Turkish Studies International Periodical for the Languages, Literature and History of Turkish Or Turkic Volume 11/1 Winter 2016, P

Turkish Studies International Periodical for the Languages, Literature and History of Turkish or Turkic Volume 11/1 Winter 2016, p. 59-76 DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.7827/TurkishStudies.9157 ISSN: 1308-2140, ANKARA-TURKEY

Article Info/Makale Bilgisi  Received/Geliş: 19.01.2016 Accepted/Kabul: 08.03.2016  Referees/Hakemler: Prof. Dr. Ayşe ÇAYLAK TÜRKER – Doç. Dr. Ferudun ÖZGÜMÜŞ

This article was checked by iThenticate.

DARKALE IN THE BYZANTINE PERIOD: SETTLEMENT AND SOME ARCHITECTURAL NOTES

Ü. Melda ERMİŞ*

ABSTRACT Darkale, which was included in the Mysia region in Antiquity, was within the territorium of Pergamon, an important city of the Roman Empire after the Kingdom of Pergamon. When the Roman Empire was divided into two parts, the area became a part of the Eastern Roman Empire. The plains irrigated by River Kaikos (Bakırçay) enriched the region while Tırhala Mountain remained as fortified defence. Owing to its advantageous location, Darkale must have been an important settlement during the Byzantine Period as well. This settlement was especially included in the theme of Neokastra in order to stop Turkish raids into Western Anatolia, and also to reinforce regional defense and protect the settlements. There are various opinions on the Byzantine Period settlement in Darkale. Germe, Thrakoula and Khliara are possibilities on which the researchers dwell. Although we do not possess the epigraphic data necessary to positively define the settlement in Darkale, etymological change of its name, historical development and architectural remains of a defence system in the area from the Byzantine Period support the possibility of Khliara.

STRUCTURED ABSTRACT The exact date of settlement in Darkale, which is currently a village within the town of Soma in the city of Manisa, is not clear; however, there are varied opinions on its presence and name during the Byzantine Period. This paper discusses the situation in the area around Darkale within the historical process, reviews the debate on the settlement, and introduces the remains in Darkale from the Byzantine Period.

* Yrd. Doç. Dr. İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Sanat Tarihi Bölümü, El-mek: [email protected]

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Darkale, included in the Mysia region in Antiquity, was within the territorium of Pergamon, an important city of the Kingdom of Pergamon and the Roman Empire. When the Roman Empire was divided into two parts, the area became a part of the Eastern Roman Empire. The plains irrigated by River Kaikos (Bakırçay) enriched the region while Tırhala Mountain remained as fortified defence. Owing to its advantageous location, Darkale must have been an important settlement during the Byzantine Period as well. This settlement was especially included in the theme of Neokastra in order to stop Turkish raids into Western Anatolia, and also to reinforce regional defense and protect the settlements. There are various opinions on the Byzantine Period settlement in Darkale. Germe, Thrakoula and Khliara are possibilities on which the researchers dwell. The localization of the cities has been examined in detail. Fortification remains constitute most of the architectural data from the Byzantine period in Darkale. Wall remains on a slope to Temenni Hill, remains in Asar Hill and Orta Bağlar, architectural plastic works used as spolia in mosques Kırkoluk and Minareli, and the pieces collected in an open area around Kırkoluk Mosque are the data that points out to the Byzantine period settlement. There are two adjacent sections of the remains of a fortress on Asar Hill. The small fortress on rocky hill extends in an east-west direction. The structure in the east is 5.20mx4.90m in size. It was made of rubble stone and lime mortar with some broken bricks used between the stones. The other structure is about 7m to the west of the former, and is 10mx8m in size. It displays better craftsmanship than the eastern structure. It was made of rubble stone and lime mortar. The southern wall consists of broken and halved bricks with alternating rows of stone and brick. There are partial remains between the two structures. The hill overlooks the entire Bakırçay Plain and the remains must have been parts of a watchtower. Surrounded by steep slopes and cliffs, Asar Hill is difficult to reach. A road paved with stones follows the softer slopes and extends to a relatively flat area near the hill. The road features steps in patches and is approximately 1km long. It expands and contracts according to the topography and has smoother and larger flagstones along the sides. On Temenni Hill, which overlooks the Darkale settlement and Soma Plain, there is a 70m long limes wall. This wall can be defined as a line that reinforces the settlement defense. The wall's height reaches 2-2.50m in some parts while only the surface trace is visible in others. The wall was not coated. The inner filling consists of rubble stone and lime mortar. The wall is 130cm thick. The remains on the hills Temenni and Asar prove the presence of a defense line. Several settlements in the Neokastra theme, which was founded by Manuel I Komnenos for the purpose of defense from the Turks, were reinforced. Unelaborate craftsmanship of the fortification remains on the hills, made of rubble stone and lime mortar, are similar to the fortresses of the Komnenos period. There is no apparent order in the construction of these fortifications located within the new chain of

