, leg warmers covered the area between the knees and ankles ; they were worn with PLATE X

The Building of The Palace of Khavarank. Kamsa , folio 154v, (1494)

121 122 the slippers and the short boots. The closed slippers and the long boots in the Khamsa of Nizami were identical to those worn by male personages in the Diwan of Khawaju

Kirmani, Miraj Name, and the Shahname. In the Miraj Name a specific sandal was illustrated which was not shown in the other manuscripts examined for this study. Khamsa of Nizami included more variety of footwear than the other manuscripts under examination.

Two manuscrips depicted leg warmers, the Khamsa of

Nizami and the Diwan of Khawaju Kirmani. Since there is a range of almost one hundred years between these two manuscripts, it may be assumed that the leg warmers were used throughout the Timurid time period.

Accessories (Men's): The Diwan of Khawaju Kirmani included two examples of a type of purse hung from the men's belts (f. 12a). These purses resembled those carried by the men figures during the Il-Khanid period.

Two men in f.l2a were depicted wearing gloves. These two figures were standing behind another figure carrying a falcon in his arm. Unfortunately, the hand of the figure with the falcon is distorted; therefore, it is not clear whether or not he is wearing gloves. It is possible that the gloves were worn as a protective device for handling hunting birds such as falcons (Table 5). 123

The Mira.j Name mauscript depicted golden belts or belts made of pearls worn by angels (Plate 28). Other types of accessories included the anklets worn by the demons (Plate 7), and the pearl ear drops worn by archangels (Plate 28).

The Shahname manuscript illustrated golden belts or belts made of pearls worn by the men (CMA 45.169 and CMA

56.10).

The miniatures in the Khamsa of Nizami indicated that pearl ear drops were worn by the men (f. 157a and f. 214a) and belts with jeweled buckles (f. 273).

Two men's figures in a miniature signed by Mirak i

Khorasani (number 2 appears on one corner of the minia­ ture; however, this specific miniature did not have a title) were depicted wearing gloves on their right hands and holding two falcons with their protected hands. The gloves resemble those worn by men in the Diwan of Khawaju

Kirmani manuscript, and it seemed to be used just as a protective device.

Textile Design; A magnifying glass was used to examine the textile designs in miniature paintings. The

Diwan of Khawaju Kirmani manuscript revealed ten different designs on the costumes; (1) stars (f. 40b); (2) foliage

(f. 40b); (3) five leaf snow flakes shape (f. 40b); (4) grouped dots (f. 40b); (5) half circles and dots (f. 45b);

(6) four leaves, flower (f. 45b); (7) the arabesque design 124

(f. 45b); (8) basket design (f. 45b); (9) the dots and

full circles (f. 45b) and (10) rosettes (f. 45b). Table 6.

Five types of designs were depicted in the Mira.j Name

manuscript; (1) rosettes (Plate 3); (2) the lotus flower (Plate 3); (3) small cloud design (Plate 3); (4) small dots (Plate 7); (5) the water ducks confronting each other

(Plate 6). The Shahnameh manuscript depicted two type of motifs; (1) the lotus flower (CMA 56.10); and (2) the

floral design (CMA 45.169).

The miniatures in the Khamsa of Nizami illustrated two types of designs: (1) water ducks (f. 16a); and

(2)rosettes (f. 39b).

The data indicated that the common textile motifs for the Timurid period were the floral design and use of

foliage. The lotus flower appeared in both the Shahname and Mira.j Name manuscripts. Both Khamsa of Nizami and

Miraj Name depicted the water ducks. Rosettes appeared to be the most frequently depicted motif and lotus flower was the second most frequently illustrated textile design.

Diwan of Khawaju Kirmani contained the largest number of textile motifs while both the Shahname and the Khamsa of

Nizami each illustrated only two types of textile motifs.

In addition to the motifs which appeared on the costumes in the miniatures, a number of other textiles such as tents, carpets, and cushions were illustrated with other different motifs. Table 6

The Timurid Dynasty: Textile Motifs

niwan of Rh'V:^'‘Rlr o » n l Miraj Hameh Hanuicrlpc Shahnameh HanuacrlpC Khamia of Nizami Hanuacrlpt 139 1436 ______1444

I tern Frequency leem Frequency Item Frequency Item Frequency

Grouped doc» 4 Locu» flower 5 Floral design 7 Rosettes 7

Arabemque de»lgn 3 Rosette* 4 Lotus flower 4 Water duck* 1 Basket design 2 Cloud design 2 not» and full circle» 2 Snail dots 2

Roiettea 2 Water duck* 1

Star» 2

Folia%r 1

Five leaf anow flake» I

Pot» and half circle» 1

Four leaf flower I

l\) tn 126

SUMMARY OF THE TIMURID COSTUMES AND TEXTILE MOTIFS

The Tartar invasion of Iran brought about changes

in the cultural life style of the Iranian people.

Costumes worn at the beginning of the Timurid period were

not different from those worn by the Il-Khanids. Timur

was occupied with wars and expanding of his domain;

therefore, not much attention was devoted to luxuries of

life, including costume. The courts of the Timurid kings

became the center of cultural activities almost a century after Timur's death, and during that time the country was

in a state of peace. The territories were secure and art was flourishing. This state of peace and prosperity was

apparent in the lifestyle and, specifically, was evident

in emphasis on the arts by the Timurid kings of Herat, namely, Husayn Bayqara and later his sons.

Herat became a center of fashion. The city attracted many artists and the court of the Timurid kings

at Herat was actively engaged in hiring musicians, painters, illustrators, calligraphers, and scientists of different backgrounds. It seemed that the different

courts of the Timurid Shahs were in competition with each

other to attract more and better known artists. The

resulting environment provided a smooth path for the costumes of Timurid period to become refined and luxurious. 127 It is evident from the literary point of view and

the data collected for this study that the costumes at the

beginning of the Timurid era, when the rulership shifted

from the Il-Khanid house to the Timurid dynasty, remained

constant for a period of time, and little change

occurred. The changes which did occur did so slowly;

later in the Timurid era the costumes had a distinguished quality when they were compared to the previous dynasty.

The general change was first evident in the amount

of coverage and the fit of the costume. Timurid costumes became shorter, more shapely, and appeared to have a closer fit. Part of the legs and neck were revealed.

Short sleeves were often preferred over the long sleeves.

The waist line was emphasized by the use of a sash, belt, or girdle. Drawers were in use by males; the miniature paintings provided examples of different styles of drawers. In general, the drawers had closer fit at the leg area and eventually gained more volume towards the waist than those worn during the Il-Khanid period.

The surviving accounts of foreign embassies and travelers which were in Iran during this period of time provided some information. For example, Clavijo's description of a specific sleeveless robe with long train and embroidery was sought in the miniatures of the Khamsa of Nizami (f. 137b). However, the Khamsa example of that specific garment was worn by a man and appeared with 128 buttons and straps as a fastening device. It is possible that the same garment was commonly used by both males and females since there is a literary reference to its usage by the female and, conversely, there is a surviving visual reference of it worn by a man. Toward the end of the

Timurid era, the men's and women's costumes became very similar, a feature with remained constant throughout the next dynasty, the Safavids. 82 Clavijo reported that the women's makeup was a type of face mask made of white lead, and that it was worn by court ladies during the summer and winter seasons to protect their faces against sun while they are outside.

However, none of the minatures which was used for the purpose of this study showed any evidences in regard to the use of such protection mask. OO Goetz's description of the women's popular fashion of the exaggerated use of makeup with sharp eyebrows, slanting down from above the nose was confirmed by the miniatures examined for the Timurid dynasty.

Furthermore, the findings of Goetz^^ in regard to the use of similar items of clothing by male and female was

®^Goetz, p. 2243 in The Survey of Persian Art. Volume V.

®^Goetz, p. 2244. ®‘^Goetz, pp. 2244-2245. 129 confirmed since the data provided support for the same

findings. The amount of coverage by women was reported by

Clavijo as follows: "...women go about, covered all over with a white sheet, with a net, made of black horse hair, before their eyes and thus they are concealed so that no 8 5 one can recognize them" The data collected for this study did not include such outdoor wear.

The varity of costumes of the Timurid era increased when compared to the Il-Khanid dynasty. Garment style seemed to be differentiated for the various occasions.

For example, the practice of wearing chaddar was common when the ladies were outdoors in the public. The woman in f. 16a of the Khamsa of Nizami is wearing a chaddar since she is outdoors talking to a man.

Another difference between the Il-Khanid and the

Timurid costumes seemed to be in the amount of layers of clothing. More layers of clothing were used during the

Timurid period. From the miniature paintings one can clearly see the different layers of clothing which were worn on the top of each other as revealed at the neckline, sleeves, and the bottom edges of the outerwear garments.

Mongol influence continued to be evident in the headdress of the Timurid males and in some costumes, such

^^Markham, p. 89. 130 as the Mongol robes. However, turbans eventually gained popularity and were worn with feathers.

The footwear for both men and women were similar; the closed slippers were used by both sexes. Such slippers remained constant for the next centuries to come. Leg warmers were used by men; since the women's

legs were never exposed, there is no knowledge of the use of leg warmers by women. The long riding boots were also commonly used by both males and females.

The Chinese influence is evident in the textiles depicted from the Timurid era. Miraz Name manuscript contained examples of the cloud design motif (Table 9) which is of Chinese origin.

The textiles depicted in the miniatures examined for this study showed a variety of designs. A number of designs appeared to be identical to each other in the four miniatures. For example, rosettes, lotus flower, and water ducks were depicted more than once in different manuscripts. It is not possible to determine whether or not such motifs were printed, stamped or woven directly

into the fabrics. The literature regarding textiles

indicates that there were great textile centers which produced beautiful woven materials. Perhaps the motifs were applied onto the fabrics in a number of ways. Chapter 5

SAFAVID DYNASTY AND RULE (Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century)^

The rise of the Safavids' power put an end to minor dynasties which existed in Iran after the collapse of the

Timurid rule. The house of the Safavids' officially was established when Shah Ismail came to power in 1501; however, the existence of the Safavid family goes back long before Shah Ismail's rule. Under the Safavids' rule, the country was once again self contained, powerful, respected, and from the territorial point of view almost identical with the Sasanian Empire (third to seventh century). A revivial of art and culture took place in

Persia during this time and many new buildings were erected. The presentation of this chapter is in four sections: an historical background, the literature and visual arts, and analysis of costumes and textiles presented in the manuscripts.

^The dates are not exact, for sources differ; therefore, the approximate dates are used.

131 132

Historical Background

The origins of the Safavid family are still obscure. However, there is some agreement that the

Safavid dynasty can be traced back to a wealthy landowner in northwestern Iran (in Azarbayjan). It has been suggested that the Safavids' origin was Arab, while others 2 indicate they were pure Aryan (Iranian). Some 3 authorities suggest that the Safavids were Turks in origin. They spoke Azari, a form of Turkish, which is the native language of Azarbayjan Province.

According to Savory, the Safavid dynasty set out to obliterate any evidence of their origins since their power was based on the dynamic force of a certain ideology.

Knowledge of their origins could weaken the thrust of this ideology and subsequently affect their power and influence.^ Three distinct bases for the Safavids' power were identified by Savory. The first basis was the theory of divine right of the Persian King, that is, the ruler was the "shadow of God in the world" (Zillallah fil-arzi); the second was their claim of being the

^Roger Savory, Iran Under the Safavids, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 198Û), 2.

^Savory on p. 2 of this book refers to Ayalen establishing this fact.

'^Savory, p. 2. 133 representative on earth of the Mahdi, the last and the

12th "Iman of the Ithna Ashari Shia who went into occul­ tation in 873-4 and whose return to earth will herald the day of judgement.”^ The third basis was the position held by the Safavid Shahs "as the Murshid-i-kamel or the perfect spiritual director of the Sufi Order known as

Safaviyya."^

Religion was the power behind the Safavids' nationalistic movement. Islam is divided into two major branches, the Sunni and the Shia. The Sunni's adhere to the orthodox tradition and acknowledge the first four caliphs as rightful successors of the Prophet Muhammad.

The Shia's are scattered communities which are found in

Syria (where they are called Mutawalli), India, and other

Islamic lands. The Safavids were Shia and when they came to power they made Shiism the state religion of Iran.

Shaykh Safi al-Din who had followed Shaykh Zahid's spiritual guidance for twenty-five years, became the leader of Safaviyya Order.^ Savory indicated that frc an early stage Shaykh Safi al-Din intended to use the

^Savory, pp. 2-3.

^Savory, p. 3.

^Savory, pp. 5, 6, 10. 134

Safaviyya Order as a stepping stone to political power by Q keeping the Order in his family.

After the death of Khawaja Ali, the grandson of Shaykn Safial-Din's grandson, the leadership of the

Safaviyya's order was passed down to Ibrahim, his son, and in 1447 Junayd, his grandson, assumed this duty.

Junayd's leadership had an impact on the future of the

Safavid family; he made it clear that he desired temporal power and kingship, thus he was the first Safavid leader g who had the title of Sultan (the holder of temporal power). After Junayd's death in 1460, his son Haydar succeeded his father and continued the same policies.

Haydar was instructed in a dream by Imam Ali to devise a scarlet headgear with twelve gores commemorating the twelve Shia Imams. The scarlet headgear was to be the distinctive mark of the Safavid supporters, and prompted the Ottoman Turks derisively to dub them Qizilbash or redheads.

Apparently Haydar was survived by several sons, three of whom were important historically: Ali, Ibrahim, and Ismail. Ali, the eldest son became the head of the

O Savory, p. 9.

^Savory, p. 14.

^^Savory, pp. 21-22. 135

Safavid Order and adopted the title of Padishah (King).

He was followed by a small band of seven Safavid devotees known as Ahl-i ikhtiasas (singled out persons for special duty) to Ardabil. Ali nominated his brother, Ismail, as the head of Safavid Order before his death.

In 1500, Ismail's army of 7000 men defeated the 30,000 man army of Aq Quoyunlu and gained the control of

Azarbayjan. In the summer of 1501 he w&t= crowned in the city of Tabriz, the capital of the Aq Quyunlu. After two centuries of preparation, the Safavid house was established, coins were minted in Ismail's name, and the official religion of the Safavid state was pronounced as 1 9 Ithna Ashari or "Twelver Shiisms". At this time, the extent of the Safavid state was the province of

Azarbayjan. It took Ismail ten years to capture the other parts of Iran. Although he also conquered Baghdad, the city did not remain for long with the Safavids.

From the thirteenth century, the cult of Ali (the cousin and the son-in-law of the prophet Muhammad) was active and important. Other important elements for the

Safavid power was the belief and position of their leaders who were called Murshid-i Kamel or the perfect spiritual

^^Savory, pp. 20-24.

^^Savory, pp. 25-26. 136

director. This position was held by each Safaviyya leader, and the "Kingly glory" or rights of the King.^^

Savorynoted that persecution was used to

prevent Sunnism from developing in order to impose Shiism on Iran, even though officially Iran was still

predominantly Sunni. The Safavid state developed an

identity which differentiated it from the Sunni Ottoman

Empire, the major power in the Islamic world in the

sixteenth century. A great awareness of national identity

was the result of the Safavids* Ithna Ashari Shiism which

in turn created a stronger and more centralized government.

During the reign of Ismail, the nature of the state

was strongly theocratic and military in its administration.

The Shah was the absolute ruler and the apex of the whole

administrative structure. "Since the ruler was considered

to be directly appointed by God, his subjects were

required to obey his commands whether these be just or

unjust.Disobedience was considered a sin. Many of

the Qizilbash people believed that Ismail himself was the manifestation of God; the result led to the absolute power

of the Shah. The establishment of the Safavid power in a

large part, was due to the help of Qizilbash for they were

^^Savory, p. 27.

^^Savory, p. 29. ^“’Savory, p. 30. 137 conscious of the debt due to them. The most important offices were held by Qizilbash officers.

One of the most important events during the reign of Shah Ismail was the battle of Chaldiran with the

Ottoman Turks in which the Safavid army was defeated by the Ottomans. It was a disaster for the Safavids in terms of casualities, the loss of territory (the province of Diyar Bakr was lost to Ottoman Empire), and the psychological effect of the defeat on Shah Ismail and his relations with the Qizilbash. Shah Ismail seemed uninterested in providing direction for the affairs of state after the Chaldiran defeat; therefore, certain officials took this opportunity to increase their power.

A separation of religious and secular powers within the state appeared which was a decisive step away from the original theocratic concept of the state.Shah Ismail died in 1524 at the age of thirty-seven; he had reigned for almost twenty-three years.

In 1588, Shah Ismail's grandson, Abbas, seized the reign of power and announced himself Shah.

The reign of Shah Abbas I, known as Shah Abbas the

Great, is probably the most glorious period of the Safavid history in terms of achievements in culture and arts as

^^Savory, p. 33-34.

^^Savory, p. 47. 138

well as in political power. Iran regained strength and

power among its neighbors. Much has been published about

Shah Abbas the Great, both in modern times as well as

during the Safavids' rule by the great historian of the 18 Safavids, Eskandar Monshi Eskandar Monshi described

Shah Abbas's judgment as divinely given wisdom and noted

the excellence of his policies, which were in conformity

with the Divine will. During the Shah's reign the roads

were made secure and safe for travelling; with security

restored to the roads, merchants and tradesmen were able 19 again to travel to and from the country. To facili­

tate travel, guest houses for travelers were built to

provide food, lodging and even transportation for those in

need of it. Improvements were made in the area of agriculture and the cities also enjoyed the economical

improvements. The strengthening of the Persian economy occurred at the expense of conquered territories which were taxed in order that the inhabitants of Isfahan (the

capital of Shah Abbas the Great) could be exempt from the payment of taxes for three years.

l^Roger M. Savory, trans. History of Shah Abbas the Great (Tarikh-e Alamara-ye Abbasi) by Eskandar Bez Monshi. Volume I (Colorado: Westview Press, 1978), 517-581.

l^Savory, p. 523. 139

Historical documents often refer to the craft

guilds and their importance in the life of the cities. 20 The head of each guild had an important position.

"Without the authorization of the head of the guild no one 21 was able to open a new workshop." Meetings were held

by the masters of each guild and the mayor of the city

discussed with them the taxes that each guild had to pay.

In short, the guilds had considerable influence in running

the city when compared to the guilds' condition in the

previous dynasties. The masters of the workshops had the

privilege of being free men under the supervision of the

controller of the workshops. Prices of the articles were

fixed in agreement with the masters. The royal shop

workmen had total job security; they kept their job for

life, and they had no restriction on the extra work they

performed for private profit.

During the rule of the Safavids kings, diplomatic,

political, and military contacts existed between Iran and

Western countries. Other contacts, with Western countries

included trade relations and the interchange of religious

ideas. Iran was important for it was the land bridge

between Europe, Asia Minor and the Mediterranean lands as

well as Central Asia, the Indies and the Far East. The

20*Bausani, p. 151, see also p. 182. 21 Bausani, pp. 151-152. 140 famous silk route passed through the Iranian territory.

The transit dues which were charged for the use of the

road was one of the sources of income for the kings of

Persia.

One of the main factors which promoted Shah Abba's

international trade with Europeans was the privilege of

freedom of worship which he granted the employees of the English East India Company. Historically, Shah Abbas the

Great is known for his religious tolerance.. In 1581, an

English merchant named John Newberie saw possibilities for

trade in the port of Hormuz and founded the English East

India Company. Shah Abbas the Great granted permission to the English company in 1615 to open up factories in the cities of Jask, Shiraz, and Isfahan. With the establish­ ment of these factories, Shah Abbas was in a position to pressure the company and to obtain cooperation in a joint attack on the Portugese town of Hormuz, which had fallen earlier to the hands of Portugese, and a Portugese 22 colony. This joint attack ended the Portugese emporium in the Persian Gulf. It seemed that port domination of the Muslim along the shores of the Persian Gulf during the sixteenth century had seriously affected

^^Savory, p. 195-196. 141

the commercial contacts between Iran and other trading 23 countries, especially with the Italians.