fortresses as the main goal was to build defense structures to protect the area as soon as possible. This defensive order created by the Byzantine began in the 11th century AD and survived through the 13th century AD. Large numbers and high quality of the architectural sculptures in the settlement are striking. A large body of spolia was used in the construction of a fountain under the higher Kırkoluk Mosque, presumably built between the 18th century and early 19th century, Minareli Mosque and the new fountain at the entrance of Darkale Village. Several stone works collected around the settlement are exhibited in a park built around Kırkoluk Mosque. Some of these pieces are dated to the Early Byzantine Period according to their decoration style and composition. Most of these works are dated to the Middle Byzantine Period. The intensity of liturgical architectural sculpture indicates that there is a church. In conclusion, the settlement in the area of present day Darkale was a garrison intended to protect Pergamon against threats from the east during the Roman period. Later, especially in the 11th-13th centuries AD, the road connecting Western Anatolian ports to the interiors lost importance and southern-northern connection gained prominence, and the Darkale settlement became one of the major points along the road. Fortifications in Asar Hill and Temenni Hill show similarities to the other fortifications in Neokastra in terms of their construction technique. Darkale overlooked the Haikos Plain as a part of the Neokastra system, was located along the road, and houses architectural remains, which increase the possibility of Darkale being Khliara. Keywords: Byzantine Architecture, Neokastra, Western Anatolia, Darkale, Khliara

BİZANS DÖNEMİNDE DARKALE: YERLEŞME VE BAZI MİMARİ BULGULAR

ÖZET Manisa ilinin Soma ilçesine bağlı bir köy durumunda olan Darkale’nin tam olarak ne zaman yerleşim gördüğü belli olmamakla birlikte, Bizans dönemindeki varlığı ve adı konusunda farklı görüşler bulunmaktadır. Bu çalışma, tarihsel süreç içinde Darkale’nin bulunduğu toprakların durumuna değinmenin yanı sıra buradaki yerleşmeyle ilgili tartışmalar üzerinde durarak Darkale’deki Bizans dönemi kalıntılarını tanıtmaktadır. Antik dönemde Mysia bölgesinin sınırları içinde kalan Darkale’nin bulunduğu topraklar, Bergama Krallığı’nın sonrasında da Roma İmparatorluğu’nun önemli şehirlerinden olan Pergamon’un territoriumunda yer almıştır. Roma İmparatorluğu’nun ikiye ayrılmasıyla birlikte Doğu Roma İmparatorluğu’nun bir parçası olmuştur. Kaikos (Bakırçay) nehrinin suladığı verimli ovalar bölgeye zenginlik katarken, yerleşimin bulunduğu Tırhala Dağı da savunmayı