From the business point of view, trading was

considered as a highly honored job. In general, the

control of foreign trade was in the hands of non-Persians, * 'A# mainly the Armenians, as well as the Dutch, French, and

English who traded with Russia and Western European

countries.

Since the European countries were attempting to

establish an alliance with the Safavids against their

mutual enemy, the Ottoman Turks, various contracts had

been recorded between the European powers and the Safavids

empire. For instance. Pope Clement VIII had sent

Francisco de Costa to the court of Shah Abbas the

Great.

In 1598, Shah Abbas the Great received a party of

twenty-six Europeans, headed by two brothers. Sir Anthony

and Sir Robert Shirley. In May of 1599, Sir Anthony

Shirley was dispatched to Europe from the court of Shah

Abbas the Great bearing letters of friendship from the

23charles Gray, Trans and Edited, A Narrative of Italian Travels in Persia, in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries, (London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society) . Savory, 1Ô7-109.

24gavory, pp. 107-109. 142 Shah to the Pope and various European countries. However, his mission was fruitless and he never returned. Sir

Robert Shirley was sent on two missions to Europe. In his first mission to England, his efforts failed to establish trade relations between England and Iran. Sir Robert

Shirley's mission lasted from 1615 to 1627. By the time he returned to Iran, he was out of Shah's favour and died in Iran in poverty. 25

In 1627, the Capuchin mission was founded at

Isfahan. The Capuchin mission was sent by Richelieu and was considered to represent the King of France. By 1653, five different foreign religious orders had been established and were operating in Iran: Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustinians, Carmelites, and Jesuits.

In 1665, the French envoys from Louis XIV reached the

Court of Safavids in Isfahan. Shah Sultan Husayn was the king at this time. The French influence in Iran increased by the establishment of Jesuit missions at Julfa.

An Iranian embassy was sent to France headed by

Muhammad Riza Beg as ambassador to Louis XIV.

Unfortunately, he was an odd choice. His negotiations with Louis XIV were extremely favorable to France. All

^^Savory, pp. 119-120. ^^Savory, pp. 122-124. 143

the French import and export duties to and from Iran were

waived and all the limitations on French trade with Iran were removed. However, the French trade with Iran did not

flourish and after the fall of the Safavids dynasty in 1722 the agreements with the French government were not 9 7 honored by later rulers of Iran.

After the reign of Shah Soleiman in 1694, the

Afghan tribe of Ghilzai gained their independence.

Another Afghan tribe, the Abadis, took the control of 28 Herat and in 1722 they attacked Kirman and Isfahan.

The head of Abadisj Muhammad ibn Mirvays, replaced Shah

Sultan Husayn, the last of the Safavid Kings and thus the

Safavids were terminated in 1722.

Iran remained under the new order of the Afghans until the new dynasty of Afshar, headed by Nadir Shah

(Tahmasp-guli), came to power in 1736 and opened up a new chapter in Iranian history.

The Literature and Visual Arts

There was a transitional period from the Timurid to the Safavids' era which lasted almost a century. However, within this transitional period and during the Safavids'

^^Donald N. Wilber, Iran Past and Present (Princeton University Press^ l95b), 69-70.

^^Brown, Vol. IV, p. 24. 144 time the literary work and arts were continued. From an

art point of view, the reign of Shah Abbas the Great is

the most important period of the Safavid*s since much

attention was devoted to many areas of arts. The

following discussion includes the literature, painting,

textiles, and costumes of the sixteenth and seventeenth

century Iran under the domination of the Safavids' rule.

Literature

Views on the quality of the literary work of the

Safavids' differ. The period has been described by some as

lacking literature while others note that the decline

followed soon after the fall of Safavid dynasty. Browne

described the Safavid period as one in which there was an 29 "extra ordinary dearth of notable poets" for two

centuries. Browne wrote to Qazvini (an Iranian authortiy of Persian literature) and asked for an explanation about

the lack of notable literature and poetry in Persia during on the reign of Safavids. Qazvini noted two reasons which might have caused this phemonemon: (1) the religious

unification of Iran under the Safavid rule propagated the

Ithna Ashari Shii doctrine which was inimical to

literature and poetry; and (2) the absence of royal

^%avory, pp. 203-205.

^Opazvini, quoted from Iran Under the Safavids, by Savory, 206. 145 patronage and encouragement so that many of the Safavid

poets moved to the Mugul court at Delhi (India) where

support and recognition were gained.

The presence of many Persian poets in India was

mainly because Babur, the founder of the Mugül empire in

India, had been born and raised in the Persian milieu of Transoxania. The court language of the Mugul dynasty was

Persian and many of the Mugul princes composed poetry in

Persian. The gathering of the Persian poets at the courts of Mugul emperors Akbar, Jahangir, and Shah Jahan was a usual activity. Qazvini noted that "It did not occur to anyone that the poetry written by Persian poets at Mugul 31 court might be called Safavid." However, many Iranian critics asserted that the poetry was not even written in good Persian. In fact, the term "the Indian genre" was used to denote poetry written in Persian but of inferior kind.32

Savory disagreed with Qazvini's view regarding the lack of encouragement for the poets among the Safavid kings and noted that several of the Safavid Shahs were not only fond of poetry and literature but also composed

31Savory, pp. 207-208.

^^viadimir Minorsky, Medival Iran and Its Neighbours (London: Variorum Reprints, 1982), T006a. 146 33 poetry. Minorsky refers to the poetry of Shah Ismail

I and his Khatais Diwan. Sultan Muhammad Shah also was

fond of poetry and composed under the pen name of Fahmi.

Shah Abbas similarly valued and encouraged poets; it is

reported that he paid the poet Shami the equivalent of his

weight in gold in appreciation for his poetry. 35 Savory had stated that the poetry of the

Safavid time has two main characteristics: first, the

existence of the "language of streets"; second, the

quality of linguistic purity decline. He concluded that

the predominately military character of the Safavid empire may have contributed to these linguistic trends. Many of

the Qizilbash amirs, as well as the Safavid shahs, who

held high administrative posts resided at court and spoke

Azari Turkish at court, as well as the Safavid shahs.

Therefore, their lack of knowledge of classical Persian

may have contributed to the decline of Persian language

during the Safavids' time.

^^Savory, p. 206. 34gavory, p. 208.

35carel Du Ry. Art of Islam, New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1970. 147 Painting

One of the outstanding features of the paintings of the Safavid period is subject matter. The artists had

freedom in regard to the subject matter since they were not limited to great literary themes. They chose the everyday life of common people as their topic and as a result, genre scenes, landscapes, and even portraits came 3 S into existence. The major difference between the earlier Safavid and the latter Timurid court painting is in the costume details, such as the headgear of Shiiat turbans.

In 1510, when Shah Ismail took over the city of

Herat, he took the famous painter Bihzad with him to the capital city of Tabriz. Bihzad established the Tabriz school of painting and was in charge of a group of artists who had left Herat a few years earlier. The term "royal library" was applied to a workshop where a variety of craftsmen worked in cooperation for the production of manuscripts. The craftsmen included the calligrapher, illuminator, illustrator, and the book binder. 37

^^Du Ry, p. 225. Also see Savory, pp. 128-129.

3^Du Ry, pp. 226-227. 148 Bihzad's paintings are remarkable for the

liberation from the academic style of the Timurids. The

freedom of movement is evident in his paintings and this

style was used by his numerous pupils. Among his best known pupils were Sultan Muhammad, Mazaffar Ali, Aga

Mirak, and Mirza Ali. Sultan Muhammad was concerned with the production of Muraqqa, the loose-leaf albums. He

included works of his colleagues in the Muraqqa as well as his own ; Muraqqa also contained pages of sketches of fine 38 hand writings, and complete miniatures.

Another great master of Safavid paintings, Riza-i

Abbasi, made an impact on Persian art both by his own paintings and also through his pupils who followed his style. Riaz-i Abbasi models were followed for a long period of time; his work as well as his signature were copied and forged. Moreover, there seems to have been at least three other painters named Riza living at about the same time who painted in a similar style. The most

important of the three painters is Agha Riza. Some art historians believe that Agha Riza was another designation

for Riza-i Abbasi, although other authorities regard him as a separate painter. The second painter of the name was

Agha Riza-i Mur id who worked in Iran as WifJj as in India.

^®Rice, pp. 246-248. Also see Du Ry, p. 231. 149

The third Riza was Muhammad Riza of Tabriz who moved to

Constantinople. 39

In 1548, the Persian capital was moved from Tabriz

to Qazwin, a move which brought about a transition in the

art of painting. A Jami manuscript executed between 1556 and 1565 for prince Ibrahim Mirza, Shah Tahmasp's nephew and also the grandson of Shah Ismail, shows new develop­ ments in the painting of the miniatures, i.e., a growing emphasis on gracefulness and sinuous lines. The figures appear to have slimmer bodies, longer necks, and rounder faces than those appearing in the earlier miniatures.

The latter part of the sixteenth century was not a favorable period for the artists for they could no longer live on royal patronage. Therefore, artists had to depend on commissions from private citizens. Since the prices for a complete manuscript were very high and few could afford them, the artists contented themselves with single miniatures and drawings which were kept in albums. These single miniatures were often of superb quality. In this new milieu, another style of painting evolved when Shah Abbas the Great became the king in 1588, and the capital city was transferred from Qazwin to

Isfahan. The artist Agha Riza was mainly responsible for

^^Robinson, p. 23.

^^Robinson, p. 24. 150

this specific style. In his fully colored drawings he

maintained the brilliant tones and contrasts of the

earlier Safavid court styles.

Other known styles of miniature painting during the

Safavid period are the Shiraz and Bukhara styles. The

Shiraz style existed between the years of 1510 and 1600.

This specific style is recognized by being "flat in

appearance, pale in tone and sometimes provincial in

character, and seems to have merged into the court style

of Isfahan after 1600."^^ The Bukhara style lasted for

almost a century (1500-1600). In the early part of the

16th century a number of artists and craftsmen were transported from Herat to Transoxiana by the Uzbeks, a

tribe which had captured Herat. As a result, the style of

Bihzad and the rich color combinations were also transported with the Herat artists. Until 1525, it was almost impossible to identify the paintings of Bukhara from those done at Herat or Tabriz, except for absence in the Bukhara paintings of the specific qizilbash headgear.After 1525, the quality of Bukhara paintings declined and the drawings became lifeless and stereotyped. Robinson stated that the Bukhara style

^^Robinson, p. 28.

^^Robinson, p. 30.

^^Robinson, p. 30. 151

either disappeared or possibly merged Into the Mugual

style of Delhi (India).

In 1522, Shah Ismail commissioned the production of

a manuscript for his son, Tahmasp. Tahmasp studied

painting during his youth and this background lead him to

become a patron of the arts when he became the Shah. The

manuscript which was commissioned by Shah Ismail Is the

Shahnama-y-Shah Tahmasp1 or King's Book of King Tahmasp.

The manuscript contains more than two hundred and fifty miniature paintings which were the work of the most

illustrious court artists of the period. Each miniature painting may be the work of more than one painter. For exmple, a distinguished master may have designed and painted most of the miniature while another artist worked 44 on a less Important part of the miniature. These

lesser masters were known as the assistants. "Sometimes a master sketched In the design and left Its amplification and completion to the assistants.

In addition to miniature paintings for the books, the painters participated In the art of bookbinding.

Different techniques of lacquering and/or embossing of leather were used for binding the books and were also

^^Savory, pp. 129-130. ^^Savory, p. 130. 152 applied to other items like trays, dishes, pen-cases, mirror-cases, and jewel and trinket-boxes.

Another well known painter of the reign of Shah

Abbas I was Sadigi Beg Afshar. Sadigi was known for his realism style which marked a new departure from the art of the early Safavid period. Perhaps the realism style was already in existence, but it gained popularity from Sadigi's painting; the realism style continued throughout the eighteenth century. One of the characteristics of the paintings produced in the Safavid court in the seventeenth century was that they were single page paintings and drawings, and the paintings were not necessarily linked to traditional literary themes.

As the seventeenth century wore on, the strains of sensuality and eroticism which could be clearly perceived in the later work of Riaz Abbasi were blatantly displayed in the work of his successors such as Muhammad Qasim, M i r Afzal and Muin Musavvir.^/

The popularity of the realism style of painting during the latter part of the seventeenth century has been explained from different viewpoints. According to

Savory,Anthony Welch described the paintings of this time period as being explicitly erotic and conveying an unreal feeling which is titillating rather than passionate;

^^Savory, pp. 131.

^^Savory, pp. 134-135.

^^Savory. p. 135. 153

they are an aspiritual art which does not need to be

meaningful but beautiful. In other words, Welch believed

that these paintings were not portraying the real life of

the Safavids and that they should be viewed as beautiful paintings with not much meaning. On the other hand,

Richard Ettinghausen had a different opinion regarding the

same subject matter. He believes that a revolution

happened which broke the old mold and revealed the real

life. Real life was presented as it actually was instead

of capturing an idealized concept of the past. The

paintings depicted the real life of the time period which

may have been harsh and unbeautiful but true. These two

extremely different points of view indicate that the

interpretation of the miniatures could be so different

even among the experts in the art of Persian paintings.

However, they agreed that the paintings are delightful,

graceful, and beautiful objects of art to be enjoyed and

appreciated for many more centuries.

In addition to the miniature paintings, some large

scale wallpaintings have survived from the Safavid period

or dynasty. Like some of the minature paintings of the

mid-Safavid period, these wall paintings also show some

Western European influences. For instance, some of the

wall paintings at Isfahan include the portraits of

European travelers who visited Isfahan at the time. The most important of these portraits are located in the Ali 154 49 Qapu and the Chihil Sutun. During the reign of Shah

Abbas the Great, European paintings were known in Persia

so that it was not unusual to find portraits of young men

in European costumes. However, the Europeanization of

Persian painting and drawing did not happen until the

latter part of the 17th century when Muhammad Zaman, the

painter, introduced the European style of painting to the

court after his return from studying painting in Italy.

Although the European style was introduced in the late

Safavid period, it did not become popular until later

during the Afshar period.

Calligraphy played an important role in the production of the manuscripts and the art of calligraphy was highly respected. Illumination was another important part of the manuscript; sometimes one or more whole pages were adorned with illumination and even parts of the pages of the text were adorned. From a calligraphic point of view, the early sixteenth century is important since during the reign of Shah Ismail and Shah Tahmasp an extremely important development took place, that is, the development of the Taliq script.

49Rice, p. 248.

^^Robinson, pp. 30-31. 155

Textiles Weaving was one of the most important industries of

the Safavids. Fine and costly textiles were produced and

the manufacturing of fine carpets reached a high standard,

especially during the seventeenth century. The textiles of

this period are ranked among the most distinguished of all

contemporary textiles. The superiority of the textile was

partly due to the use of brilliant colors and the use of

gold, silver, and other metallic threads as well as to the

technical mastery of the various weaves and the refined

taste of the designs.

One of the most important innovations of the Safavid 52 textiles was the extensive exploitation of brocading.

Most of the Safavid brocaded textiles contained metal 53 thread to emphasize the outline of the design. Taffeta

(a weft-ribbed silk cloth), the most usual fabric for

brocades, was produced extensively in the cities of Isfahan

and Abiana. Yazd was another textile center and one of the

specialties from this center was the brocaded double cloth

S^N.A. Reath and E.G. Sachs. Persian Textiles, New Haven: Yale University Press, 137. 52grocading - a technique in which a fabric is enriched by introduction of extra wefts which are not carried the full length of the loom. Ackerman, in Survey of Persian Art, 2199.

53Ackerman, p. 3529. 156

which was highly distinctive; the handsome characteristics

of Yazd fabric were imitated elsewhere.

Velvets were highly valued and seemed to be the

supreme product of the sixteenth century.According to

Ackerman,the technique of making velvet seemed to have originated in West Asia and probably reached Iran via

Turkey. However, Ackerman indicated that this technique might have been fully developed in Iran and carried to

Turkey by the Iranian weavers in the region of Azarbayjan as a result of continued invasions of the Ottoman Turks.

The silks, brocaded fabrics, and velvets used for costumes also had many other uses. Silks were hung on walls and served as decorative pieces; they were also used for festive occasions and hung over balcony rails as well as for cushion covers. Velvet carpets were also popular and were produced in floral design, an extremely popular textile motif of the Safavid period.

^^Ackerman, p. 2101.

55phyllis Ackerman. "The Fine Fabrics of Persia", The Open Court, XLVII, Chicago, 1933, 42.

SGphyllis Ackerman. "Safavid Luxury (C. 1550-1610)" Ciba Review, 97 June 1953, 3525.

57M.S. Dimand. Highlights of Persian Art, Persian Art Series, No. 1, Colorado: Westview, Z79. Also see Phyllis Ackerman, p. 3525. 157 Many of the surviving Safavid textiles appear to

have been inspired from the paintings since there are

figures and animals which stylistically resemble the

figures in contemporary miniature paintings. It is highly probable that the patterns for brocades and carpets were

also designed by the painters of the miniature paintings

CO since they resemble the style of miniaturists. In

general, there is an agreement among the art historians

that the Safavid figurai patterns were influenced to some

degree by the book illustrators of Tabriz, where the first

Safavid capital was established. Even after the shift of

the capital to Isfahan, the style of textile designs

remained constant. Textile designs changed only after the widespread use of the Riza-i Abbasi individual style in miniature painting. Ackerman noted that the satin designs were also originally dominated by the Tabriz painting 50 school.

Although the weavers during the Safavid period commanded a wide range of techniques, there seemed to be little interest in technique as such, an important factor in textile developments in preceding centuries. The earlier Safavid textiles with human figure motifs showed a complete dependency on the art of miniaturists, while the

^^Dimand, p. 111.

^^Ackerman, p. 3526. 158 later Safavid textiles show a balance between the designer

of the textiles and the miniaturist. Ackerman^^ con­

cluded that technical inventions during the history of the

Safavid textiles seemed to be stimulated by an artistic

purpose rather than a mechanical interest.

A number of textiles have survived from the Safavid

period and many museums and private collections possess

such textiles. Two examples of the 16th century velvets

are in the textile collection at the Metropolitan Museum

of Art. These two important pieces of velvets are among

the rare sixteenth century Persian velvets in silk and

gold.^^ One of the fabrics is decorated with a floral

design and the other with a human figure. These two

velvets, in panels along with twenty-eight others,

were a part of the interior decoration of the war tent

captured by the Turkish Sultan Suleyman. The silk velvets

were precious because of their great technical perfection

and beauty. The velvet panels with the human figures are

interesting since the same figures, with a slight

^^Ackerman, A Survey of Persian Art, p. 2220.

G^M.S. Dimand. "Persian Velvets of the Sixteenth Century, "Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, (XXII, 1927) 108.

62#.S. Dimand. "The Top Piece is in the Museum of Fine Arts, " Boston. The other panels are in a private collection in New York. Bulletin of Metropolitan Museum of Art, (XXII, 1927) 108. 159 difference in the headgear, appear on a coat of silk brocade in the armory of Moscow. However, "the weaver of this velvet changed the colors of costumes and other motifs, giving thus a more vivid pattern." The velvet panel with floral design was woven in silk and gold. Such designs were typically used for the court garments of the

Safavid and were also included among the royal gifts from the Safavid Shahs to the European and Asian kings.

Diamond^^ noted that the Persian envoy who in 1560 came to Adrianople on the occasion of the ascension to the throne of Sultan Selim II, and his following of three hundred Persians dressed in costumes in various colors with figures or birds and animals

... at the court of Sultan Selim in 1579 (the Persian) envoy was dressed in an overgarment of red velvet bordered by floral design and an undergarment decorated with figurai representations. The acquisition of a rare seventeenth century silk fabric for an exhibition in New York in 1940 demonstrated that Riza-i Abbasi was one of the great designers for the loom as well as in painting. The design in the fabric shows a young man drinking wine. The fabric is made of

^^Dimand, p. 110.

^^Dimand, p. 110.

^^Ackerman, A Survey of Persian Art, p. 2220. 160

rose colored silk and has all the fine details of the

Riza-i Abbasi painting character.

Another example of Safavid textiles belongs to the

Cleveland Museum of Art collection; it is a fine gold silk

brocade cloth, apparently intended to be used for a coat.

Both the character of the design and the type of costume

represented suggest that this textile belongs to the late

seventeength century, perhaps to the reign of Sultan

Suliaman I, 1667-94.^^ The textile is a brocaded, plain

compound twill weave. The design on this specific textile

shows human figures dressed alternately in blue or white

tops, with red trousers and brown brimmed hat with silver

crown. The figures are wearing brown gloves on the

outstretched hands which hold silver falcons. A large

scale flowering shrub separates the figures.

Both the Cleveland Museum of Art and the Metro­

politan Museum of Art possess Persian velvets which are

similar to velvets that apparently decorated the war tent

of the Turkish Sultan Suleyman I (1520-1566). Sultan

Suleyman had seized the velvet between the years of 1534

^^Adele Coulin Weibel. "A Riza-i-Abassi Silk," Bulletin of Detroit Institute of Art , (XXII, 1942), 4-5.

G^Dorothy G. Shepherd. "A Persian Textile of the Safavid Period", Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art, (XII, 1950), 118. 161

and 1554 during one of his several invasions of Persia.

This tent continued to be used by the successors of Sultan

Suleyman until the Turks were defeated by the Polish

army. "The tent fell to the Polish General Sangusko, in

whose family it remained until the 1920's when it was

dismantled and the velvet panels were dispersed among 68 various museums and private collections". The subject

of the design is a familiar theme from Shah Nameh and

exhibits the slaying of a dragon by Alexander the Great.

This textile was done in polychrome; to achieve the

effect, five warps were used at one time necessitating the

weavers to use a very complicated technique. The

additional warps were inserted in small areas as a

specific color was required for the pattern and the ends

of the additional warps were held in place by the

compactness of the weave itself.

The carpet industry was another productive industry

during Safavid period. Under the patronage of Shah Abbas,

carpet weaving was elevated from the status of a cottage

industry to an extremely fine art. In general, the Safavid carpets of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are

ranked among the superb and highest qualities of the

Persian carpets. No two rugs are alike with the exception

^^Bulletin of the Cleveland Museeum of Art. "A Persian Velvet of the Shah Tahmasp Period" No. J5, 1949, 46. 16 2 of those made in pairs (called the twins). The Safavid rugs show a division into field and border. The large floor covering rugs had symmetrical composition which enabled the viewer to see the pattern right side up from either end of the rug. The dominant and principal designs of the rugs are arabesques, flora, scrolls, and Chinese clouds.The classification of the Safavid rugs is generally according to their designs rather than the localities'^ in which they were made. However, classification of most Persian carpets is according to the province and the location of the manufacturer of the carpet. One of the earliest examples of the Safavid carpets is the medallion^^ rug with hunting scenes which is in the Poldi Museum in Milan; the dates 922 A.H.

(1522-1523) are inscribed in it along with the name of the weaver, Ghiyas al-Din Jami. The Victoria and Albert

Museum in London also possesses a dated medallion rug 72 dated 1539. Dimand indicated that the importance of such dated carpets lies in the fact that they provide information for the miniature paintings since they were depicted in several miniatures of the Safavid period, such

G^Diamand, p. 281, 283.

^*^Diamand, p. 283.

^^Diamand, p. 283. ^^Diamand, p. 283. 163

as the miniatures of Khamsa of Nizami in the Metropolitan

Museum of Art in New York.

The city of Tabriz seemed to be the center for

outstanding Safavid carpets. It is likely that such great

carpets were woven between the years of 1524 and 1576, in

the time of Shah Tahmasp.Of course, not all of the

sixteenth century Safavid carpets were products of Tabriz

looms. Other great centers for the carpet production were located in the Eastern part of Persia, namely Herat, as well as the city of Kashan. The silk rugs of Kashan and the Herat carpets with animal and floral decorations were novelties.

During Shah Abbas' reign, the manufacture of rugs in Herat was continued. When the new capital of Shah

Abbas was established in Isfahan, state carpet manufac­ turers were established which were very productive.

Apparently icongraphy and symbolism were important aspects in the design motifs of the Safavid artists.

Cammann^^ studied the symbolism of early Safavids' carpet design and the connection with the literature

^^Dimand, p. 288 and p. 291. ^^Dimand, p. 291.

7Gschuyler Cammann. "The Interplay of Art, Literature, and Religion in Safavid Symbolism." The Journal of Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, (London: Royal Asiatic Society of Great Brittain and Ireland No. 2, 1978). 164

(mainly the Sufi's literature) and religion; he concluded

that there was a constant reminder of the Sufi's beliefs in the form of visual puns in the carpet designs and

motifs. Cammann's findings for the period of 1520-1620 provided enough evidences to support the existence of such

visual puns. He indicates that the visual puns had two

types of meaning: (1) the symbolic connotations, and (2)

the religious message relating to the spiritual tradition

of the Sufis (Muslim mystics). The Sufis had a great

influence at court during the first part of the Safavid rule. The use of pictures in designs and patterns was possible in the early Safavid period; however, this practice was abandoned later.

According to Cammann,^^the intended significance of the background or setting against which the action was portrayed should be clearly understood. The basic pattern of the most typical Safavid carpet is ambiguous; it usually represents an earthy hunting field or a paradise view. The paradise scene seems to be the original intention of the designer.

Furthermore, Cammann identified a number of designs and their symbolic uses. For example, the central medal­ lion suggests the "Sun Gate" through which is located the door to innermost Heaven, giving access to the Divine

^^Cammann, p. 124. 1 6 5

Throne. 78 Hunting scenes were also studied by Cammann.

He indicated that the designers of such carpets took

advantage of the meaning of the word "dam" in Persian, a

collective term for horned animals or domestic ones. The

same word, dam, also means a snare or net and was used by

the more strictly Sufi poets of Persia, such as Hafiz, to

refer to some obstacle or hindrance that prevented them

from reaching to the Beloved (God). Thus, a deeper,

metaphorical meaning of the word "dam" is one of false

delights. Cammann concluded that the motif of a lion,

tiger, or leopard striking or killing one of the various dam creatures is not an "animal hunt" scene as they are

often referred. "They also could have symbolized to a

Sufi the idea of searching out and destroying the snares and delusions of worldly delights, as a means for 7 9 advancing on the way toward the Sun Gate."

Cammann concluded that the Persian pun-pictures were highly literary. They did not pssess identity through similar spoken sounds, but in most instances the involved word shared the same or similar written form in Persian script. Most of the Persian pun-pictures could have been recognized and appreciated only by the well read

78Cammann suggests that the "Sun Gate" could be identified as well on the ceiling patterns in the domes of Mosques, 125.

79Cammann, p. 128. 166

and educated individuals, specifically those constant

readers of Sufi poetry. Therefore, the Persian pun-

pictures did not gain popularity. Furthermore, Cammann

concluded that the purpose o puns in early Safavid time was to create a spontaneous impression of delight or a 80 spiritual comprehension.

Costume

The Safavid dynasty had a great influence on the

arts and culture of Persia which in turn brought changes

in the costumes and the art of clothing. Cultural

influences were evident in the costumes of this period and

could be traced back to several sources: Ottoman Turks, 81 Caucasus region. Far East, Russia, and even England.

Costumes of the early Safavid period did not differ

from costumes in the late Timurid period, thus it is

almost impossible to distinguish them except for the

specific Shiite Taj on the Safavids' headgear. The

underlying reason for the little change in costume may be related to the political situation of the time which made

it impossible to devote much attention to clothes.

^^Camman, p. 133

^^Herman Goetz, "The History of Persian Costume," A Survey of Persian Art, Volume V, Oxford University Press, p. 2246. 167 In general, the silhouette of clothes changed

basicaly from the previous vertical to horizontal lines.

In the Safavid*s period, differentiated garments for the

upper and the lower parts of the body, the legs, and the

head were worn which gave a horizontal emphasis to the

silhouette in contrast to the Timurid costume in which one

garment covered the body from neckline to feet. Thus the

proportions of the costumes and the manner of dressing changed, a change which was due to new taste and ideas.

The social environment and perhaps the pleasure boys who had become very influential and numerous were responsible for this change. The fashions of the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries were distinctive, elegant, urban, fanciful and sophisticated, while the Timurid fashions, representing a direct dependence on the Mongol style, had dignity.

Men's clothes became shorter so that the ankles were not covered by the clothing. Length of the garments was to the middle of the shin exposing the long riding boots. One of the fashionable outer garments at this period was a close fitted jacket with slits at each side.

The long outer coat eventually disappeared and was replaced by a short jacket. The manner of wearing this jacket was distinctive for it was often thrown loosely

G^Coetz, pp. 2249-2251, 1 6 8 over the shoulders with the sleeves hanging down in front 83 or back. Apparently a change of fashion occurred at

the court of Shah Abbas the Great; for example, the turban

went out of vogue and a broad fur bordered brimmed hat

replaced it. The manner of wearing this hat was somewhat

casual since it was tilted as far as possible front, back, or even over the ear. 84

Goetz suggested that probably due to the political conditions brought about certain changes in the fashions of the Safavids, "for the Safavid state quickly fell into decay and the refined styles of its apogee rapidly gave 85 way to simple rustic clothes." Abel Pincon who was in the company of the Shirley brothers to the court of Shah

Abbas I in 1598-1599 reports that

His Majesty...(Shah Abbas I) was clad in a short garb without a robe which is against the custom of Mohammedans, and he wore a gold brocade doublet and tight breeches of the same mterial. On his head was turban, adorned with many previous stones and rich plumage. During the zenith of the Safavid period the fashions of Qazvin and later Isfahan were copied in the courts in other countries. The fashions of Shah Tahmasp

G^Goetz, p. 2252.

G^Goetz, p. 2252.

®^Goetz, p. 2252.

G*Goetz, p. 2252. 169

and later on of the Shah Abbas the Great were followed by

the Emperors Humayun and Jahangir of India. However, in

addition to the Persian elements in fashion of the Mugul

Kings of India, there existed elements of the Indian origin.

A reform was brought about in Persian dress when

Shah Abbas the Great replaced the Qizilbash by the Shah

Savan guards. The dress reform contained new items of

clothing presented in a different style; riding breeches,

top boots, short jacket closed in front, knee length coat,

and short open waist coat. Many similarities existed

between the costumes worn by the men and women. Trousers

as well a other types of costumes were commonly worn by

both sexes. The costumes of men and women became so

similar after the middle of the sixteenth century that

sometimes it is dfficult to distinguish between them in 88 the miniature paintings except by the headgear.

Among other changes apparent in the costumes of the

Safavids in comparison to the costumes of the Timurids is

in the turban design. Toward the middle of the sixteenth century, the height of turbans increased and the width decreased. By the end of the sixteenth century the ends of

G^Goetz, p. 2252

®®Edna B. Donnell. "Costumes of Ispahan,” Internationaltional Studio, LXXX, Eebruary 1925, p. 362. 170

turban became broad since the length of the scarf

increased. The scarf was loosely wrapped around the cap 89 in the center of the turban. The cap was red and had

a great significance to the Safavids for it was a distinguishing mark of the Qizilbash (Redheads), the 90 Shiite followers. Goetz noted that this cap was not worn alone except by simple soldiers. Otherwise the cap was placed on the center of the head and a turban was wound around it.

The color of green was also used for the cap since from the time of Timur it had been asssociated with the descendents of the Prophet Muhammad, called Sayyid. The turban which was wound around the green cap was usually white.91

Changes also occurred in the women's fashions. The outer coat became shorter, like the men's coat. The girdle was replaced with a loose scarf, wide in width, and loosely draped around the hips. A new style was also evident in the headdress. A small cap was used under a short veil which was made of light colored or white

G^Goetz, pp. 2247-2248.

9°Goetz, p. 2247.

91ln the modern times in Iran, the green turban or the green sash wrapped around the waist has the same significance, i.e, being a descendent from the Prophet Muhammad. 171

material. However, from the visual documents, it is

evident that the manner of wearing them changed.

Goetz^^ noted that the crown of the cap went out of

style after 1500 and, finally a tuft of feathers was

substituted in place of the crown.These feathers were worn

towards the front of the head and were held in place by

small rows of pearls. The fashion of the veil became

common among all the women in Iran during this time period.

In regard to the historical literature available on

the Safavid costume, a number of travelers' accounts and

diplomats' correspondences have survived. Among the historical documents which give references to costumes

during the Safavid period is the account of the Don Juan 93 of Persia. The title, Don Juan of Persia, was given

to one of the relatives of the Safavid Shah who was sent on a diplomatic mission to the courts of Spain and other

European countries. He was converted to Christianity when the Iranian embassy reached Rome (Italy). After his departure from Italy with the embassy he chose to remain in Spain (where he gained the title of Don Juan) and never returned to Iran.

92coetz, p. 2248-2249.

93sir. E. Denison, and Eileen Power. Ed. Don Juan of Persia, A Shiah Catholic, 1560-1604. (New York : Arno Press, 1973). 172

The Don Juan's company took with them many clothing

items, textiles, and other fine presents as royal gifts

from the Shah to various European kings. Don Juan's

account of the mission also contains some information regarding the costumes worn in the European countries in

which they stayed or passed through.

Among the most reliable accounts during the Safavid 94 time is the travel record of Sir John Chardin who

visited Iran in 1667-1673. Chardin reported that the

Eastern people (the Persians) do not change their style of

clothing so often as the Europeans do. Likewise, Persians

are not addicted to change in colors and materials they

use for making costumes.95

On the subject of footwear, Chardin gave detailed

information as follows :

The stockings are of cloth, and all of a piece,...they are cut like a sack, and not according to the shape of the leg; they come but just up to the knees, below which they tie them; they put a piece of red leather, very well stitch'd, to the heel of them, to hinder the heel of the shoe, which is sharp, from doing it any harm...It is only since the Persians traded with the Europeans, as well by the means of their Armenian subjects, as of the European companies, that they have worn cloth-stockings in Persia...The fashion of the shoes, which the people of quality wear, which are made like the womens slippers, that they may throw them off the easier when they got to

John Chardin. Travels in Persia, London: The Argonaut press, 1927.

95chardin, pp. 211-212. 173 their houses ; because their floors are covered with carpets ... The poor people make the soles of their shoes of camels' leather, because it lasts much longer than any other; but it is a soft leather that takes in the water like a sponge.9°

On the subject of usage of color in clothing, Chardin noted that the Eastern people, especially the Persians wore no black since it is regarded as an unlucky and odious color known commonly as "develes Color."

Furthermore, he stated that "They (Persians) dress indifferently in all colors at all ages..."^^

In regard to the costumes of women in Persia,

Chardin stated that the costumes of women in many ways resembled the costumes of men. For example, both male and female wear the same style of drawers. However, the legs in women's drawers "...are straighter, longer and thicker, 98 because the women wear no stockings."

Chardin reported that the women of Persia wore the 99 Buskin, a boot which is about four fingers width above te ankle and is made out of a very rich material or

S^Chardin, pp. 213-214.

97chardin, p. 215.

98chardin, p. 215.

99a laced boot reaching half way or more to the knee (Webster's Seventh New Collegiate Dictionary, 113) 174

embroidered. The shift^^^ (chemise) was open to the

navel; over the shift, the women wore long vests and small

girdle. The fashion for the head was elegant as Chardin

reported. A veil was used for the head which fell to the shoulders and covered the neck and bosom.A great

white veil was worn over all 102 and covered the whole

body. Apparently women used four veils during the period

when Chardin visited Iran. Chardin gave a description

about the veils as follows:

The women wear four veils in all; two of which they wear at home, and two more when they go abroad. The first of these veils is made like a kerchief, falling down behind the body, by way of ornaments. The second passes under the chin and covers the bosom. The third is the white veil which covers all the body,and the fourth is a sort of handkerchief which goes over the face, and is fastened to the temples. This handkerchief^®^ or veil, has a sort of net-works, like old point, or lace, for them to see t h r o u g h .

l®®Originally, and for centuries, the chemise or shirt of white linen worn by men, women and children was basically a work or sleeping garment with long sleeves. (The Dictionary of Costume by Turner Wilcox, 317.)

l®lchardin, p. 215.

l®2'phis type of veil still is customary in Iran, and is called "chawdoor". However, color and materials which chawdoor is made from may vary.

l®3This specific face cover (handkerchief as Chardin refers to it) is called "pooshiah" derived from the work "pooshesh" meaning covering. Pooshiah is no longer in fashion in Iran.

^®^Chardin, pp. 215-216. 175

One of Chardin's observations in regard to the

amount of body coverage among the Persian women was that

the Armenian (Christian) women were covered to a greater

extent than Muslim women. The Armenian women "....have

even at home, their faces veiled down to their nose, if

they are married.In contrast, the Muslim woman wore no veil at home and they allowed two tresses of their hair to hang down upon their cheeks. Chardin concluded that "The Persian dress gives one the liberty of seeing much more of the waist that ours (Western) does."^^^

On the subject of cosmetics and usage of hair dyes among the Persian ladies, Chardin made some interesting observations. He had noticed that the color of black was much esteemed among the Persians for the eyebrows, hair, and beard. He reported that the thickest and largest eyebrows were considered the finest, specifically when they were connected. Apparently a type of black dye was used to improve the color of the hair. The use of beauty marks among the Persian ladies was common:

lO^chardin, p. 216.

lO^chardin, p. 216. 176 they make themselves likewise black patch or lozenge, not so big as the nail of one's little finger, a little under the eyebrows: and in the dimple of the chinuanother little purple one; but this never stirs, being made with the point of a lancet. They likewise generally annoint their hands and feet with that orange colored pomatom, which they call Hanna^^° which is made with the seed or leaves of woat or pastel ground... which they make use of to preserve the skin against the heat of the weather.1 0?

The use of ornaments and jewelry was common among the Persian ladies of the Safavid time. Chardin reported that various kinds of jewelries are used; the head and hair as well as the forehead, ears, nostril, hands, fingers and neck were jeweled. Evidently the practive of piercing the nostril was only customary in certain provinces and not among all the Persian ladies as he reported;

The women in several provinces have a ring pass'd through their nostril... women slaves particularly, or those who are born slaves, almost all wear these rings...But at Isahan the Natural Persians don't bare their nose at all.110

lO^Most probably, the purple mark that Chardin talks about being tatooed on, since this method is still being practiced among the villagers, specifically in southern part of Iran where a mixture of Iranian-Arab communities live.

lOSjianna (hena) is believed to have soothing ad cooling qualities and commonly is used among the Iranian people. The practice of coloring hands and feet is out of fashion (at least among the urban people). Hena is commonly used as hair conditioner and treatment, mixed with other herbs and various oils.

lO^Chardin, p. 217.

llOchardin, p. 217. 177 Daulier Des landes, another French traveler who

had visited Iran in 1673, also reports on the costumes of

the Persians and the jewelries used by the Persian

ladies. He had noted that the clothes of Safavid people

were gay, made of beautiful fine stuffs, and colorful.

Their clothes were made of plain silks or of fine cotton

embroidered with gold and silver thread. " The women adorn

themselves, with as much jewelry as they can wear. They 112 wear a little ring in one nostril..."

Dutch paintings are another available source on 113 the costumes of the Persians. In the art of Holland one of the most obvious features of the Eastern people are the figures of the actual Persians in their native costumes or the figures of other people clothed in Persian costumes. Apparently some merchants of Amsterdam and other Dutch towns established direct relations with the country to obtain spices, silk, and other colonial wares.

When the Dutch East India Company was recognized in 1623 by the Shah of Persia, the Persian influence became apparent in the artistic phase of the Dutch people. For a

ll^Deslandes, pp. 6-7.

ll^Deslandes, p. 7.

ll^Herman Goetz. "Persians and Persian Costumes in Dutch Painting of the Seventeenth Century." The Art Bulletin, (XX, 1938). 178 time it became fashionable in Holland to be dressed as an

oriental nobleman^^^ when one's portrait was painted.