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güçlendirmiştir. Konumunun kazandırdığı avantajlar nedeniyle Darkale Bizans döneminde önemli bir yerleşme olmalıdır. Bu yerleşme, özellikle I.Manuel Komnenos döneminde Türklerin Batı Anadolu’ya yaptıkları akınları engellemek, bölgenin savunmasını arttırmak ve buradaki yerleşmeleri korumak için oluşturulan Neokastra themasının içinde yer almıştır. Darkale’deki Bizans dönemi yerleşmesiyle ilgili farklı görüşler bulunmaktadır. Germe, Thrakoula, Khliara araştırmacılar tarafından üzerinde durulan olasılıklardır. Çalışmada her bir şehrin lokalizasyonu üzerinde ayrıntılı durulmuştur. Tüm olasılıklar değerlendirildiğinde ve Clive Foss’un yerleşimin Bizans dönemindeki ‘ta khliara’ (τα χλιαρα) olan adının Türk döneminde Tahrala şeklinde dönüşmüş olabileceği fikri göz önüne alındığında Khliara kentinin Darkale’deki yerleşme için daha olası olduğu belirtilmiştir. Yerleşmedeki Bizans dönemine ait mimari verilerin çoğunluğunu tahkimat kalıntıları oluşturmaktadır. Temenni Tepesi’ne çıkan yamaçtaki duvar kalıntıları, Asar Tepe’deki ve Orta Bağlar mevkilerindeki kalıntılar, Kırkoluk Camisi ve Minareli Cami’de devşirme olarak kullanılan mimari plastik eserler ve Kırkoluk Camisi’nin çevresinde oluşturulan açık alanda toplanan parçalar yerleşmenin Bizans dönemine işaret eden verilerdir. Asar Tepe’de yan yana iki birimden oluşan bir tahkimat kalıntısı bulunmaktadır. Kayalık tepe üzerindeki küçük tahkimat, doğu-batı doğrultusunda uzanmaktadır. Doğudaki mekan 5.20mx4.90m boyutlarındadır. Moloz taş ve kireç harcı ile inşa edilmiş olup, kırık tuğlalar taşların arasında kullanılmıştır. Bu kalıntının yaklaşık 7 m batısındaki diğer mekan 10x8 m boyutlarındadır. Doğudaki mekandan daha özenli bir işçiliğe sahiptir. Moloz taş ve kireç harcının kullanıldığı kalıntının güney duvarı kırık ve yarım tuğlalarla, 1 sıra taş-1 sıra tuğla almaşık örgü düzenindedir. İki mekan arasında kısmen izlenebilen kalıntılar bulunmaktadır. Tüm Bakırçay ovasına hakim konumdaki tepede yer alan kalıntı bir gözetleme kulesine ait olmalıdır. Asar Tepe, dik yamaçlar ve sarp kayalıklarla çevrili olup ulaşımı zordur. Taş döşeli bir yol uygun eğimli yamaçları takip ederek tepenin yakınındaki kısmen düzlük alana kadar ulaşır. Yer yer basamaklı bir düzenlemeye sahip yol yaklaşık 1 km boyunca takip edilebilmektedir. Topografyaya göre yer yer genişleyen yer yer daralan yolun kenar hattında daha düzgün ve büyük döşeme taşları kullanılmıştır. Darkale yerleşmesini ve Soma ovasını gören Temenni Tepesi üzerinde de 70m uzunluğunda bir savunma hattı bulunmaktadır. Bu uzun duvarı, yerleşimin savunmasını destekleyen bir hat olarak tanımlamak mümkündür. Bazı bölümlerde mevcut duvar yüksekliği 2- 2.50m’yi bulurken, bazı bölümlerde sadece yüzeyde izi takip edilebilmektedir. Duvarın dış kaplamaları mevcut değildir. İç dolgusu ise moloz taş ve kireç harcından oluşmaktadır. Mevcut duvar kalınlığı 1.30m civarındadır. Temenni Tepesi’ndeki ve Asar Tepe’deki kalıntılar yerleşmenin savunma yönünün yoğun olduğunu göstermektedir. Manuel Komnenos tarafından, Türklere karşı oluşturulan, savunmaya yönelik Neokastra Theması’nda birçok yerleşim yeniden tahkimatlandırılmıştır. Asar Tepe