A Dutch artist named Jan Lucasz Van Hasselt was at

the court of Shah Abbas the Great in 1625. During the

same year the embassy of Musa Beg who was sent by Shah

Abbas to Holland. It is this embassy to which must be

attributed the strong Persian interest so long to be felt

among the public and the artists of Holland.Persian

influence becomes obvious in many Dutch paintings after

1627. A specific example of the Persian influence is

evident in the early works of Rembrandt, about 1630, for

he used Persian features.

The most famous embassy of the Dutch East India

Company went to the Persian court of Shah Abbas II under

Joan Cunaeus in 1651-52. The embassy was accompanied by a painter. Philips Angel, who stayed in the service of Shah

Abbas II for several years and returned to Holland in

1665. Goetz indicates that Phillips Angel, possibly in his later years, had a certain influence on other artists such as "Arent de Gelder, whose Biblical paintings worked

ll^Goetz, p. 282.

^^^Goetz, p. 282.

ll^Goetz, p. 283. 179

up in the Persian style saw their origin in those late

years of the seventeenth century.

In regard to the costumes of the Persian women,

there are no examples evident in the Dutch paintings of

the seventeenth century since the Persian women were not

depicted in Western art before the end of the eighteenth 118 century.

The process of transformation of Oriental costume styles (including the Persian style) in Western art has resulted in a number of inaccuracies due to insufficient acquaintance of the artist with the East. For example,

Goetz had noted that in addition to the real Persian turban of the seventeenth century in the Dutch paintings another turban was included in the paintings which was similar in form but lightly wound around the head. The turban was from an earlier period for it had been in 119 vogue about 1500. According to Goetz, this specific turban had been introduced into the Dutch art earlier by

Flemish masters since the works of Flemish painters were used as a model by Dutch painters and were later copied.

The end of the seventeenth century brought an end to the

ll^Goetz, p. 283.

^^^Goetz, p. 284.

ll^Goetz, p. 287. 18 0 Persianization of the Dutch painting and gave way to a new 1 70 taste inspired by the French Chinoiserie.

In addition to the paintings by the Dutch masters,

other visual documents have survived which depict the

headgear of the Persians during the seventeenth century.

The visual documents include the head studies in the 121 museums in Rotterdam, Philadelphia, and London.

Analysis of Costumes and Textiles Depicted in Miniature Paintings

For the purposes of the study of the Savid Costumes and Textiles, three specific manuscripts were selected:

(1) Diwan of Hafiz (Fogg Museum. Harvard University) dated

1527, reproduced in Stuart Cary Welch, Persian Painting.

(New York: Braziller, 1976); (2) Khamsa of Nizami (British

Museum, Add. 25.900) dated 1539-1543, reproduced in Stuart

Cary Welch, Persian Painting. (New York: Braziller,

1976); and (3) The Houghton Shahname (private collection of Arthur Houghton) dated 1549, reproduced in Martin

Bernard Dickson and Stuart Cary Welch, The Houghton

Shahnama (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981).

The presentation is in two parts: (1) general information about the manuscript and miniature paintings.

^^^Goetz, p. 290

IZlQoetz, p. 287 181

and (2) specific information regarding the costumes,

accessories, and textiles depicted from the miniature

paintings.

The selected manuscripts are dated and published in book form. The Diwan of Hafiz manuscript or collected works of Hafiz, was made for the poems of the greatest mystical poet of Iran, Shams al-Din Muhammad Hafiz, who was born in 1326 and died at age sixty-four in the year of

1390. This manuscript originally contained five minia­ tures; however one miniature, the work of Shaykh Zadeh

[and depicted a polo scene] was stolen from the book 122 during World War II and was never recovered. Three of the existing miniatures are signed by Sultan Muhammad and the fourth has the signature of Shaykh Zadeh. The miniature by Shaykh Zadeh is believed to have been made for Prince Sam Mirza, a younger brother of Shah Tahmasp.

Prince Sam Mirza was a man of great artistic and literary understanding. Apparently, both Sultan Muhammad and

Shaykh Zadeh worked for him. The Diwan of Hafiz depicts only four women figures. Great attention has been devoted to some of the architectural details in the background (Plate no. 16).

1 99 Stuart Cary Welch, p. 20. 1 2'^ Stuart Cary Welch, p. 20. 182 Khamsa of Nizami, or Nizami's Quintet, was painted

for Shah Tahmasp. The paintings in this manuscript were

done for the Ilyas B. Yusuf Nizami's Quintet. Nizami was

born in 1140 and died in 1202 at the age of sixty-two. This manuscript contains dates from 1539 to 1543. Origi­

nally the volume contained fourteen miniature paintings;

later three late seventeenth century paintings were added

by Muhammad Zaman. The painters who contributed to this

volume were among the court painters of the Tahmasp's

time: Sultan Muhammad, Aga Mirak, Mir Sayyid Ali, Mirza

Ali, and Muzaffar Ali. In addition to the three minia­

tures, many new borders have been added since the volume

was refurbished due to excessive wear and tear.^^^

Khamsa of Nizami was the last manuscript which was

made by the order of Shah Tahmasp before he turned away

from painting and chose to be an extremely orthodox

Muslim. His orthodoxy forced many of the painters who were

not able to support themselves without the court support

either to go to India to the court of Hunayun, the Mughal 125 emperor, or to the cities of Tabriz and Qazvin.

Most of the miniatures in the Khamsa of Nizami

appeared to depict the figures in an outdoor environment.

124stuart Cary Welch, p. 22.

125üavid Talbot Rice. Islamic Art, (London: Oxford University Press, 1975J1 22b. ATso see Welch, 22-23. 183

Some paintings included architectural representations with

much detail in the tile works (Plate 26 and Plate 19) . In

comparison to the Diwan, the Khamsa of Nizami depicts a

greater number of women; therefore, a wider range of

women's costumes was available to study. The angel

figures appearing in Plate no. 33 in "The Ascent of the

Prophet to Heaven" were included among the data collected

for women's costumes since the faces and hair styles of

angels had more feminine characteristics and appeared to

be women rather than men.

The Houghton Shahname was made for Shah Tahmasp.

It contains two hundred and fifty-eight unusually large

paintings and numerous illuminations. This manuscript

bears the name of its patron; near the beginning, a

rosette is inscribed with the titles and names of Shah

Tahmasp. The only date found in the work, 934/1527-28,

appears on an architectural panel as shown in Plate 216.

The Shahname was included in Shah Tamash's lavish presents

to the Turkish Sultan Selim II in 1568. The manuscript went to Istanbul "directly from Shah Tahmasp library, and remained there at least until the addition of Mehmed 1 O ^ "Arif's" Commentaries. The manuscript was aquired by

Baron Edmond de Rothschild in about 1903 and remained in

^^^Dickson, p. 4. 184 his collection until it was acquired by Arthur Houghton, Jr., in 1959.127

By the general and individual analysis of styles

appearing in the Houghton Shahname it could be assumed that the earliest miniatures were painted during the early

years of the 1520's. Most of the Shahname was completed

by 1535; however, a few miniatures were added to this 1 9 A manuscript as late as the 1540's.

Many hands are distinguished in the paintings of

the Houghton Shahname, some are positively identified

while a number of painters remain anonymous. Among the

known painters who worked on this manuscript are Sultan

Muhammad, Mir Musawir, Aga Mirak, Dust Muhammad, and

Shaykh Muhammad. Other painters whose works appeared

throughout the manuscripts are referred to as painters A, B, C, D, and F.129

The two final miniatures which were added later to

Houghton Shahname were probably completed in the 1540's.

One of them is signed by Dust Muhammad, who may have been both calligrapher and painter for the same miniature., The

second miniature has been identified as stylistically

197 Dickson, p. 4.

128-.Dickson, , p. 5.Ç 1 7Q Dickson, p. 4-5, 7. 185 related to Dust Muhammad, probably to one of his pupils, Shaykh-Muhammad.

The Houghton Shahname offers a wealth of

information, not only about the style of miniature

painting of the Safavid era but also because of the

scarcity of surviving examples in architecture, textiles, 131 costumes, and other decorative arts.

From the two hundred thirty slides of the Houghton

Shahname which were examined, fifty-seven slides were

deleted from the study since they were of military nature

and depicted military costumes. The Houghton Shahname

depicted a greater variety of costumes for both men and women than either the Diwan of Hafiz or the Khamsa of

Nizami manuscripts.

Specific Information: Costumes, Accessories and Textiles Designs Depicted in the Miniatures

The items of clothing included in the costumes and the textile designs for the fabrics were identified and recorded to provide an objective basis for describing the costumes of the Safavid period. The topics for presen­ tation findings are: the outer garments, headdress, footware (for women), costumes, headdress, footwear (for men), accessories and textile designs. The frequency

^^*^Dickson, p. 7. 1 n Dickson, p. 3. 186 distributions of costume items are shown for women and men

in Tables 7, 8, and 9.

Costumes (Women's) : The Diwan of Hafiz dated 1527

contained four miniatures. Four women were depicted in these miniatures. Based on the data collected from the

Diwan of Hafiz, two types of outer garments were

identified for the women as shown in Table 7: (1) a long

ankle length dress (Plate 15, folio 67), with full length

front opening, buttoned to the waist, V neckline, long

close fitted sleeves with a sash worn around the waist;

(2) a circular cape (Plate 15, folio 67) with lining and

fur trim around the edge. The cape has buttons and button holes on either side of the front edge. Both the dress and the circular cape are identical to those worn by the men.

Twenty-two women were counted in the miniatures of the Khamsa of Nizami dated 1539-1543. The data collected from this manuscript indicated two types of costumes for women: (1) a long ankle length front opening dress with a sash wound around the waist (as shown in Plate XI, folio

18) which is similar in style to those depicted from the

Diwan of Hafiz, except the dress in Khamsa of Nizami does not have buttons as a fastening device and the shape of the neckline is circular instead of V; (2) an ankle length gathered skirt (see Plate 25, folio 53).

Apparently this specific skirt was worn as an undergarment since the miniature depicts Shirin in a bathing scene. Table 7

The Safavid Dynasty: Costumes for Women

Olwnn o£ llnfli Houghton Shnhnnmch Khammn of Nizami HonuncrlpC ManuBcrlot Monuacrlpt 1527 1560 1539-1563___ Cotcgory Item Frequency Item Frequency I tern Frequency

Outer Garment Dress, ankle Dress, ankle 32 length, full length, front length front opening, one opening, buttoned button on the top to the waist, V exposing the cheat shaped neck lino, area, long fitted long close fitted sleeves, rounded sleeves worn with neck line with a a sash around the sash or belt used wa1st. around the waist. Capo, circular Coat, ankle length 29 with lining and loose fit, full Cur trimming length front around the edges. opening, short aleevos , buttoned to the waI a t. Some examples appeared with embroidery work on the upper cheat and over the shoulders.

00--j Table 7 (continued)

niwnn of llaflz Houghton Shohnnroeh Khainsn of Nizami MnnviRcr lot Hanuflcrlpt Hnnuacrlpt 1527 15/iO 1539-15^3 Category Item Frequency Item Frequency Item Frequency

Outer Garment Cont, ankle 24 Dress ankle 17 length, loose fit, length, front full length front opening, rounded opening, small neck line, long attached collar, close fitted extremely long aIcoves , with a aleevoa with a sash worn around allt In them. the waist. Coat, anitle length 10 Skirt, ankle 5 front opening, length, gathered short aleevem, attached small collar, buttoned to the waist. Dress,ankle length full front opening, buttoned to the waist, V shaped nock line attached collar,

00 00 Table 7 (continued)

Diwnn of llnfli lloughcon Slinhnnmch Khnmsn of Nizami Mnnuscrlot Manuscript Hnnuacrlpt 1527 1540 1539-1543

CnccRory Item Frequency Item Frequency Item Frequency

Outer Garment long fllcevcB. Hnnhnaneh (long Some cxnmplen hnve veil) cmbrolde.rly work nround the bottom Fcothered hat edge of the dresa, aklrt nnd on the Chaadar or ankle Upper cheat nrea. length veil Drowcra, nnklo 4 Mongol crown length

Ucnd- dreaa Short veil Short Veil 123 Hnghnoeh (long 9 veil) Veil worn with 9 crown Veil worn with 6 crown nnd pcnrla Veil worn with 5 crown and feather

00 Table 7 (continued)

Diwan of llaflz Houghton Shnhnnmch Khamsa of Nizami Mnnuacrlpt Manuscript Manuscript 1527 1540 1539-1543 CaCagory Item Frequency Item Frequency Item Frequency

Footwear Cloaed slippers Closed slippers 18 Closed slippers 3 Short boots 3 Long boots with 1 small heel

A c c e s ­ sories Pearl ear drops Strings of pearls 137 Pearl ear drops 25 Pearl car drops 105 Strings of'pearls 5 nracelets of 5 gold and pearls

VOO PLATE XI

The Old Woman Complaining to Sultan Sanjar.

Khamsa, Plate 21, folio 13, (1539-1543).

i

191 192

The miniatures in the Houghton Shahname illustrated

a greater variety of costumes for women compared to the

Khamsa and the Diwan. In the Houghton Shahname three

types of coats were identified. The first type of coat was ankle length, loose, with a full length front opening

and a small attached collar. This coat has extremely long sleeves provided with a slit or a hole in such a way that

the arms could be pulled through them and the coat can be used with the short sleeves. This specific coat is

identical with the coat worn by men in the Houghton

Shahname (folio 34V). The second type of coat depicted from the Houghton manuscript is a loose fitted, short sleeved, ankle length coat with full length front opening which has buttons to the waist. In many occasions this specific coat appeared with embroidery design around the neckline, upper chest and around the edges of the sleeves.

This coat is identical with those worn by men (folio

28V). The third type of coat worn by women in the miniatures of the Houghton Shahname is also an ankle length, with full length front opening, short sleeves buttoned to the waist and an attached small collar. The style of this coat is identical to those worn by men

(folio .lOr). Other types of outer garments for women from the Houghton manuscript included two types of dresses: (1) an ankle length dress with long fitted sleeves, rounded neckline with one button at leaving the 193

chest exposed; this dress has a full length front opening

and a belt or sash is used around the waist (folio 28V);

(2) an ankle length dress, full length front opening,

buttoned to the waist, with a V-shaped neckline and an

attached collar and long sleeves; some examples of this

specific costume were depicted with embroidery work around

the bottom edge of the dress skirt and on the upper chest

area (folio 527V). In addition to the dresses and coats

worn by the women, some of the figures are shown wearing

long drawers, indentical to those worn by men (folio 61.V).

Headdress (Women's) . The data collected from the

Diwan of Hafiz indicated only one type of headdress for

the women: that is, a short veil which was worn by all

women. (Table 7). In Plate 15, folio 67, the veils of

the two dancing girls have long ends formed in a tassel.

This tassel, in one instance, is tucked in the sash around

the waist and, in another instance, it is passed under one

arm, brought over the shoulder, and the end hangs loose.

One example of this veil (Plate 15, folio 67) appears in a more elaborate form. A bandana with a stick feather or

Taj in the center and hanging pearls on either side is worn with this short veil.

From the Khamsa of Nizami four types of headdress were identified. (1) Magna'a or the long veil Plate 28, folio 157) is a large rectangular piece of material placed 194

on the head in such a way that one corner of the veil

passes under the chin and is pinned to the central piece

of the veil on the side of the head. The loose area of

veil covers the chest in the front and the back and

shoulders. In some instances a bandana or a tie was depicted tied around the forehad along with the magna'a

(Plate 28, folio 157) or strings of pearsl were hung around the magna'a (Plate 24, folio 48). (2) A feather hat with bow and ribbon tied around the central part of the feathers was worn by the angels appearing in Plate 32, folio 195. (3) The third variety of the headdress depicted in this manuscript is the Chaadar (see Plate XI, folio 18) or the ankle length veil covering the body totally from the head to toe. This type of veil (which is still common in Iran) extends to the feet and is cut in a half circle at the bottom and the corners, clearing the feet. (4) Another headdress depicted in the Khamsa of

Nizami is the Mongol Crown; in Plate 24, folio 48, Nushaba wears this crown.

The data from the Houghton Shahname was used to identify two types of headdress for women, the head cover or veil and the crown. The head cover appeared in a variety of lengths, ornamentations, and even in combination wih the Taj and feathers (folio 66.V). The plain form of head cover was composed of a rectangular, thin light color or white piece of material placed on the 195 head, the corners passed under the chin and were tucked in

on the opposite sides. The remaining portion of this

headdress covers the shoulders at the back (folio 521V).

In some instances, the ends of the veils are depicted being tied to long tassels and hanging down the back

(folio 633V). The second type of head cover worn by women

is the crown. The crown is worn either in combination with

the short veil (folio 28V) or both the short veil and

feathers.

Footwear (Women's) . In the Diwan of Hafiz, one

type of footwear, the closed slipper, is depicted (Plate

51, folio 67) and worn by the two dancing figures. In the

miniatures in the Khamsa of Nizami three (3) types of

footwear were identified for the women: (1) the closed

slippers (Plate 28, folio 157), (2) the short boots

(shown in Plate XI, folio 18), and (3) the long riding boots with heels (Plate 25, folio 53). The long riding boots were not being worn, but were laid on the floor along with the other clothes of Shirin, the lady in a bathing scene.

In the Houghton Shahname, only one type of footwear was depicted, the closed slippers (folio 36.V) which was identical to those worn by female figures in both Khamsa of Nizami and the Diwan of Hafiz manuscripts. 196 Outer garments (Men's) . A variety of costumes for

men are presented in the Diwan of Hafiz manuscript (Table

8). The most frequently depicted garment is an ankle

length coat with a full length front opening small

attached collar, and extremely long sleeves. The hands

can be pulled through a hole which is provided in the

sleeves, therefore, the coat could be used either with the

short or the longer sleeves. The manner of wearing this

coat varies; in one instance (Plate 18, folio 135) this

coat is depicted with the arms pulled through the longer

sleeves, while in another example (see Plate XII, folio

86, the sitted figures in the front row), most of the

figures had the coat placed over their shoulders and their

arms were not in the sleeves. The second most frequently depicted costume for the men is the long sleeved Mongol robe, with right over left opening, V-shaped neckline, and belt around the waist (Plate 16, folio 77). Another costume depicted from the Divan of Hafiz is a type of a gown, ankle length, full length front opening buttoned to the waist, a small attached collar and V-shaped neckline, a sash or a belt is used around the waist. This gown is depicted either with short sleeves (Plate 15, folio 67) or long sleeves (Plate 16, folio 77). Occasionally the short sleeved gowns appeared with embroidery work on the chest and over the shoulders (Plate 16, folio 77). In few examples, a mandarin collar was depicted on the same gown Table 8

The Safavid uynasty. Costumes for Men

Diwan of llaflz Houghton Shohnameh Khamsa of Nizami Manuscript Mnnuacrlpt Manuscript 152 7 1540 1539-1543 Category Item Frequency Item Frequency Item Frequency

Outer G a rment Coat, ankle 49 Gown, ankle length 251 Gown, ankle 26 length, Cull close fitted, full length, short or front opening, length front long sleeves, extremely long opening, iihort buttoned to the fllcevcB, small sleeves, buttoned wn 1st , rounded attached collar to the waint, neckline with a embroidered on the belt, used Mongol robe, right 33 upper chest, over around the waist over left opening the nhonldera, nnd occns lonn1ly long aleevem, a round the sleeve embroidered on ankle lengtli. edge, some do not the sleeve and V shape neckline have embroidery necklInc. with a belt work, some example around waist line depicted n small Cont, ankle 25 attached collar. length, full Gown, ankle length 16 length front full length front Mongol Robe, ankle 173 opening, opening, small length, right over extremely long attached collar of left opening, long sleeves with a various kinds, V sleeves, a belt Is allt In the shaped neckline used a round the sleeves, small short or long wnlst, ham two attached collar Table 8 (continued)

Diwan of Hafiz Houghton Shahnamch Khamsa of Nizami Manuscript Mnnuacrlpt Mnnuacrlpt 1527 1540 1539-1 543

Category Item Frequency Item Frequency item Frequency

Outer sleeve,buttoned on either side of Mongol robe. 17 Garment* to the wlast, with the robe. right over left (cont'd) a anah or belt opening, nnkle used around the Cont, nnklc length 55 length, V shape wnlat. loose fit, full neckline, long length front sleeves, with Cape, circular 3 oppenlng, n belt used ahnpc, fully lined extremely long nround the wnlst fur trlma around slccven with n the edges. wide, thick, V Tunic, knee shaped fur collar length, full Drawers, close fit 2 or a narrow fur length front below the knee band around the opening, long length edge. sleeves, rounded neckline, a sash Tunic, knee length Cont, ankle length la used around rounded neck line, loose fit, full the wnlst. long aIcevcs, full length front length front opening, extremely Wrap, knee opening with a long sleeves, V length, tied sash or belt shaped neckline. nround the wnlst around the waist. covering the area between

VO 00 Table 8 (continued)

Dlwnn of linflï Houghton Shnhnnmch Rhnmnn of Nlzaml HnnuscripC Mnnuncrlpt MnnuscrIpt 1527 1540 1539-1543

ItO'i Prij'iuoiicy ri*0(|u*îiicy Item Frequency

Out or Onrricnts (cont'd) Cnnt, nnklc 24 the waist and length, looflc fit knees full length front openIng. Short Drawers, ankle bIccvcb wi t h n length, fitted converted V mhnpc nround the eut In the front ankles, worn edge of the under the gownes slcevcB, buttoned to the wnlnt, with Arab robe, full do corntlvp Inittonn length front nnd button holoB opening, ankle nround the odgCB length, loose of the sloeven. fit, wide loose long sleeves. Tunic, above the 22 knee length, full length front opening, V shaped neckline, short rtleevcB, buttoned to the wnlst,

to to Table 8 (continued)

Dlwnn of linflz Houghton Shnhnnmch Khamsa of Nlznml HonviHcrlpt Mnnuncrlpt Manuscript 1527 15/.0 1539-154 3

CnCop.ory Icem Frequency Item Frequency Item F requency

Outer G nrncnts ( c o n t 'd) with erabrlodery work on the upper chent, over the nhouldera nnd nround the shoulders and a I c e v c s .