ve Temenni Tepesi’ndeki tahkimat kalıntıları moloz taş ve kireç harçlı özensiz işçiliğiyle Komnenos dönemi kalelerine benzemektedir. Bu yeni kaleler zinciri içinde yer alan tahkimatların inşa tarzında belli bir düzen göze çarpmamaktadır, çünkü asıl amaç biran evvel bölgeyi koruyacak savunma yapılarının inşasıdır. Bizans’ın oluşturduğu savunmaya yönelik bu düzen 11. yüzyılda başlamış ve 13. yüzyıl boyunca da varlığını devam ettirmiştir. Darkale’deki tahkimat kalıntıları da bu döneme aittir. Yerleşmede, mimari verilerin yanında mimari plastik eserlerin çokluğu ve kalitesi de dikkat çekicidir. Fevkani bir yapı olan Kırkoluk Camisi’nin altındaki 18.-19. yüzyılda yapıldığı düşünülen çeşmede, Minareli Cami’de ve Darkale Köyü’nün hemen girişine yapılmış olan yeni çeşmede yoğun devşirme malzeme kullanılmıştır. Yerleşimin çevresinden toplanan birçok taş eser de Kırkoluk Camisi’nin etrafında oluşturulan parkta sergilenmektedir. Taş eserlerin bir kısmı üslup ve kompozisyon açısından Erken Bizans dönemine, eserlerin çoğunluğu ise Orta Bizans dönemine tarihlenmektedir. Taş eserler içinde özellikle liturjik işlevli parçaların çoğunlukta olması yerleşimde dini işlevli bir yapının da olduğunu işaret etmektedir. Sonuç olarak, bugünkü Darkale’nin bulunduğu alandaki yerleşme, Roma döneminde Pergamon’u doğudan gelecek tehlikelere karşı koruyan bir garnizon niteliğindedir. İlerleyen dönemlerde, özellikle 11.-13. yüzyıllarda Batı Anadolu limanlarıyla iç kesimi birbirine bağlayan yolların önemini kaybetmesi ve kuzey-güney yol bağlantısının önem kazanmasıyla Darkale’deki yerleşme bu yol üzerindeki başlıca noktalardan biri olmuştur. Asar Kale’de ve Temenni Tepesi’nde yer alan tahkimatlar inşa tekniği bakımından diğer Neokastra tahkimatlarıyla benzerlik göstermektedir. Neokastra sisteminin bir parçası olan Darkale’nin Kaikos ovasına hakim bir noktada bulunması, yol güzergahında yer alması, etimolojik olarak adının değişimi, tarihsel olaylar ve mimari kalıntılar, bu yerleşimin Khliara olma ihtimalini yükseltmektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Bizans Mimarisi, Neokastra, Batı Anadolu, Darkale, Khliara

The exact date of settlement in Darkale, which is currently a village within the town of Soma in the city of Manisa, is not clear; however, there are varied opinions on its presence and name during the Byzantine Period. This paper discusses the situation in the area around Darkale within the historical process, reviews the debate on the settlement, and introduces the remains in Darkale from the Byzantine Period. The Historical Process of Darkale The area of and around Darkale, was located within the Mysia region during the Antique Anatolian geography, to the west of Kırkağaç Plain was dominated by Seleucids, and then, the Kingdom of Pergamon. The area was important for the security of Pergamon (present day Bergama) because there is no other natural defense line to the west of Pergamon other than the rough terrain in the east of the plain and the strait (Tozan 2007, 8-9). Darkale and its surroundings, located within the Pergamon territorium, was a defense point in the east of the city and holds importance due to its closeness to water sources in the Kaikos line, which was built during the Roman Period and provided the city's water (Radt 2002, 154, Graeber 1913, 401-407).