Cont, nnklo length 19 loose fit full length front opening, long sleaves, nmn11 nttnched collnr.

Drnwers , nnkle 14 length with Htrulght logs.

Cont , nnklo length, full length, front Table 8 (continued)

D l w n n of llnflz Houghton Shnhnnmch Khnman of Nlznml HnnuscripC Hnnuocrlpc Hnnuacrlpt 1527 1540 1539-1543

Category Item Frequency Item Frequency Item F requency

Outer Garments ( c o n t 'd) opening long alcevea with a nllt In alccuea buttoned to the w n l a t .

Mongol robe, right 8 over left opening, nbovc the knee length, long sleeves, with a bolt nround the w n l s t . Top, short length, 7 loose fit sleeve­ less, rounded neckline.

Arnb cont, nnkle 6 length, rounded necKllnc, loose

ro o Table 8 (continued)

Dlwnn of llnflz Houghton Shnhnnmch Khnmsn of Nlznml Mnnuncrlpt Mnnuncrlpt HnnuncrIpt 1527 1540 1539-1543 Cstegory Item Frequency Item Frequency Item Frequency

Outer Cnrmontn ( c o n t 'd) fit, long loose wide sleeves, full length front opening. Drnwers, knee length with ntrnlghc legs.

Tunic, nbovc the knee length, full length front opening, V shope neckline, short n l e e v e n , emhrloclerd on the upper chent, over the nhoulders, nnd nround the sleeves edge, buttoned to the wnlnt.

Oeo ro Table 8 (continued)

D lwnn of tin f Iz Itougluon Slinhnnoch Rhnmsa of Nlzaml HnnuscripC HnnuscripC HanuocrIpC 1527 1540 1539-1543

Cntcgory Itcro Fr e q uency Item Frequency ICco Frequency tlendJrcBB Sclck Turbnn 52 SClck Turban 723 Sclck Turban 31

T u r b n n wlcli n 32 Sclck Turbnn wlch 112 Sclck Turban 20 cup In chc ccncer fenclicra wlch feachera

Sclck Turbnn wlch 14 Turbnn wlch n 95 Fur brimmed hac fenclicra . aronll cup In che ccncer Polnced conical Simple Turbnn 3 hac, fur brimmed Fur brimmed hnC 66 Mongol Crown 3 Mongol Crown Mongol Crown 49 Tail Skull line 1 Tall BofC haC ulcli fur brim Crown wlch feochor 35 raised In cencer

Turbnn wlch a 29 Turban wlch a conical cup 'conical cup In Che cenCer Double brimmed hac 25

Sofc cnil hoc wlch 21 dome shaped crown and fur orIm

roO w Table 8 (continued)

Dlwnn oC llnflz Houghton Shohnameh Khamsa of Nizami Mnnuflcript Manuscript Manuscript 1527 1540 1539-1543

Category Item Frequency Item Frequency Item Frequency

Headdress (cont'd) Brimmed hat 14

Fur bri m m e d hat 10 with conical crown

Brimmed feathered 8 hat with a projected she lid piece In the hack

Tall hot with 7 conical shaped crown, with fcnther nnd square proj e c t e d br i m in the front.

Hat with squared 7 flat top nnd fur brim

Stick Turhnn with 6 a tie wrapped

roO 4^ Table 8 (continued)

Dlwnn of llnflz Houghton Shnhnnmch Khnmmn of Nlzaml Mnnuncrlpt Mnnuncrlpt Mnnuacrlpt 1527 1540 1539-154ÎJ

Category Item Frequency Item Frequency Item Frequency

H e n d d r c n a nround the stick (cont d) Toll hnt with dome Bhnped crown and crobrlodcrcd square proje c t e d b r i m In the front.

Tall tnpercd skin hnt with conical

Tall brimmed hat with projected upward front brim

Turbnn with a cap In the c e nter and a f c n t h e r .

Ilrlmmed hnt with fcnther.

ro O tn Table 8 (continued)

D iwnn o f llaflz Houghton Shnhnnmch Kharoaa of Nlzaml Mnnuacrlpt: Hnnuacrlpt Mnnuacrlpt 1527 IMO 1559-15/,3

Category Item Frequency Item Frequency Item Frequency

H c n d drcaa (cont'd) Double dome ahapc 1 Crown with feather

TnlI hnt wlch 1 conlcnl crown nnd n fcnther dlnplnycd at the tip of the crown

Dome ahnpod crown 1 hnt with two half clrclea nnd fcnther.

Footwear Cloaed allppcra 5 Cloned allppcra 207 Cloaed allppcra 22

Lo n g boota I Long boota 93 SHppera with 3 turned up toes Short boota with 9 buttona nnd atrap Short boot with 3 amall heel, Short boot with 1 ralaed back and amnll cuff three atropa

t\5 Ocn Table 8 (continued)

Dlw n n of llaflz Houghton Shnhnnmeh Khamsa of Nlzaml Mnnuacrlpt Manuscript Manuscript 1527 1540 1539-1543

Category Item Freq u e n c y Item Frequency Item Frequency

Footwear (cont'd) Flat short boot 1 with buttons

Aces- sorlea F.nr drops of gold, 31 Golden belts and 513 Golden belts and 21 precious atones, hucklos buckles anil pearls F.nr drops of gold, 120 Ear drops of IS Golden belts and 9 pearls, and pearls nnd other buc k l e s precious stones precious stones.

Oro --j PLATE XII

The Feast of I'd Begins.

Diwan of Hafiz, folio 86, (1527)

208 209 instead of the small collar (Plate 16, folio 77 and Plate

22, folio 26). Another costume depicted is a knee length

tunic with long sleeves, rounded neckline and full length

front opening with a sash around the waist (Plate 18,

folio 135). Other types of costumes in the Diwan of Hafiz

included the drawers and the cape. The drawers are

closely fitted below the knee (Plate 18, folio 135). The

cape is a circular type identical to the one worn by the

women in the Plate 15, folio 67. This circular cape has

fur triming around the edge, fully lined, and buttons as a

fastening device.

A variety of male costumes were identified from the

Khamsa of Nizami. The most frequently observed costume in

this manuscript is an ankle length coat with an attached

collar, full length front opening, and extremely long

sleeves A slit is provided on the sleeves in such a way

that the arms can be pulled through them so the coat could

be worn with short sleeves (Plate 19, folio 15). An

example of this specific type of sleeve is shown in Plate

XIII, folio 26 (the third sitted figure from right).

Among the costumes depicted from Khamsa is a gown, very

similar to the gown in the Diwan of Hafiz. This gown is

an ankle length costume with rounded neckline buttoned to

the waist and belted. Occasionally, embroidery work appeared around the edge of the sleeves and neckline

(Plate 19, folio 15 and Plate 22, folio 26). Some PLATE XIII

The Physician's Duel/Detail.

Khamsa, Plate 23, folio 26, (1539-1543)

210 211

examples of this gown were depicted with the corners of

the front opening tucked in the sash so the feet are seen.

(Plate 24, folio 48). The third frequently depicted male

costume in the Khamsa of Nizami is the left over right opening Mongol robe, ankle length, with V-shaped neckline,

and long sleeves (Plate 26, folio 77). One example of the

Mongol robe shows a slit on one side (Plate 22, folio

26). Long drawers were also depicted which were worn under the gowns. These drawers seemed to be fitted at the ankles and gradually became fuller at the waist (Plate 26, folio 77). In a few instances, Majnun was depicted with only one knee length wrap (Plate 28, folio 157 and Plate

31, folio 166). On one occasion, the Prophet Muhammad riding on Buraq, was shown wearing the typical Arab robe.

This robe is full length, with front opening, loosely fitted, and with loose long sleeves. A knee length tunic was also depicted which is very similar to those observed in the Diwan of Hafiz. This tunic has a full length front opening, long sleeves, rounded neckline wih a sash around the waist (Plate 28 folio 157).

The miniatures of the Houghton Shahname showed a variety of costumes for the men. Six types of coat were identifed from the illustrations: The first coat is loose, ankle length, with full length front opening and extremely long sleeves. A slit or hole is provided in the sleeves in a way the arms could be pulled through them and

. t 212

the coat appears to have two different lengths of

sleeves. (See Plate XIV, folio 10, the first standing figure in the front row of the left corner of the

miniature). This coat is identical to those worn by women (folio 67V). In one example, the front edges of the coat

and around the slit is cut in a zig zag shape (folio 7r).

The second type is a loose ankle length coat with full

length front opening buttoned to the waist. The coat has

short sleeves cut in a converted V shape at the edge;

there are buttons around the edges of the sleeves (folio

7r). The third coat depicted from the Houghton Shahname

is also loose, ankle length with full length front

opening, and a small attached collar. The coat is buttoned

to the waist and appears with full length sleeves, and the

short sleeves (folio lOr) and the long sleeves (folio

44V). The fourth coat appeared to be an ankle length

loose coat with full length front opening, short sleeves,

fur collar and fur trimming around the edges and at the

bottom edge of the coat(folio 20V). The fifth type of

coat is also an ankle length, loose fitted coat wih a full

length front opening, and extremely long sleeves. This

coat appeared with two varieties of trimmings around the

edges : a) a wide thick fur trim around the V-shaped

neckline overlapping in the front when the coat is

fastened (folio 18V); (b) a narrow fur band all around the edge (folio 18V). The sixth type is the Arab coat which PLATE XIV

Firdawsi Proves his Literary Talents at the Court of Mahmud of Ghazna. Houghton Shahname, Plate 1, fo lio 10, (1540)

* I ■!!■ m n mm

0/ ê\Jé»i**

n R A - V 5 W a 5 B S a U , l i j, é„' ■ ir J i «Ji I Iiiil^iu r i n i u m , i ; i ;u f n 4 ilim * w 4

213 214

is ankle length, loose, with full length front opening,

rounded neckline, and wide long loose sleeves (folio 25V).

A variety of gowns shown in the Houghton Shahname

appeared in different lengths and with different details. The most frequently depicted gown is with a V-shaped

neckline, ankle length, close fitted, full length front

opening, with short sleeves (some examples showed the

sleeve edges cut in V-shaped manner; buttoned to the waist, belted, and embroidered on the upper chest, shoulders, and around the edges of sleeves (folio 21V).

The same costume also is illustrated without the embroidery design (folio 25V), and occasionally with an attached small collar (folio 23V). The second gown most frequently shown is an ankle length, close fitted, with full length front opening, buttoned to the waist and belted. This gown has long fitted sleeves and a V-shaped neckline (folio 7r). The same costume was depicted with two different types of collars; the mandarin collar (folio

53V) and a small attached collar (folio 731r) .

Other types of outer garments for men depicted in the Houghton Shahname included the Mongol robe (left over right opening) with long sleeves, belted around the waist. This robe has two slits on either side (folio

521V). Some of the examples of the Mongol robe appeared to be in a short (above the knee) length (folio 92V). Two short tunics were also depicted. (1) The first type is an 2 1 5

above knee length wtih a full length front opening, long

sleeved, with two slits on either side of the tunic. This

tunic has a round neckline and is used with a sash around

the waist (folio 62V). (2) The second type of tunic is also above the knee length, full length front opening,

short sleeved, buttoned to the waist. This tunic has a

V-shaped neckline on the upper part of the chest, over the shoulders and around the sleeves edge, embroidery design appeared (folio 238r).

Another type of outer garment identified for men in the Houghton Shahname was drawers. One type was an ankle length, straight cut drawer with fitted legs. Some examples appeared with patterned materials, probably embroidered (folio 21V). A converted V-shape cut appeared at the bottom edge of some drawers in some instances (see folio 20V). The second type of drawer was depicted with straight fitted legs which reached to the knee (folio

33V). In general, it was apparent from all the examples in the miniatures that it was customary to wear drawers either under various gowns, robes, and tunics or those costumes which covered the hips. Also, the drawers were depicted worn only with a top tucked in them (folio 30V and folio 42V).

A specific short top was depicted in the Houghton of Shahname, which covered only the chest area and the back. This top has a rounded neckline, and is sleeveless. 216

and unstitched sides it was worn over long sleeved gowns

(folio 49V).

Headdress (Men's)

The data collected from the Diwan of Hafiz was used to identify six different headdresses for men: (1)

simple turban (Plate 16, folio 77); (2) turban wound

around a small cap in the center of head (Plate 16, folio

77); (3) the Mongol crown (Plate 16, folio 77); (4) tall

skull hat with fur brim (Plate 16, folio 77); (5) tall

skull hat (Plate 16, folio 67); and (6) the stick turban with feathers (Plate 15, folio 67). The sticks in the turbans were dominated by three colors: red, black, or green. In some instances the turban itself was made of patterned material (as shown in Plate XII, folio 86 worn by the seated central figure).

Analysis of the miniatures from the Khamsa of

Nizmai revealed a variety of headdresses for males: (1) stick turban with red or black sticks (Plate 19, folio 15 and Plate 21, folio 18); (2) stick turban with feather

(Plate 21, folio 18), or in one example, the stick turban appeared with a feather and tie or ribbon wrapped around the shaft of the stick (Plate 22, folio 26); (3) turban wound around a cap in the center of the head (Plate 19, folio 15) or as in one example, a tall cap in the center of the turban (Plate 24, folio 48); (4) tall hat made of soft material which is raised in the center and a ribbon 217

is tied around it (Plate 28, folio 157) ; (5) conical

(Pointed tip) hat with fur brim Plate 28, folio 157); (6) and the fur brimmed hat (see the standing figure vrorking

in the garden, Plate XIII, folio 26).

The Houghton Shahname included a variety of

headdresses; twenty two types were identified as shown in

Table 8. The most frequent headdresses were the stick

turban (folio 7r), the stick turban with feather (folio

33V), and the turban with a small cap in the center (folio

638r). Other headdresses were the fur brimmed hat (folio

516V); the Mongol Crown (folio 20V); crown with feathers

(folio 21V); (7) turban with a concical cap Placed in the center (folio 63V); double brimmed hat (folio 21V); tall hat with dome shaped crown and fur brim (folio 21V); brimmed hat (folio 21V); and fur brimmed hat with conical crown (folio 34V). In addition, other styles were the brimmed feathered hat with a projected shield piece in the back (folio 234r); tall conical shaped crown hat with feather and square projected brim in the front (folio

23V); hat with squared crown, flat top and fur brim (folio

225V); stick turban with a tie wrapped around the stick

(folio 33V); tall hat with dome shaped crown and embroidered square projected brim in the front (folio

25V); tall tappered skin hat with conical crown (folio 21V); tall brimmed hat with projected upward front brim

(folio 20V); brimmed hat with feather (folio 67V); double 2 1 8

dome shaped crown hat with feather (folio 64V); tall hat

with conical crown and a feather displayed at the tip of

the crown (folio 52V); and dome shaped crown hat with two

half circles and feather (folio 104).

Footwear (Men's) The data collected from the Diwan of Hafiz manuscript were used to identify two types of footwear: 1) the closed slippers (Plate 18, folio 135), and 2) long boots (Plate 16, folio 77).

A variety of footwear was identified from the

Khamsa of Nizami manuscript. Two different types of low boots were depicted; (1) flat with buttons and tongue

(Plate 19, folio 15), and (2) low boot with a small heel wiht a raised portion at the back and three straps as a fastening device (Plate 28, folio 157). Two types of slippers were identifed (1) the flat closed slippers

(Plate 24, folio 48), (2) the slippers with turned up toe

(Plate 28, folio 157). The closed slippers are identical to those depicted in the Diwan of Hafiz. In the Khamsa of

Nizami long stockings and legwarmers (in a crisscross fashion wrapped around the legs), the long stockings shown in Plate XII, folio 18).The stockings were used with slippers and were tied with a strap under the knees for security (Plate 24, folio 48). 219 The Houghton Shahname depicted a variety of

footwear; however, the most common one was the closed

slipper (folio 67V) which is identical to those in the

Khamsa and Diwan. Other footware were (1) long riding boots with a small heel (folio 234r); some examples

appeared with embroidery design (folio 39V); (2) short boots with buttons and straps as fastening device (folio

21V); (3) short boot with a small cuff (see folio 31V).

Other types of legwear included the long stockings which were held in place by a strap tied under the knees as shown in Plate XVI, folio 37, and the crisscross legwarmers (folio 62V) identical to shoe in the Khamsa of

Nizami manuscript.

Accessories

The illustrations in the Diwan of Hafiz indicated that golden belts, jewels, feathers in the headdress, and other forms of accessories were used by both male and female. The fashion of wearing ear drops (precious stones or pearls hung from a golden chain) was customary among the men (Plate 17, folio 86 and Plate 15, folio 67).

Another type of accessory for men was a small purse which was carried hung from the sash around the waist (Plate 16, folio 77) .

The women in the Diwan of Hafiz were also depicted wearing identical ear drops to those worn by men. Other 220 types of accessories for women included the feathers in

taj, strings of pearls, and golden belts.

The data collected from the Khamsa of Nizami was

used to identify the ear drops used by both males and

females (Plate 24, folio 48 and Plate 22, folio 26).

Women were also depicted with bracelets (Plate 29, folio

157). The fashion of wearing feathers in taj and strings

of pearls in headdress was customary. Golden belts were

often depicted in place of sashes.

The Houghton Shahname contained miniatures in which

the personages were depicted with accessories. The ear

drops were used by both men and women (folio 52V and folio

48V), (also see Plate XV, folio 37 for examples worn by men). Other forms of accessories for both men and women were the feathers in the headdresses and use of golden belts in some occasions in place of sashes, and for women, the use of strings of pearls in their headdress.

Textile Design

A magnifying glass was used to examine the textile designs in the miniature paintings. As shown in Table 9, three types of textile design were depicted from the designs included the floral design (Plate 22, folio 26); the deer with floral background (Plate 22, folio 26); and stripes (Plate 28, folio 157). The costumes in the Diwan of Hafiz; (1) the rosette (Plate 15, folio 67), (2) the water ducks (Plate 15, folio 67), and (3) the arabesque pattern (Plate 15, folio 67). PLATE XV

The Death of Zahhak. Houghton Shahname, Plate 7, fo lio 37, (1540)

m m

221 Table 9

The Sûfavld Dynasty : Textile Designs

Dlwnn of llnflz Houghton Shnhnnmch Khamma of Nizami Mnnoncrlpt Hnnuflcrlpt Hnnuscrlpc ______1 527 1 5 4 0 1 5 3 9 - 1 5 4 3

1 tern Frequency Item Frequency Item F requency

Roacttea 17 Roacttea 240 Floral pattern 25

Arabcequo 10 Water Oucka 160 Water Ducka 5 design Lotus Flower 80 Strips 2 Water ''ucka 4 Croascs 70 Deer with floral 1 background Arnbcaque dealgn 63 Drnnchca of flower 60 In a row. Leaves 22 Pear shape and 20 oval design Palely dealgn 14 Dots 12 Dlrda 12

rv3 ro no Table 9

The Safavid Dynasty: Textile Designs

Diwan of llafle Houghton Shahnameh Khomaa of Nizami Hnnuflcrlpt Hnnuiicrlpt Mnnuncrlpt 1527 1540 1539-1543 Item Frequency Item Frequency Item Frequency

Scrips 10

Crosses set In 8 with leaves

no ro to 224 The illustrations in the Khamsa of Nizami showed

four different types of textile designs of which the water

ducks (Plate 22, folio 26). was the most common. Other In

addition to the motifs which appeared on the costumes, the

arabesque design was also identified (in embroidery form)

on the upper chest, around the necklineand at the border

edges of the sleeves in gowns (Plate 22, folio 26 and

Plate 26, folio 77).

The Houghton Shahname depicted a variety of

textiles design of which rosettes were most common. The

second frequently depicted motif was the water duck (folio

27V). Other types of textile motif included; (1) lotus

flower (folio 44V), (2) Arabesque design (folio 31V); (3)

branches of flowers in a row (folio 45V); (4) leaves

(folio 67V); (5) pear shape and oval design (folio 96V);

(6) paisley design (folio 46V); (7) dots (folio 21V); and

birds (folio 21V).

In addition to these designs, a number of

miniatures depicted costumes which were made of leopard

skin (folio 21V) or were enriched with embroidery (folio

21V). Embroidery was also used to enrich the riding boots

(folio 39V). A number of designs appeared commonly on

allthe manuscripts which seemed to be popular motifs for

the Safavids era; namely, the water ducks, arabesque patterns, rosette, and floral motifs. 225

Summary of The Safavid Costume and Textile Motifs

Little change was. evident in the costumes of the

late Timurid and early Safavid periods except for the

Safavid specific headgear. The political situation of the

early Safavid period was not stable due to a number of

other minor dynasties ruling different parts of the

country. As the Safavid house became established and

stable and the territories became secure, more attention was devoted to the arts and cultural life, including costumes.

Generally speaking, the basic changes happened in the silhouette of clothes, i.e., from the previous vertical lines to horizontal lines. A greater number of clothing items were worn by both men and women and the manner of wearing them varied. For example, the visual documents provided evidence that the outer coats were worn or thrown over the shoulders in a casual manner. The changes in costume were due to new ideas and a change in taste. Historically, the influence of the pleasure boys during this time period is known. They were illustrated in theminiature paintings and were popular subject for the artists. Perhaps such pleasure boys were partly respon­ sible for the new taste and ideas, such as the creation of more sophisticated items of clothing and the love for 226

luxurious costumes. Whatever the reasons may be for the

new fashions, the costumes of the Safavid dynasty are

classified among the most elegant and sophisticated

costumes in Iranian history.

In general, the length of costumes for men became

shorter, and in most instances, the footwear were clearly visible in the miniatures. Many of the miniatures depicted men with the corners of their outer clothes tucked into their belts, so their legs and footwear were displayed.

One of the greatest changes evident in the costumes of the Safavid in comparison to the Timurdi period is in the turbans. The turbans gained height and became narrow in width during the mid-sixteenth century. The turbans were wrapped loosely around a cap. The Shiiat stick turban, a distinguishing sign for the Safavid house, is the major difference in headdress between the Safavids and the previous dynasties.

The wide variety of headgear was striking. Twenty-two different types were identified; thus it was assumed that the headgear was significant in the rank and the status of its wearer. The stick turbans were depicted as being worn by the Courtiers. The stick turbans themselves were varied. They appeared to be adorned and with jewelry, and elaborate feathers of different heights. Sometimes even the turban itself was made of 227

patterned material as appears in the Diwan of Hafiz, folio

86. It was evident from the miniatures that the elder and

dignified people wore the turban with the cap more often

than younger men. 132 The study by Goetz indicated that simple

soldiers wore a red cap alone or with a turban wound

around it. Since military costumes were excluded from

this study no example of Goetz's findings was observed.

The outer coat with extremely long sleeves had a

slit or opening in the sleeves in such a way that the arms

could be pulled through them and the sleeves could be used

either in short or long lengths. Similar sleeves were

depicted earlier from the Timurid costumes; however, the

miniatures of the Safavids indicated that such extremely

long sleeves were fashionable and were used by both men

and women. Generally the men's and women's costumes of

Safavid were similar; sometimes the similarity was so

great that if it were not for the headgear, it would have been impossible to distinguish between the men and women.

Drawers were used by men; however, it was almost

impossible to know whether or not the drawers were also used by women, since the women's legs were covered by long clothes. It is possible to speculate that since many of the items of clothing were commonly used by both the men and women, perhaps drawers were included among such items for women.

l^^Goetz, p. 2247. 228 133 Chardin reported that women used four veils.

two at home and two outside of their home. The veils used

at home covered the back and passed under the chin and

covered the bosom. The veils used outside the house were described by Chardin as being one large sheet covering the entire body and the second veil made of a small piece covering the entire face and had a network for the wearer to see through. The first two veils reported by Chardin were depicted often in the miniatures. The first long veil used outside the house refered to as a "sheet" by

Chardin was illustrated twice throughout the entire miniaturse examined for the Safavid costumes. This specific outdoor veil, called Chaddar, was depicted only in the Khamsa of Nizami manuscript. The third small veil which covered the entire face and had a network as it was reported by Chardin was not illustrated in the manuscripts selected for Safavid costumes. Perhaps the women depicted in all the miniatures did not need to wear the outdoor veils since they were portrayed either inside the houses or even if they were depicted ouside of their house they were still in the privacy of their own gardens.

^^^Chardin, pp. 215-216. 229 One interesting point to observe is that the

description given by Chardin for the two small veils used

at home by women is accurate in the way he explained the

exact purpose and the manner in which the house or short

veils are used. However, the miniatures which were small

did not display two short veils or they were not visible

in the miniatures. The veils seemed to be one large piece

covering the bosom in the front and parts of shoulders and back.

Similar footwear was used by both men and women in the miniatures. The slippers^were a common type of footwear and Chardin also had reported the usage of slippers among the Safavid men and women. In regard to the use of jewelry among the Safavid ladies, both

Chardin^^^ and Dawlier Deslandes^^^ described the practice among the Persian ladies of piercing one nostril. The miniatures examined for the Safavid costume did not contain an example of the pierced nostril.

Perhaps, as Chardin explained, this fashion was customary only among 'the women slaves and those born to slaves, not among the "Natural Persians."

134chardin, p. 217. 135 Deslandes, p. 7. 230

As to the subject of cosmetics among the Persian

ladies of the Safavid period, the connected heavy eyebrows

and beauty marks were observed from the miniature 1 O ^ paintings and confirmed Chardin's descriptions. A

number of miniatures contained women's figures in which their hands were painted in different designs. 137 Chardin refers to an orange color, Hanna, which the

Persian ladies used to annoint their hands and feet.

Perhaps Hanna had both medicinal and cosmetic values.

Since weaving was considered an important industry, fine and costly materials were produced during the Safavid era. In comparison to the Timurid dynasty, a larger number of Safavid's textiles have survived which offers a wealth of information in regard to the complexity of the techniques achieved by the Safavid weavers. As far as the study of motifs which appeared on the costumes of the examined miniatures, the data indicated that floral motifs and rosettes were among the popular designs. Other motifs which were favorite subjects were birds and animals, especially ducks. The human figure apparently was another 138 motif which was frequently used in textiles. Dimand had studied one such surviving figure achieved by a

136chardin, p. 217.

137chardin, p. 217.

138Dimand. Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, p. 108. 231 139 complex technique on velvet material. Shepherd

reported that the design of an existing gold silk brocade

cloth in the Cleveland Museum of Art included human

figures dressed alternately in blue or white. The same figures wore brown gloves amd were holding falcons. It is

likely to say that the gloves were only used as a means of

protection against the birds in a similar way used by the

Timurids.

The art of weaving during the Safavid time reached

its zenith and the weavers produced technically complex

materials. Historically, Safavid's textiles are ranked among the best for the time period in which they were

produced. Perhaps this was possible merely because of the

existence of the guilds and the support of the Safavids

court for the rival and enrichment of the arts included in

them, the magnificent art of weaving.

139ghepherd, Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art, p. 118. Chapter 6

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Prior to the II-Khanid rule in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, Iran had been under the domination of the Turkish rule of the Saljuk dynasty. The Turko-

Iranian style of art had influenced the cultural art of the Iranian people, including the costumes. With the establishment of the Mongol-Iranian Il-Khanid state in the end of the thirteenth century and the trade contacts with

East Asia, Iranian costumes reflected the changes which occurred. The Far Eastern influence is evident from the surviving miniature paintings of that time period.

The end of the fourteenth century brought new political and military power in the Transoxiania centered at Samarkand, in the Timurid state. The Timurid people were of Turko-Mongolian descent, related to Chingiz Khan, and ruled Iran for a period of one hundred years. Timurid culture was influenced by East Asian elements, particu­ larly Chinese; however, Timurid art and costume developed an Iranian characteristic.

The Safavid house came to power in 1501 and remained until 1736. Among the most distinctive events of the Safavid's rule were the rise of a major Muslim sect, 232 233

Shiia, and the establishment of a central government. The

Safavids claimed descent from the Prophet Mohammad's cousin and son-in-law, Ali.^ During the Safavid era,

the contact and trade with Europeans who were in Iran on

diplomatic, missionary, or commercial business brought new

ideas and changes in all aspects of cultural life of the

Iranian people. One of the evidences of cultural change

which occurred is in costumes.

Although scholarly literature referred briefly to

costumes of the three periods, the information presented

was limited in scope. A few textiles have been preserved

from the Safavid period, but the actual costumes have not

survived.

However, many sources of visual documentation have

survived, such as the miniature paintings. The miniature

paintings of the Il-Khanid, Timurid, and Safavid dynasties

offer an alternative and unexplored source of information

about costumes.

The purpose in this research was to study the cos­

tumes as depicted in miniature paintings of the thirteenth

through mid-sixteench centuries of Iranian history ; namely,

the Il-Khanid, the Timurid and the Safavid dynasties and

to establish a chronology of men's and women's costumes in a systematic way. The objectives were as follows:

^Alessandro Bausani, trans., The Persians, by Donne, J.B. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1971), 136-137. 234 To relate the stylistic changes in costumes of the Il-Khanid, the Timurid, and the Safavid dynasties to the historical settings of those times.

To establish a chronology of Il-Khanid, Timurid, and Safavid costumes over a span of four hundred and fifty years, between the end of the thirteenth and the middle of the sixteenth centuries.

The primary sources used in the study were

published and some unpublished manuscripts containing

Persian miniature paintings. In addition, other sources

of information used included traveler's account; the

memories of the embassies to and from Persia; and

literature on the history, art, architecture, textiles,

and costumes of Iran.

One manuscript was used for the Il-Khanid costumes; Jami al-Tawarikh of Rashid al-Din (Edinburgh University

Library, Arab Ms. 20) dated 1306, reproduced in David

Talbot Rice, The Illustrations to the World History of

Rashid al-Din, (Edinburgh: University Press, 1973). Four

manuscripts were used for the Timurid costumes: (1) Diwan

of Khawji Kirmani, (British Museum ADD 18113, dated 1396),

(2) Mira.jname of Mir Haydar (Bibliothèque nationale,

supplement turc 190) dated 1436, reproduced in Marie-Rose

Seguy, The Miraculous Journey of Mahomet Mirajname, (New

York: Braziller, 1977), (3) Shahname (Cleveland Museum of

Art, Nos. 56.10 and 45.169) dated 1444, and (4) Khamsa of

Nizami, (British Museum, OR 6810) dated 1494. The black 235

and white photographs of the Diwan Shahname and Khamsa were purchased from museums. For the Safavid era, three manuscripts were used:

(1) Diwan pf Hafiz (Fogg Museum, Harvard University) dated 1527, reproduced in Stuart Cary Welch, Persian Painting.

(New York: Braziller, 1976), (2) Khamsa of Nizami, (British

Museum, Add. 25.900) dated 1539-1543, reproduced in Stuart

Cary Welch, Persian Painting. (New York: Braziller, 1976), and (3) Shahname (Private collection of Arthur Houghton) dated 1549, reproduced in Martin Bernard Dickson and

Stuart Cary Welch. The Houghton Shahname. (Cambridge:

Harvard University Press, 1981).

Limitations in the study existed in regard to the available source for the data. The paintings were two dimensional portraits; therefore, only the frontal view was visable, except in rare occasions where some of the figures were depicted from the side or back. By examining the miniature paintings, it was evidence that the ordinary people were infrequently depicted in the paintings; as a result the data were limited to costumes worn by the upper class men and women. The costumes of children and the military people were excluded from this.study.

Color plays such an important role in presentation of textiles motifs and costumes. Unfortunately, the study of colors in relation to the costumes of Il-Khanid, Timurid 236 and Safavid was excluded since not all the available

sources for the data were in color.

A total of three hundred and twenty-five miniature

paintings were examined to record information about men's

and women's costumes. Prior to recording of data for the

three periods under examination, the miniatures which

depicted military costumes exclusively were deleted from

the study.

The miniatures were examined and data regarding

each was recorded on 8" x 11" index cards. A Master Card

was made for each manuscript to provide an organized

summary of the costume information about that specific

manuscript. The data were summarized and placed in

tabular form to indicate the frequency of specific costume

items and textile motifs for each of the three periods.

A Glossary of Terms (Appendix A) was developed for

costumes and accessories depicted of men and women as well

as for textile motifs for each of the three periods under

investigation. This Glossary was organized by category:

(Headdress, outer-garment, footwear, accessories, textile motifs). The transcription of Farsi words organized according to the English alphabet (i.e. chadur), across the same line appeared the transcription in Farsi

(Persian) and the English equivalent of the Farsi word (long ankle length head veil) was given after the transcription. The Glossary provided a quick reference 237 for the names of costumes in use for each period as well

as the details within the costumes, such as the proper

term for neckline, cuffs, button.

The character of the Il-Khanid costumes were basically of East Asian inspiration with Chinese features being an important element. The extremely long sleeves in the Chinese manner was one of the most usual type of sleeves depicted in the miniatures of the Rashid al-Din manuscript. One of the dominant costumes of the Rashid al-Din manuscript was the Mongol robe, a left over right opening outer garment, usually depicted with two slits on the sides. Other typical costumes which appeared fre­ quently in the Rashid al-Din was the robe associated basically with the Arabs. The robe was ankle length with full length front open and long wide sleeves.

Since women were infrequently depicted in the miniature paintings, the data available for women were very limited. The women were shown wearing the headgear of magna'a, a large retangular piece of material placed on the head with the corners passing under the chin and tucked in the opposite sides and covering the chest, parts of shoulder and the back. Women's bodies were usually covered totally by a robe which provided a vertical sil­ houette; only a limited number of differentiated costume items were worn. Since feet were covered with the long garments, footwear was seldom shown in the miniatures. 238

Costume data from the Rashid al-Din manuscript clearly

showed the influence and dependency of the Il-Khanid

dynasty on the Chinese styles, not only on the items of

clothing but also on the motif designs of the textiles. The Timurid costumes at the beginning of the period

were a continuation of the styles worn by the Il-Khanids.

The change occurred slowly, but eventually, the change

became obvious. The general change was first evident in

the amount of coverage and fit of the costumes. The

garments appeared shorter in length, closer in fit and

were shaped to the body. The waist was emphasized by a

sash, belt, or girdle. The drawers were visible in the

miniatures since the lengths of garments were shorter in

comparison to the Il-Khanid costumes.

In comparison to the Il-Khanid period, more

evidence was available for the Timurid era regarding costume as reported in memories of foreign embassies as well as the travelers' accounts. Such literary documents provided some information about the cultural life as well as the clothing of the Timurid people. Both the data for this study and the literary sources indicated that at one point the costumes of both males and femles became very similar. Such similarities were not only in the style of the clothing but in the items of clothing as well. For example, the outer coats with the extremely long sleeves which had a slit or hole in them (so they could be used as 239

either short or long sleeves) were used in the same manner

by both men and women. The similarities also existed for

other items of clothing such as the long boots, closed

slippers, and ear drops.

In comparison to the Il-Khanid costumes, the

Timurid costumes appeared to have less of the Far Eastern

influence, and took on more of an Iranian flavour. The

number of items worn by the Timurid people increased,

thus, the costume became more complex. It was apparent

from the miniatures that there was a differentiation of

the garments for various occasions. For example, the use of chaader by women in public or the use of elaborate garments for festive occasions was evident from the miniatures.

Turbans appeared more often than other types of headdress, however, some styles of Il-Khanid headgear

(such as fur brimmed hats) were still in use during the

Timurid era. Turbans were worn with small cap placed in the center and sometimes with feathers. Women's headdress basically was the veil which was depicted in various lengths. The transparent shorter veil seemed proper for the home setting and perhaps for younger women, while the magna'a seemed to be worn by elderly women or just the ordinary people. The veils were often depicted with accessories such as strings of pearls hanging from the sides or displayed on the forehead and under the chin. 240

Small Crown (taj) was also used with the veils, sometimes

feathers were depicted displayed with Taj and worn over

the veil.

The textile motifs appearing on the costumes of the Timurid miniature paintings were of various designs. The

Lotus, geometrical designs, as well as water ducks were depicted. Some of these designs, such as the lotus flower and the water ducks, were present in the Il-Khanid period and continued throughout the Safavid dynasty.

The transitional period between the Timurid and

Safavid dynasty did not have an immediate and visible change in the cultural life of the Iranian people.

Revival of art and culture took place during the Safavid era. A number of theories have been suggested in regard to the origin of the Safavids; however, whatever their origin may be historically, they are credited with the unification of Persia under one central government and the revival of art and culture of Iran. Religion was the foundation of the Safavid nationalistic movement. Shiism became the state religion of Iran under the rulership of the Safavid Kings. With the establishment of the Shia sect in Iran, the Safavid dynasty gained an individual identity in the Muslim world and this identity was recog­ nized by the rest of the world from Safavid's long term enemy, the Suni Ottoman Empire. 241 According to the tradition, one of the leaders of

the Safaviyya's order, Hydar, was instructed in a dream by

Imam Ali to devise a scarlet headgear with twelve gores

commemorating the twelve Shia Imams. The scarlet headgear

was to be the distinctive mark of the Safavid supporters.

The specific headgear prompted Ottoman Turks to use a derisive term for the Safavid: Qizilbash or the redheads.

The costumes of the Safavid people presented a variety of items worn by both male and female, and the silhouette changed from vertical to horizontal lines. The fundamental elements of clothing did not change, but proportion and the manner of wearing clothing changed. A new taste was evident. The pleasure boys are historically known to be influential and numerous for this time period.

Their presence and appearance in a number of miniature paintings suggest the idea of their influence upon the art of clothing for this era.