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In 133 BC, the last Pergamon king Attalus III bequeathed the whole of his kingdom to the Roman Empire. Thus, the region was included in the Asia Province of Rome. When the Roman Empire was divided into two parts, it became a part of the Eastern Roman Empire. During the reign of Emperor Heraclius, the Byzantine Empire suffered a long period of economic, military and cultural distress as the Avars and Slavs attacked the Balkans and the Arabs conquered Asia Minor, entered Anatolia and invaded parts of Eastern Anatolia (Ostrogorsky 1981, 86-89). Heraclius revised administrative order of the empire, and designed a military-based system called thema, which was managed by the strategoi (Ostrogorsky 1981, 89-91). The area Darkale was in was a part of the Theme of the Anatolics during the earlier thematic order, and the Theme of the Thracesians in the later order. The Arab raids in the seventh and eighth centuries AD had an impact on Western Anatolia, the same as other parts of Anatolia. Several cities, including Pergamon, went through urban transformation, lost population and, indirectly, suffered economic losses. The second part of the Syrian chronicles, which consists of two parts from the Muawiyah period, refers to wars between the Arabs and the Byzantine and gives new information. This chronicle states that Abd-al-Rahman ibn Khalid ibn Walid entered the Byzantine land in 663, spent the winter, continued with his attack in 664, and conquered Pergamon, Smyrna (İzmir) and other unnamed locations (Nöldeke 1875, 86- 87, 96-98; Foss 1972, 260). Theophanes writes Abd-al-Rahman ibn Khalid ibn Walid spent the winter in the Roman Empire, invading and mutilating various locations (Mango and Scott 1997, 487). It is known, before laying the Siege of Constantinople, Maslama besieged and seized Pergamon during his Anatolian expedition in 715-717 (Mango and Scott 1997, 541; Gelzer 1903, 49-62; Hacıyev 2006, 28, 31). Darkale and its surroundings must have been affected by the Arab invasions and its consequences within the Pergamon territorium. The two-century-long Macedonian Dynasty period was an era of recovery, political, military and cultural development. However, the defeat in 1071 in Manzikert against the Turks, who had begun raiding through Anatolia in 1070, and the following Turkish raids meant the beginning of difficult days for the Byzantine. Western Anatolia suffered impact of the Turkish raids. However, the First Crusade in 1097 reclaimed the cities Turks had seized, stopped them from spreading in Western Anatolia, and consolidated Byzantine unity in the area again (Ostrogorsky 1981, 336). In the early 12th century AD, Turkmens attacked Northwestern Anatolia especially, which particularly affected Pergamon, Khliara and Atramyttion (present day Edremit). Northwestern Anatolia was given particular importance during the reign of Manuel I Komnenos (1143-1180). There was a transportation network spreading around the Sea of Marmara towards inner Western Anatolia; therefore, in order to reinforce the defense against Turkish raids, the cities of Atramyttion, Pergamon and Khliara and surrounding villages were fortified between 1165 and 1170. These settlements were gathered under the administration of a thematic system called Neokastra (Khoniates 1995, 103). The Byzantine defeat against the Seljuk Turks in the Battle of Myriokephalon in 1176 changed the balance again and the Turks gained the upper hand in Anatolia (Turan 2000, 42-43). The 4th Crusade targeted Constantinople instead of the Holy Land and invaded the city. Consequently, a period of banishment began for the Byzantine Empire. Theodore Laskaris I, whom Alexios Angelos III entitled as the 'despot', started a new state in Nicaea and continued the empire. At the end of 1204, the Laskaris had to fight against the Latin that entered Anatolia to share the Byzantine lands according to their own agreement. Afters the battles of Pimanenon (old Manyas) and Attramyttion, the Latin won the battle in Rhyndakos on October 15, 1211, and advanced to Nymphaion (Kemalpaşa). According to a demarcation and peace treaty signed between the Latin and the Laskaris in 1212, the Latin took the area between Akhyraous (Balıkesir) and Propontis