The general change in the Safavid costume was noticed first in the length of the mens' costume. The ankles were left uncovered and exposed the shins and the footwear. Garments had a closer fit and appeared to be more shapely compared to the Timurid costume. The city of

Qazvin, and later Isfahan, set the fashion which was followed everywhere else. Such fashions specifically during the reigns of Shah Tahmasp and later Shah Abbas the 242 Great, were followed by the Emperors Humayun and Jahanair

of the Indian Mugul dynasty.

When Shah Abbas the Great replaced the Qizilbash

army with the Shah Savan guards, the costume of people in general also changed. Such changes in Persian dress

included the use of riding boots, short jackets, knee

length coats, and short opened waist coat.

Women's fashion, too, became graceful and shorter than before. The girdle was replaced by a loose sash wrapped around the hips. From the miniatures, it is evident that the costumes for the most of this period seemed to be less formal and worn in a more casual way than in previous periods. For example, the overcoats were depicted as being thrown over the shoulders in a carefree manner. The costumes of women and men became very similar in both style and use. Only through the headdress, was it 2 possible to distinguish men and women apart .

In conclusion, the two invasions by the Mongols and

Tartars brought about visible changes in the cultural lifestyle of the Iranian people, which in turn brought about changes in the costumes. Each of these invasions was significant in the amount of foreign influence and the impact they had on the Persian costumes of the thirteenth

^Edna B. Donnell. "Costumes of Ispahan", International Studio, LXXX, February, 1925, 358-362 243 through the fourteenth centuries. The most striking

evidence of foreign elements in the Il-Khanid costume was

in the dependency upon the East Asian sources, specifi­

cally the Chinese. The manuscript which was examined for

the Il-Khanid costumes indicated that not only were the

costumes of Chinese influence, but the features of the

people wearing the costumes resembled Orientals, even

those figures which were not dressed in typical Il-Khanid costumes. Thus, there is an indication of a strong influence of East Asian elements, in the art of painting for the Il-Khanid era.

The Timurid invasion was a destructive one. Many centers of cultural activities were destroyed. Timur was engaged in establishing his domain and securing his territories during his lifetime. The cultural activity of the Timurid dynasty started actually after Timur's death.

His successors adopted the Persian way of life and devoted their time to reconstructing the ruins and estblishing cultural centers. The presence of several courts at the same time contributed to the flourishment of the arts, for the competition among them made it possible for a number of talented artists to gain support from the Timurid courts. Each of the courts were actively involved in promoting poetry, literature and painting as well.

The costumes in the Timurid era at first were a continuation of the late Il-Khanid dynasty. Later, the 244

definite Mongol character of the costumes gave way to a

more Iranian taste. Costumes of men and women became more

similar. Some of the costume items, such as the outer

coats with extremely long sleeves, were used by both men

and women in a similar manner. The silhouette of the

costumes remained vertical. The body was covered with a

long one piece outfit. The costumes had a closer fit and

were still covered the feet. Mongolian fashions continued

throughout the Timurid era and were evident in the

headdress as well. Turbans became popular and were used

frequently. In general, more items of clothing were used

than in the Il-Khanid period. Women's bodies still were totally covered; veils of different lengths were used.

The transitional period between the termination of the Timurid dynasty to the establishment of the Safavid house took almost a century. The presence of a number of minor dynasties had divided the country in small states.

When Shah Ismail of the Safavid dynasty became the King, his first move was to establish a centralized goverment and to put an end to such minor dynasties. An important event in the Safavid era which had a great influence upon the cultural and political life of the Iranian people was the establishment of the Shiism sect of Islam as the official and head religion of the country. This act differentiated the country from its long term Sunni

Ottoman Empire, the only other major force. Once again. 245

Persia became self-dependent and respected and with terri­

tories almost equal to the Sasanian Empire.

The costumes of the Safavid dynasty at first showed

its dependency upn the Timurid styles. The Timurid styles were closely followed with the exception of the distinc­

tive Shiist headgear, a sign of Qizilbash or the "red

heads." Later, when the war-like stage of life ended and

the country enjoyed a more peaceful environment, the arts

flourished. More time was devoted to the luxuries of life

including costumes.

The principal idea behind the costumes remained the

same; however, the details and the way the costumes were

worn changed. The items of clothing were greater in

number in comparison to the Timurid era. The silhouette

changed to a horizontal line from the previous vertical

line. An immediate and visible change was evident in the

lengths, shape, and true fit in costumes. The lengths became shorter, and at the same time the clothes had a better shape and closer fit. The costumes of both male and female became very similar and a number of identical

items were used commonly among them such as the closed slippers, outer coats, capes, and drawers. Because of the extent of contacts between Persia and other countries, specifically Europe, elements of foreign origins were also visible in the costumes of the Safavid people. The fashions of the Safavids were graceful, fanciful. 246 sophisticated and elegant and were followed by the Turks

and the Mugul kings of India. In India, the Safavid

fashion set a distinguished style which had elements of

both Iranian and Indian origin. The new style became

popular during the reign of Jahanqir and Humayun ruler of

India. The research indicated that the changes in

costumes in the three consecutive dynasties were

evolutionary rather than revolutionary. A number of

costumes remained constant and unchanged for the whole

period under investigation. For example, the Arab robe

with long wide sleeves, loose fit and ankle length was

depicted throughout the three dynasties. The Mongol robe

with its right over left opening seemed unchanged for

Il-Khanid, Timurid and the Safavid periods. In both the

Timurid and Safavid eras, the ankle length outer coat with

the extremely long, slit sleeves made it possible to be

used with either short or long sleeves. This was often

depicted in the miniature painting of both dynasties.

Among the unchanged items for the footwear during

the three dynasties were (1) the closed slippers with

pointed tips and (2) the long boots. The slippers were

used commonly and were worn often by both male and female members of all the dynasties examined for this study. The

long boots also seemed to preserve their style for both the Timurid and Safavid periods. Both miniatures of the

Timurids and Safavid eras depicted similar leg warmers. 247

The headgear for the three dynasties were distinc­

tive, however, specific crowns such as Mongol or Saljuk

remained constant for all the three dynasties of

Il-Khanid, Timurid, and Safavid. Many of the costumes were modified or elaborated only in details and length while the principle idea behind it stayed the same. For example, the women's headdress and veil became more ela­ borate during the Safavid period in comparison to the

Il-Khanid and the Timurid era. The main difference seemed to be in the Taj (crown) used with the veils by the

Safavid ladies. The Safavid's Taj displayed fanciful and imaginative designs.

The study showed a common trend which was shared among all the three dynasties, the trend was the continu­ ation of costume style. The styles of costumes, although being distinctive for each period, did not seem strikingly different from each other. The change of costume from one period to the next appeared to be evolutionary rather than revolutionary. In many instances the details were changed while the principal idea behind each costume remained the same.

There is a gap and lack of knowledge in regards to the costumes of Iranian people. Costumes are inseparable from the culture of the people. Each culture is unique and fascinating when it is fully explored. Unfortunately not much has been documented about the costumes of the 248

Iranian people. There is a need for a more comprehensive

and careful examination of the Iranian costumes. Visual

sources of information such as the miniature paintings,

proved to be a practical and reliable source for document­

ing costumes. Fortunately, in comparison to the surviv­

ing amount of actual costumes and textiles, the visual

materials such as miniature paintings and other material

culture are greater in number. Such sources of informa­

tion offer a great opportunity for the student of historic

costumes and textiles to explore other possibilities.

By looking at the miniatures which were used for

this study a number of other possibilities for further

study becomes available. For example, it was apparent

that the change in the style of headgear was more striking

than the changes in other parts of costumes. Perhaps the

visibility of headdress indicated the rank and status of

its wearer. Further investigation is needed to explore

and document the proposition. The miniature paintings provide a wealth of information about Iranian costumes which would be valuable in the study of the history of costumes. REFERENCES CITED

I. On the Subject of Painting

Bennett, Bessie. "Ayer Collection," Bulletin Art Institute of Chicago, x(19l6), l/l-i/2.

Dickson, Martin Bernard and Stuart Cary Welch. Houghton Shahnameh, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981.

Du Ry, Carel J. Art of Islam. New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1970.

Grabar, Oleg. "Persian Art, Before and After the Mongol Conquest," The University of Michigan Museum of Art, (April 9 - May 17, 1959), 23-29.

Gray, Basil. "Paintings Under the Timurids," Journal of the Iran Society, I, (1950), 23-29. Harrington, John Walker. "Rare Old Lacquers From Persia," International Studio, (March 1929), 73-76.

McAllister, Hannah E. "A Shah-Nama of 1482," Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, n.s. II (1943).------

Martin, F.R. The Miniature Painting and Painters of Persia, India and Turkey, 2 vols. London, l8l2.

Rice, David Talbot. Islamic Art, New York: Oxford University Press, 1965.

Rice, David Talbot. The Illustrations to the World History of Rashid al-Din, Basil Gray edited. Edinburgh University Press, 1976. Robinson, B.W. "Persian Painting: a Loan Exhibition at the Victoria and Albert Museum," The Connoisseur, CXXVIII (1951), 176-178.

Robinson, B.W. "Unpublished Paintings from a XVth Century Book of Kings," Apollo Miscellany, (1951), 17-23.

249 250

Robinson, B.W. Persian Drawings from the 14th Through the 19th Century. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1965.

Shroeder, Eric. "Ahmad Musa and Shams Al-Din: A Review of Fourteenth Century Painting," Ars Islamica, (1939), 112-142.

Seguy, Marie-Rose. The Miraculous Journey of Mahomet, Mira.j-Nameh, New York: George Braziller, 197/.

Titley, Norah M. Miniatures from Persian Manuscripts, A Catalogue and Subject Index of Paintings from Persia, India and Turkey in the British Library and the British Museum, British Museum Publications Limited, T T m ------

II. On the Subject of History and Literature

Boyle, J.A., ed. The Cambridge History of Iran, the Saljugh and Mongol Period^ Vol. Cambridge at the University Press, 1968.

Browne, Edward G. A Literary History of Persia, The Tartar Domination (1265-1502), Vol. ITT Cambridge at the University Press, 1951-1953.

Browne, Edward G. A Literary History of Persia, Modern Times (1500-1924). Vol. IV. Cambridge at the University Press, 1951-1953.

Chardin, Sir John. Travels in Persia. London: The Argonaut Press, 192?.

Donne, J.B., trans. The Persians, From the Earliest Days to the Twentieth Century, by Alessandro Bausani. London: Elek Books Limited, 1971.

Grey, Charles, trans. and ed., A Narrative of Italian Travels in Persia, in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries. London: Printed for Hakluyt Society.

Malcolm, Sir John. ed. History of Persia. London: 1815.

Markham, Clements R., trans. Narrative of the Embassy of Ruy Gonzales de Clavijo to the Court of Timur at Samarkand A.D. 1403-^ New York: Burt Franklin, 1928. Miatra, K.M. A Persian Embassy to China Being an Extract from Zubdet 'ut Twarikh of Hafiz Abri. New York: Paragon Book Reprint Corp., 197Ü. 251 Minorsky, Vladimir. Medival Iran and Its Neighbours. London: Variorum Reprints, 1982.

Monshi, Eskandar Beg. History of Shah Abbas The Great (Tarikh e-Alamara-ye Abbasi^ Roger M. Savory, trans. Volume I Colorado: Westview Press, 1978.

Ross, Sir E. Denison and Eileen Power, edit. Don Juan of Persia, A Shiah Catholic 1560-1604, New York: Arno Press, 1973. Savory, Roger. Iran Under the Safavids. Cambridge : University Press, 1980. Sykes, Percy. A History of Persia. London: Oxford University Press, 1922.

Wilber, Donald N. Iran Past and Present. Princeton University Press, 1958.

William, Thomas, and S.A. Roy, trans. "Travels to Tana -and Persia, A Narrative of Italian Travels in Persia in the 15th and the 16th Centuries," by Josafa Barbero and Ambrogio Contarini. London: Hakluyt Society.

III. On the Subject of Dyes, Costume, Motifs and Textiles

Ackerman, Phyllis, "A Sixteenth Century Silk Tapestry," Ille Congres International d'Art et d 'Archéologie Iranians Mémoires, (1953), 6-7 .

Ackerman, Phyllis, "Islam Conquers with the Sword (642 - 1194)," CIBA Review, Vol. 98, 3517-3523.

Ackerman, Phyllis, "The Fine Fabrics of Persia, " The Open Court. XLVII (Chicago, 1933), 38-43.

Ackerman, Phyllis. "Safavid Luxury (1550-1610)," CIBA Review, Vol. , 3525-3531.

Arnold, T.W. "Persian Stuffs with Figure-Subject-II." Burlington Magazine, XXXVII, (1920), 237-244. The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art. "A Persian Velvet of the Shah Tahmasp Period." No. 36 (1949), 46-48. 252

Camman, Schuyler. "The Interplay of Art, Literature, and Religion Safavid Symbolism," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. No. 2. London: Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1978.

Dimand, M.S. "Persian Velvets of the Sixteenth Century," Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, XXII (1927) , TU8-111.------

Dimand, M.S. "Safvid Textiles and Rugs," R. Eittinghausen, E. Yarshater ed. Highlights of Persian Art, Persian Art Series. Colorado: Westview Press, No. 1 (1979), 273-311.

Donnell, Edna B. "Costumes of Ispahan," International Studio, LXXX (Feb. 1925), 358-359.

Goetz, Herman. "Persian Motifs and Persian Costumes in Dutch Painting of the Seventeenth Century." The Art Bulletin, XX (1938), 280-290.

Hollander, Anne. Seeing Through Clothes. New York: The Viking Press, 1978.

Johnston, Pauline. "Persian Design and Western Embroidery," Embroidery, No. 10 (1959-1960), 105-108.

Juvet, Michel A. "The Use of the Oriental Carpet and Its Part in European Painting." CIBA Review, No. 15 (November 1938), 527-539.

Kendrick, A.F. "Persian Stuffs with Figure-Subject-I." Burlington Magazine, XXXVII (1920), 237-244.

Kendrick, A.F. "A Persian Velvet." The Year Book of the Oriental Art and Culture. (1925)7 58-61.

Michelet, Julie. "Some Persian Textiles." Bulletin Art Institute of Chicago, XXIV (1930), 118-1T91

Pope, Arthur Upham, ed. A Survey of Persian Art from the Prehistoric Times to the Present. Vol. V. London: Oxford University Press, 1967.

Pope, Arthur Upham. "Some Safavid Silks at Burlington House (Letter)." Burlington Magazine, (1931), 157-158.

Pope, Arthur Upham. "Persian Textile Art of the 17th Century: A Relic of Court Luxury at Isfahan." The Illustrated London News, Oct. 21, 1933. 611. 253

Reach, N.A. and Sachs, E.G. Persian Textiles, New Haven; Yale University Press, n.d. Reifstohl, R.M. "A Persian Figurai Velvet of the Shah Abbas Period." Bulletin Art Institute of Chicago, XIX (1925), 1-5.

S.Y.S. "Persian and Other Textiles." Bulletin of the Pennsylvania Museum, No. 55 (1916), Jj-jb.

Shepherd, Dorothy G. "A Persian Textile of the Safavid Period." Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art. XXXVII (1950), 118-119.

Underhill, Gertrude. "Fragments of a Khusrau and Sairin Velvet." Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art. (1945), 95^W:

Underhill, Gertrude. "A Shah Tahmasp Velvet," The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art, No. 9 (November, 1944), 157-158.

Weibel, Adele Coulin. "2000 Years of Silk Weaving," The Art Quarterly, VII (1944), 201-202.

Weibel, Adele Coulin. "A Riza-i-Abbasi Silk," Bulletin of Detroit Institute of Arts, XXII (1942), 3-7.

IV. Dictionaries

Haim, S. The One Volume Persian-English Dictionary. Tehran: Farhang Moaser, l9ü3.

Haim, S. Shorter English-Persian Dictionary. Tehran: Farhan Moaser, 19ü3.

Kavoosy Baroomand, A.A. Eng1ish-Persian Dietionary. Tehran: Pirooz Printing and Publication House, 1978,

Wilcox, Turner R. The Dictionary of Costume. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1969. REFERENCES

I. General

Arberry, A.J. and Minovi, M. and the late E. Blochet. The Chester Beatty Library, A Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts and Miniatures. Vol. I Dublin: Hodges Figgis and Co., Ltd. 1959.

, Robinson, B.W., the late E. Blochet and the late J.V.S. Wilkinson. The Chester Beatty Library, A Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts and Miniatures. Vol. III. Dublin: Hodges Figgis and Co., Ltd. 1962.

Bosworth, Donzel, Lewis and Pellat, edited. The Encyclopedia of Islam, New Edition. Vol. V. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1983. 732-753.

Minovi, M. and Robinson, B.W. The Chester Beatty Library A Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts and Miniatures. Vol. TXT Dublin: Hodges Figgis and Co., Ltd. 1960.

Shirley, Antony Sir. Sir Antony Shirley, His Relation of His Travels Into Persia. London, l6l3.

II. On the Subject of Dyes, Costume, Motifs and Textiles

Ackerman, Phyllis. "Embroidery in Persia," Embroidery. Vol. 3 (1934), 4-10.

Ashton, Leigh. Textiles, Some Early Pieces," Burlington Magazine, No. 58 (1931), 22-27.

Bunt, Cyril G.E. Persian Fabrics. Lewis, Leigh-On-Sea. 1936

Crawford, M.D.C. "Peru and Persia, A Study of Supremacy in the Textile Arts," American Magazine of Art, XXXCI (1943), 260-263.

Dimand, M.S. "A Fifteen Century Persian Painting on Silk," Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. XXVIII (1933), 213.

254 255 ______"A New Persian Brocade," Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, XXV (1930), 171.

Harrold, Robert. Folk Costumes of the World in Color. U.K.: Blandford Press, 1981.

Juvet, Michel A. "Motifs in the Patterns of Oriental Carpets," CIBA Review, 15 (November 1938), 522-526.

Leis, A. "Early Islamic Textiles," CIBA Review, 43 (May 1942), 1573-1578.

Michel, Junet. "Nature and the Persian Carpet," CIBA Review, 15 (November 1938), 517-521.

Pope, Arthur Upham. "Persian's Passion for Fine Dressing," The Illustrated London News, CLXXVII (1st November, 1930), 767'.------

Shepherd, Dorothy. "A Thirteenth Century Textile," The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art, 55 (1968), 185-186.------Underhill, Gertrude. "Two Early Iranian Silks," Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art, (1938), 42-43.

Upton, Joseph. "Notes on Persian Costumes of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,: Metropolitan Museum Studies. II (1929-1930), 206-22?!

Vaughan, Malcolm. "The Connoisseur in America. Pearless Persian Textiles," The Connoisseur. CXLIV, 136-138. Wace, A.J. "Some Safavid Silks at Burlington House," Burlington Magazine, (1931), 67-73.

Weibel, Adele Coulin. "Seljuk Fabrics," Bulletin of the Detroit Institute of Arts, XV, (1935), 41-43.

Ziyapur, Japil. Pushaki Bastani i Iranyian, as Kuhan tarin Zaman ta Payani Shahanshahi i Sasaniyan, TAncient Iranian Costumes, from the earliest to the end of the Sasanian Dynasty) . Tehran: The Ministry of Fine Arts, III. 1964. 256 III. On the Subject of Painting and Calligraphy

Anon. "Frescoes from a Persian Palace," The Connoisseur, XCI (1933), 138-139.

Arnold, Thomas Walker. "The Riza Abbasi Ms. in the Victoria and Albert Museum," Burlington Magazine, XXXVIII (1921), 59-67. ------

Baaren, Van. ed. "Iconography of Religions," Institute of Religious Iconography State University Groningen, XXII (1970), 1-14.

Bazi, Farajollah. "Artistic Research in Abiana," Bulletin of the American Institute for Persian Art and Archaeology, VI (l946).

Binyon, Laurence. "A Persian Painting of the Mid-Fiteen A.D.," Burlington Magazine, LVII (1930), 256-259.

Ettinghausen, Richard. "An Illuminated Manuscript of Hafiz-i-Abru in Istanbul," Kunst des Orients, (1955), 30-44.