Turkish Studies International Periodical for the Languages, Literature and History of Turkish or Turkic Volume 11/1 Winter 2016 Darkale in the Byzantine Period: Settlement and Some Architectural Notes 65 while Nicaea took Neokastra, Kelbianon (Kiraz Plain), Lopadion (Ulubat), Prousa (Bursa) and Nicaea (İznik), in other words, the area that extends as far as the Seljuk border (Ostrogorsky 1981, 390-398; Akropolites 2008, 37-39). The land Darkale was in entered the dominion of Laskaris. Theodore Laskaris I died in 1222 and his son-in-law, John Doukas Vatatzes III ascended to the throne and won the battle in Poimanenon in 1225. According to the treaty signed after the battle, the Latin had to abandon the larger part of the area they had previously seized in Anatolia. Thus, the Laskaris took the entirety of Northwestern Anatolia (Ostrogorsky 1981, 402; Nicol 2003, 14). In 1296-1297, Karasi Bey, a margrave of the Anatolian Seljuks, first conquered Akhyraous and its surroundings, and Pergamon, Atramyttion, Kyzikos (Erdek) and Çanakkale after 1304, declared independence from the collapsing Seljuk, and founded the Beylik of Karasi (Öden 1999, 18-20). The area around Darkale, more widely known as Tarhala/Tırhala during the Turkish period, was located on the border between the Karesi Beylik and the Saruhan Beylik (Arel 1992, 120). When the Ottomans conquered the area, the settlement continued as the District of Tarhala. In early 17th century AD, Soma became the center of the district and Tarhala, which had a strong position in defense, lost importance while Soma, located in the fertile Bakırçay Plain, gained prominence (Günay 2006, 115-116). Opinions on the Settlement in the Area We do not possess the epigraphic and architectural data necessary to positively define the settlement in and around Darkale, an area of historic importance. Contemporary researchers propose various opinions on the settlement near Soma, and suggest the cities of Germe, Trakoula, Khliara for the history of Darkale (fig.1) Ptolemaios (Claudii Ptolemaei 1845, 11), Stephanos Byzantinos (Pinedo 1725, 206) and Hierocles (Synecdemus 1866, 20) position Germe or Hiera Germe, a city in Hellespontos or Micra Mysia, in a close location. Kirmastı (Mustafa Kemal Paşa) (Cramer 1832, 59), Susurluk between Kirmastı and Akhyraous (Stiernon, Stiernon 1984, 969-970), Ilıca Village on the eastern side of Tarsios Brook (Koca Brook) between Poimanenon and Akhyraous (Bürchner 1910, 1261-1262) and the Aisepos area (Gönen Brook) (Honigmann 1936, 541 fn.1) have been proposed for the location of Hiera Germe. The city of Germe is position between Pergamon and Thyateira in Itineraria Romana and Tabula Peutingerina; therefore, contemporary researchers emphasize on the possibility of two different cities. Germe is mostly positioned near Soma in the valley of Kaikos as this was one the ranges on the Pergamon and Thyateira road in Itineraria Romana and Tabula Peutingerina (Miller 1964, 715; Bürchner 1910, 1262; Stiernon and Stiernon, 1984, 970; Radt 2002, 19, fig.4; Ramsay 1960, 136; Schuchhardt 1912, 135-137; Rheidt 1986, 234; Sevin 2001, 54). Honigmann suggests that Germe should be searched around Balıkesir or Asarköy (Honigmann 1936, 541 fn.1). Robert examines geographical data of the city through Germe coins, emphasizes on the circulation of the coins, which are attributed to Germe Hellespontos or Germe Kaikos, proposes there may be only one Germe city and argues that Halkapınar, which is located near Savaştepe, supports this settlement (Robert 1962, 171-201, 377-412). Trakoula was another important settlement proposed for the Byzantine period of Darkale. There is little information about Trakoula, which is known to have sent a bishop to the Second Council of Nicaea in 787 as a bishopric within the Sardis metropolis of the province of Lydia (Darrouzés 1975, 35). Ramsay points out to the possibility that this settlement may have continued in a village named Trakhala near Soma (Ramsay 1960, 136). Robert states that there was no settlement in the location of present day Soma during the Byzantine period but there was a settlement in Trakoula on the foothills of the mountain (Robert 1962, 410-411, fn.1).

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The other settlement proposed for the location of Darkale in the Byzantine period is Khliara (Foss 1998, 163). Khliara is not mentioned in sources from the early Byzantine period and comes to light in the 12th century AD. In 1109, Hassan, the Emir of Cappadocia, marches on Philadelphia (Alaşehir), defended by Byzantine commander Eumathios Philokales, but deciding that he is not prepared to take the city, divides his army into three companies, and sends on to the Kelbianos Plain (Küçük Menderes), one to Smyrna and Nymphaion and the other to Khliara and Pergamon. The Byzantine sends a force to face these troops. In spite of the success of the first two companies, one deployed to Khliara and Pergamon could not be reached (Anna Komnena 1996, 441-443). In 1111, Khliara reemerges as Malik Shah threatens Philadelphia and coastal cities of Western Anatolia. Emperor Alexios Komnenos gives instructions to his commanders in the area about the threat. One of these commanders is Monastras, who controls Khliara and its surroundings (Anna Komnena 1996, 448-449). The city is also mentioned during the Turkish attack of 1113. The Turks go from Poimanenon to Abydos (near Çanakkale), and then to Atramyttion and Khliara (Anna Komnena 1996, 458-459). Khliara is later mentioned as one of the cities, and possibly the capital city, of the Theme of the Neokastra (Ahrweiler 1965, 133-134), founded against the Turks in 1165-1170 by Manuel I Komnenos. According to a treaty signed with the Latin in 1212, Khliara fell into the land of the Laskaris (Akropolites 2008, 39). Khliara was a fortified important settlement in the 12th century AD, and in the bishopric lists of the Byzantine, became a city in the 13th century AD (Darrouzès 1981, 108). It is mentioned as one of the cities of the Ephesus Metropolis in the 13th bishopric list (Darrouzès 1981, 142; Ramsay 1960, 483). The earthquake of Pergamon, which was associated with and more powerful than the earthquake in Constantinople in 1296, affected and inflicted great damage on Khliara. The fortress as well as several churches and houses were destroyed (Pachymérès 1999, 258-260; Soysal et al.1981, 40). Khliara is also on the route followed in 1304 by Catalan force commissioned by the Byzantine Empire to fight against the Turks (Pachymérès 1999, 468; Schlumberger 1902, 70; Ersan 2005, 79; Ayönü 2009, 42). Dukas writes that Cüneyd Bey set out from Lopadion at night and reached Khliara, near the border of Lydia, early in the morning (Dukas 1956, 105). The information in the Byzantine period sources show that Khaliara was a significant city located on road networks between the 12th and 15th centuries AD. Based on this information, researchers have proposed various locations for Khliara. Ramsay proposes the Catalans passed Khliara and Thyateira as the closes route for their march through Germe – Khliara to Philadelphia and that this is the Kırkağaç – Akhisar road. Ramsay also writes that Cüneyd Bey would have to go through Balıkesir – Soma – Kırkağaç or Bigadiç – Gelenbe to reach the border of Lydia in one night, and stresses on the possibility of Khliara being Kırkağaç (Ramsay 1960, 125-126). Tomaschek locates Khliara near Soma or Kırkağaç (Tomaschek 1891, 96). Schuchhardt disagrees with Ramsay's proposal of Kırkağaç, and states Maltepe, which is located near Bakır where antique ceramics are found in large numbers, may be Khliara (Schuchhardt 1912, 139). Robert mentions that Khliara is located in the Yukarı Bakırçay Valley but does not specify a location (Robert 1962, 385). Umar emphasizes on the possibility that Cüneyd Bey followed the route along which a railway was built later, and says Khliara is located in a mound of findings from Roman to Byzantine periods, located 2km east of Bakır Village near Kırkağaç (Umar 2006, 108-111). Rheidt believes Khliara is on the road to Thyateira, taking into consideration Emir Hasan's forces, the Catalan march and the earthquake in 1296, and locates Khliara in Gördükkale, which has a geological structure that may increase an earthquake's impact, houses findings from an ancient settlement, and is associated with road networks (Rheidt 1986, 235, 241). Based on the information about Khliara found in Byzantine sources, Foss argues that Khliara should be searched between Pergamon and Thyateira to the south of Germe. Foss accepts the location of Germe near Savaştepe by Robert, and considers Darkale Village near Soma, located in the east of Bakırçay Valley, a suitable location for Khliara (fig.1). Although Khliara gains importance after its fortification, Foss