Fischer, Klaus. "Some Illuminated Persian Manuscripts in the Saidiya Library. H y d e r a b a d - D . M . I s l a m i c Culture, XXX (1956), 36-39.

Garner, Julian. "Four Illustrations from a Shahnama," International Studio, (March 1928), 43-47.

Gray, Basil. Nigahi bi Nigorgari dar Iran (A Review of Iranian Painting), Shirvanlu, Firuz. Translated. Tehran: Intisharat i Tus, 1974. "Iranian Painting of the 14th Century." Proceedings of the Iran Society, I (1938), 50-58,

Persian Painting from the Miniatures of the XIII-XVI Centuries. Oxford: University Press, 1938.

Guest, Grace Dunham. Shiraz Painting in the Sixteenth Century. Washington, D.C. Freer Gallery of Art, Oriental Studies, No. 4 (1949).

Heidelberg, Klaus Fischer. "The Haft Paikar Illustrations in a Mizami Manuscript of the National Library Calcutta," Indo-Iranica, VIII, No. 2 (Calcutta, 1955), 1-7. 257 Hollis, H.C. "A Fourteenth-Century Persian Miniature," Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art, XIX (1932), '23-2b:

______"Two Seventeenth Century Persian Miniatures," Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art, XXXV (1948), 63-64.

Hubbard, Isabel. "Ali Riza-i Abbasi. Calligrapher and Painter," Ars Islamica, Institute of Fine Arts, Vol. IV (1937) — ------Martin, F.R. "Two Portraits of Behzad, The Greatest Painter of Persia," Burlington Magazine, XV (1909), 4-8.

Quaritch, London. "Bihzad and His Paintings in the Zafar- Namah," Burlington Magazine, LVI (1930), 274-275.

Rice, Tamara. "Splendors of the Persian Book," Asia, XXXIII (1933), 562-567. Riefstahl, R.M. "On Persian Miniature: Some Phantasies," Asia, XIX (1919), 32-431

Robinson, B.W. "The John Rylands Layla Wa Majnun and the Bodleian Naw'l of 1485: A Royal Timurid Manuscript," Manchester Bulletin, XXXVII (1954), 263-270.

"The Tehran Manuscript of Kalila Wa Dimna: A Reconsideration," Oriental Art, IV (1958), 108-115.

Robinson, B.W. "The Earliest Illustrated Manuscript of Nizami?" Oriental Art, III (1957), 96-103.

Robinson, B.w. "A Lost Persian Miniature," Bulletin of the Victoria and Albert Museum, Vol. II, No. 2 (1966), 55-63. "Some Illustrated Persian Manuscripts in the John Ryland Library," Bulletin of John Ryland Library, XXXIV (1951) , 69-m:

Rosenberg, F. "A Persian Miniature of the XVI Century by Riza Abbasi," L. Bogdanov, translated. Islamic Culture, V. (1931), 320-333.

Rowe, L. Earle. "The Royal Game of Polo," Bulletin of the Rhode Island School of Design, XII (1924), 9-11. 258

______"Persian Miniatures," Bulletin of the Rhode Island School of Design, Vol. VII, No. 3 (July 1919), 26-29.

Schroeder, Eric. "Two Persian Drawings," Bulletin of Fogg Museum of Art, XI (1950), 69-72.

______"The Persian Exhibition and Bihzad Problem," Bulletin of Fogg Museum of Art, VII, (1937), 3-14.

Upton, J.M. "A Sixteenth-Century Persian Miniature," Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, XXV ■(ITJU')’,' 202-20'^. Weibel, Adele C. "Young Man Contemplating a Flower," Bulletin of Detroit Institute of Arts, XXIV (1944), 15.

Wilkinson, J.V.S. "Some Persian Drawings in the Johnson Album at the India Office," Ars Islamica, XV-XVI (1951), 132-133.

"Fine Persian Manuscripts in the Chester Beatty Collection," Indian Art and Letters, News Series, XVI (1942), 1-6.

"The Shah-Namah, Some Famous Illustrated Manuscripts," The Near East and India, XLIII (1934), 16-17. APPENDIX A

259 260

Table 10

The Glossary of Terms for the Il-Khanid Dynasty: Costumes for Women

Category Farsi Transcription Farsi EnglIsh (Persian) Caul va lent He address chadur long ankle length head veil Charged,rusarl If short head veil

aa tjn a ' a large head veil cover­ ing the chest, shoulders and back Deca Î.1 s ascln 1 buland long end s leeves re laced teres buland ca zaaTn floor length güshïd loose jUlig baz opened front radâ 1 grab! Arab robe jubbae" grabl rupUsh (?/// robe

ca zânü y/iT above Che knee length FooWear pucTn.chakae /v«^- boots 261 Table II

The Glossary of Terms for the Il-Khanid [Jynasty : Costumes for Men

Category Farsi Transcription Farsi F.ng 1 Ish fPern 1 an) FquIvn1cnt Headdress sccsnc • Lr- t urban kulah 1 kanduT (jl beehive hat

kulZh label puscT fur brlcircd ha t kulahl cughulT I du Mongol 1 sbeT double brlr-ed hat

kulFhl cughulT I labe Mongol cap bargashte with turned up brim Kulahl label pustl fut brlcred par dar hat with feather taj 1 salJugT SaI J u k c ro w n necalls ascTn I buland long and s1eeves related terms fc, CvlA?'" ascTn I kutah ! short sleeves chFk dar with si Its

gulduzl shude enbroldered

kuchak small S' ' lung wrap

rüpüsh^rada robe rüpüsh I grabT (yi,/ Arab robe Jubba, rada I ^rabT v/ rüpüsh I oughull Mongol robe Jubba, radal mughuIT

Ca rnuchl pa ankle \,^r ' length y«Re col 1 a r Footwear chrt kœe,putTn boot s

sands 1 s and 1e

Accea- da#cklsh g l o v e s sorles l T klf purte 262 Table 12

The Glossary of Terms for the Il-Khanid Dynasty: Accessori es

Tarsi Tranccrlpcton Tarsi ( Persian) Toutva lent descUlsh glo v e s ;»u6hvare , gôshâvTz ear drops I / kazarband ^ calnaT belt cade of ba sagak ya gulab g o l d e n b u c k l e 263 Table 13

The Glossary of Terms for the Il-Khanid Dynasty: Textile Motifs

Farsi Transcription F arsi English fPersian) Ecu I va lent

Cnannrcushl buzurg large squares cchcavl chohargush ha 1 ^ ^ - ‘'i** containing ChuchaV. car seal 1er ^Cjres

deyerl Irlz yâ kuchak sr.all circles

guida r floral pattern

gull susan yâ zanbag fleur de Ils

khac h¥yT I guruhT group of szall lines

r.acshe g u l a b T pear shaped neqshl 1 shane I asal h o n e y conb se tare 1 chahar par, four sided scar ya tarhl sallb or cross pattern

s h a c r a n g T chequer paccern tarh yâ naqshl curakab coobtned paCCern 264 T able 14

The G lossary o f Terms fo r th e Timurid Dynasty: Costumes for Women

Cntcgory Fnrsl TrunscrlpCIon ForsI (Pcrcinn) Fngllsh Fqulvalent

Hcnddreaa chadur long ankle head veil

ch7rgrad,ruaarl short head veil

V.ulFhl b u l a n d call hat

=a

rusaryI araylshyt feathered p a r d a r headdress taJ 1 rughuir 6^1^: Mongol crown csj I saljuql ( J y ^ 2 S a l juk crown Cur 1 GÛrac face veil

cur t Eurac shore lengch k û c â h face veil

cur 1 sari kucah shore lengch bâ nurvarTd yâ CâJ face veil 2'; with pearls or crown

b a l e p u s h r y V ' j L outer coac

llbas (jaoe. long dress rakhc) I buland

l u n g J à loin c l o c h

nyocane jacket

rada 1 nughulT Mongol robe jubbae* cughulT

r u p u a h robe c T f " AeCatla â s c a r d â r w i t h Che and IIntng ielaccd :crna aacTn 1 chakdar elle In the sleeves

ascTn 1 bulnad long sleeves

aacTn I kücâb short « 10 c ve a

âacTn 1 âa hadt e x t r c m c 1 y oa'mul buland tar 265 Table 14

The G lossary of Terms for the Timurid Dynasty: Costumes for Women

Category Paral Transcription Parol (Persian) English Equivalent

Dcta 11 a bala T zanu above the and knee length Re 1 a ted terca bldunl dugmc ulthout buttons ( Conty) bulana ta ouchl pa L Vj ankle length buland tZ zaraln floor length

chiV-dar A with silts c h a s b a n (Ji— ^ close fit d u g o e da r with buttons

durl gardan around the nccklIne

dû tike O two pieces giJshad .L/ loose fit gul d u z l enbroldered jülü b'âsce closed front jülû bâz opened front

kacarband be 11

kaochTn slightly gathered

khacl kamar y, waist line kloïre, labe /jJ• V ^ edge, border labe l puscT fur edges

nlm yaqel' chasbïde parcljilly attached

1 Ir.lng rûkesh.â’acar a-" I < - ( / y^ V aash CT u sash sardasc, sarâscln sleeves' cuff

Cazlyyn ahüde decorated.enriched

yaqe /*! C.01 1 a r

yaqel" bahrT sailors collar

yaqel chasbïde ate ached col Iar

yaqe l ' pus 11 fur collar

F o o t w e a r kaCsha l danpa T ya closed slippers kafsha 1 sarpâT nûkbas ta 266 Table 15

The Glossary of Terms for the Timurid Dynasty; Costumes for Men

Category Faral Transcription Farsi (Persian) English Equivalent

Oucerwü' Jllltqe vest Caroent _ kamTz 1 buland tunic

llbÏÏ£l (J â m o ,rakht) govn (male) cardane

lung loin cl oth . v.'irp

nlotane Jacket . "T radâT arabT, C// •V' O/cfG/ Arab robe khlr

radâT ciugulT.khlrqel' Mongol robe cugulT

zTrshalvarr, tunbân drawers

Details SscTnlas hadl ca'cul extreaely long and buland tar s leeves Related Terca 5stlnl buland long sleeves

âstlnl gushôd wide sleeves

astlnl kucah short sleeves

bâ dugae v a buttoned bandlnak hook bldune ascTn ijh-' sleeveless bldune dugoe without buttons

châkdâr with silts chasban CJ close fit dure gardanl hafcT V neckline

dugoe button

gushad •>LV loose fit jTlubâz jlyi. opened front

Jüfc dûgoe paired button

kaoar band belt

navar ribbon

poche tang tight legs raat b u r 1 eh c/v- straight cut ahml 1 kamar 'Ju- waist shawl

tT nuchl pa ankle lengch t a canu L knee length 267

Table 15 (Continued)

The Glossary of Terms for the Timurid Dynasty; Costumes for Men

Categ o r y Fecal Transcript ton Faral (Persian) EnglIsh Equivalent

Details jaqc'l chssblHe attached collar and Related terns J aqe ‘ l kuchak snail collar ( c o n e ’d) yaqe'I nIn chasban partially attached c o l l a r H e a d ­ acoaoie bâ shebkulah ^1/ turban with cap dress kulah 1 ârâylshy t pârdâr feath e r e d headdress

kulah 1 kuchak ^yo'/ szall hat

kulah 1 kuchak I per dar small hat with f e a t h e r kulah I labedar o'j/ brlzned hat

kulaht labe~püstT fur brlcined hat

kulah oughulT labedâr bâ p a r ^ t/ Mongol brlzzed hat with feather

kulâh oughulT I dû labeT Mongol double brimmed hat

kulah 1 kuchek ba klnare puscT o,Llt — jTo'yf small hat with fur trio eaj 2L- c r o w n taj 1 salJugT oV-^2'^ Sal.tuk crown Footwear chakne 1 (pu Tn) buland long boots chakoie 1 (putTn) kucah / kafshe dacpaT (sarpaT)nukbasce /J,l^_ ^ T short boots 268

Table 16

The Glossary of Terms for the Timurid Dynasty: Texti le Moti fs

Farst Transcription Fa rs l English fPcrslan) EquIvalent arabesk Arabesque 1- 1 rfaylrea va nügce y J circle and doc güll chahâr bïrg four leaves flouer gulnâîjshe.gïîldâr flouer design g û-l' rTTz W' rosette nagshci' âblr cloud design nagshe sabadT basket desIgn r.Ilüfar l âbT lotus flouer nlrdeylre va nügca 1 » • 1 half circle and doc guruh l nugce grouped dots nugte rTTz sr.all docs setâre scar setare 1 panj parT barfT five leaves star flakes

shâkh va barg ■ foliage urdak 1 âbT cy'i -X i water duck 269 Tahl e 17

ThP Glossary ot Icr:»., fur the lafo'/id Dynasty: Costumos For Uninon

C«c<:?/»ry F«r3 l Tron-icr l-,t li-.' r ii r-, i / f'l’ r ! /:n ) Kn;; 1 I '.h î va ! **nr

Oucer-^car _ _ C* rrcn c hala push f/y 'j nuCor cnnt

daranI chTndar r.ncliered sV'.rt Jane, rakhc, llbas cry dress . ;;o--/n tunbân, z 1 ri.bava rT d:'/: d roue r s sh In 11 cape Headdress chadur ankle Icngf. h^j- ve 11

ce^ na 'a na/^hnaeh

rusarT I ârâytshyt feoch.ered heod- Pir d^r drcss caj 1 nughulT Mongol cro-Ti

curl sari kücâh shore head veil curl sari kücâh ^ l a L ÿ shore heed veil b â câJ wlch crcvn

cûrlsarI kücâh >0 îy ^ •* t •< t y / ~ ' J ÿ shore heed veil bâ caj va rjurvarTd wlch cro'-o and ponrIs Foocwear chakce (pücTn) l kucah ) m':' shore boocs

chakne (oucTn) t savnrl long riding boocs buland ba pashne l kucah wlch shore heel at-;»':/ kafshe danpoT (sarpnTJ closed slippers nûkbas ce - i necalls âacTn l buland long sleeves and Relaced ascTn t kucah O^'So^ ' shore sleeves tirms buland Car as hadl excrerely long c a 'o u 1

c h ï k d â r wlch sllr

c h a s b â n cJU- -r close flcced dûgce dâr r '‘J'. bur con. ' dûrl yn

g u s h â d loose flcced

kha C1 kaaa r wo 1 s t 11nv

pûsc - • y •-I. • a ah .U? ful1 y 1loed caoâ» âacar t y'.f full lengch opvnc.1 f rone caciKn J l la hnz 270 Tablo 17 (Continued)

The Glossary ot Terms for Sdfavid Dynasty: Costumes for Women

Category Faral Trancer1ptIon forer f t'vr I on) K.n,-) I sh EquI VO lent

ca Quchl pa 1,^-1; ankle length Ri\ite4 _ _ _ Ctrcns ta za hu y'x I; knee length Itont.y) collar yaqe 1 chssbTde attached collar Acces­ alsngu bracelets sories dascklsh gloves

gûshëvTz,~gushvâre ear drops kecarband golden belt <^ulâb, sagak buckle rejl curverid strings of pearls 271 Table 18

The Glossary of Terms for Safavid Dynasty: Costiimo»; forMoo

Category faral Transcript Ion Faral (Persian) fnglI ah foul valent _ ___

Heaaarcss acraaoc turban

aoQooe ba ahab kuI ahI turban vltfi cr.all kuchak cnp

amoaoe I buland I aa favT 1/ stick turban

amaar.c I buland I pardar stick turban vlth / ^ J*; feather

kulahl buland bâ labcal pustT toll hat vlth fur b r i o

kalahl buland ba labeal J/ tell hat with nukba rgashce upward brio

kulobl bulandl aakhrucT tall hat with pardar conical crown and feather

kulaVil chahargushl cusatah ba j ^ (S'Xvy^' squared crown label puscT flat topped, fur brlcoed hat

kulahl du gunbadT pardar hat with doze shaped crown with feather

kulahi du labeT double brlr.zed hat

kulahl gunba3lal labe hat with chahargushl gulduzT shude embroidered dooe shaped crown with square brlz

kulahl gunbadT ba du hat with dooe nyodayere va par shaped crown, two half circles and feather

kulahl lâhe dar brlooed hat

kulahl labe dâr I pari bâyÇ — ^ L ClyTv brloaed hat with yak teklel slpar oanand _ feather, with a dar pusht ~"r ' ' shield at the back

kulâhi labe pus tT ^/ dU) fur brlooed hat

kulahl ciakhrütT nüktTr pointed conical bâ label pJatT Ü f / hat with fur brio

kulahl makhrutT pust palangl tall tapered skin hot with conical crown

taj b^ par /iLgL- crown and feather

taj 1 oughulT Mongol crown

Outerwear bâlâ push uucer coat C a r o e n t b â l â tan la 1 k u c a h o L ' ;; short top

Jaoe (rakhc, llb

The Glossary of Terms for 'jafavid Dynasty; Costumes for Men

Category Faral Transcription Farsi (Perelan) FnglIsh F.qu 1 va 1 e n t

OuCHrwidf nyocane Jacket

(cont’d) lung ' i loin cl oth vimp

kaoTz 1 buland tunlc

radâT (Jube) cughulT (/y Mongol robe radoT (Jube) arabT o'/ ( ^ Arab robe

shlnlI cnpc (T tunbân, zTrshalvarT d ra w e r s necalla ascTn I buland long sleeves and Rel a t e d ascTn 1 kucah short sleeves Teres ba kacarband b el C e d

bârTk n a r r o w

bâlâT zânü above knee l engch

bldünl âscTn '(Jr s lee v e l e s s burlsh c/y eue châk dâr w i t h silt chasbân cl’—^ close fitted dugoe dâr with button

durl âscTn around the s leeves

durl gardan l hafcT V shaped neckline

durl yaqel glrd rounded neckline

guldüzT shudeh o embroidered

gushâd loose fitted

hafct VBcâne converted V shape

kha t 1 kamar J u waist line

kulüft t h i c k

labe. klnâre.dur tâ dur edge, border

pache t s a r rase l. straight legs

pahn wide C/ pus t fur

ahâl ()b- aliAwl 273

Table 18 (Continued)

The G lossary o f Terms fo r S afavid Dynasty: Costumes for Men

CateRory F*rsl Transcription Faral (Persian) F.o r I I ah Equivalent

beta 11 « Camare aatar îflE- fully llne«1 and Related Caraan jI lu bar full Icnp.th Teroi opened front (c o n t ’d) Ca ra nu AL- knee length

yaqe collar

yaqe I chacbTde accached collar ’v» Mandarin collar yaqe I chTnT crf : ✓ / I- yaqe I kuchak 't* amall collar zTnacT A decoraclon Foo t v e a r chakoe (putTn) I buland long boocf

chakne (pucTn) I buland long rldlng boocs 1 savarT

chakne (putTn) I kücâh shore boocs wlch bâ dügme va sogak buccon and scraps C chakne (pütTn) l kuCah shore boocs wlch bâ pâshnet kücâh small heels

chakmc (putTn) l kuCah l ^'j/vJ 0 shore boocs wlch lobe dar cuffs

chakne (pücTn) l kücah t saf fisc shore boocs bâ cabane va dügme wlch buccon and tongue y kafshl danpâl (ssrpâl)nukbasce ^ slippers

kafshl danpâTJ TT (sarpal) ^ sllonersslippers wlch nükbargashce turned up toe 274

Table 10

The fjlo'jjdry of Ter, us for ,a f a v i o Uynasty: Textile Mo t i f s

rsl Transcription r a rs 1 F.np, I Ish (Persian) Eoulvalent

arabesk Arabesque

ahu ba rar.Tyne ;;uldar deer wlch y ' » flora l design y bârg leaves

bute gagalyy paisley design

gâl nâghshe. gûlcâr fierai -c/ desIgn

gui r î T z rose cce

nricfar 1 âbT lotus flower nuqte doc ■ parande bird r&h fah scrips

branches of flowers In a y>U- row sallb cross salTb bâ barg cross and leaves carhl gulflbT.naghshe gui âbT pear shaped urdakl âbT O-OCl wacer duck