Turkish Studies International Periodical for the Languages, Literature and History of Turkish or Turkic Volume 11/1 Winter 2016 Darkale in the Byzantine Period: Settlement and Some Architectural Notes 67 finds no remains of a fortress in Darkale, but mentions the presence of certain findings that may indicate to a fortress in the area. Another piece of information that leads Foss to believe Darkale is Khliara is that the name Tarhala, which has been used since the Ottoman period until the present time. Foss thinks the settlement's name may have changed from ‘ta khliara’ (τα χλιαρα) from the Byzantine period to ‘Tachlera’ or ‘Tahrala’ (Foss 1998, 161, 163-165). Most of the settlements near the Lydia-Mysia border and the east of Kaikos Plain cannot be based on concrete data and their locations can only be approximated. While all of the comments about the settlement in Darkale are based on concrete data, Khliara's location in Darkale and Foss' proposals appear to be the most reasonable. Like Khoniates says, the Neokastra theme protected the plain. Considering the three important cities of the theme (Pergamon, Khliara, Atramyttion) and the plains in the area, the fortress between Atramyttion and Pergamon controlled the fertile area on the coastal strip. The fortress in Pergamon protected the Kaikos Plain, an important agricultural area in Eastern Anatolia, from the east. The possibility that Khliara was in a location that had control from the east over the area irrigated by Kaikos seems more reasonable because one of the most important reasons for this fortification network was to protect the agricultural population and ensure continued taxes (Foss 1996, 152). The Neokastra theme is another issue that should be emphasized upon. When founded in the 12th century AD, the Neokastra theme did not cover a very large area. During the Nicaean Empire period, the theme became an important military base and its borders expanded to Magnesia ad Sipylum and Sardis (Angold 1975, 246). Ahrweiler notes that the Neokastra theme covered a mountainous area and especially points out to the mountainous terrain between Pergamon and Khliara and to Mount Yund/Tırhala (Ahrweiler 1965, 133-135). Gördükkale, proposed for Khliara by Rheidt, is too far to correspond to the purpose the theme was founded. Moreover, it is known that Akhyraous, on the route the Catalans followed through Akhyraous, Germe, Khliara and Aulax (Angir/Kiliseköy) in 1304 to reach Philadelphia (Pachymérès 1999, 466-469; Moncada 1975, 41- 42; Öden 1994, 127; Ersan 2005, 79-80; Ayönü 2009, 42), is the present day Balıkesir settlement. When Halkapınar near Savaştepe, proposed by Robert, is assumed as Germe's location, it seems more appropriate to search for Khliara in Darkale after Savaştepe (figs.2-3). Moreover, considering names of several settlements in Anatolia during the Byzantine and Turkish periods, Foss' etymological approach to Khliara supports the possibility of Darkale. Remains from the Byzantine Period Fortification remains constitute most of the architectural data from the Byzantine period in Darkale. Wall remains on a slope to Temenni Hill, remains in Asar Hill and Orta Bağlar, architectural plastic works used as spolia in mosques Kırkoluk and Minareli, and the pieces collected in an open area around Kırkoluk Mosque are the data that points out to the Byzantine period settlement. There are two adjacent sections of the remains of a fortress on Asar Hill (figs.4-5). Altıner mentions these remains in his work on the Tarhala Plain (Altıner 1937, 14). The small fortress on rocky hill extends in an east-west direction. The structure in the east is 5.20mx4.90m in size. It was made of rubble stone and lime mortar with some broken bricks used between the stones. The other structure is about 7m to the west of the former, and is 10mx8m in size. It displays better craftsmanship than the eastern structure. It was made of rubble stone and lime mortar. The southern wall consists of broken and halved bricks with alternating rows of stone and brick (fig.6). There are partial remains between the two structures. The hill overlooks the entire Bakırçay Plain and the remains must have been parts of a watchtower.

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Surrounded by steep slopes and cliffs, Asar Hill is difficult to reach. A road paved with stones follows the softer slopes and extends to a relatively flat area near the hill. The road features steps in patches and is approximately 1km long. It expands and contracts according to the topography and has smoother and larger flagstones along the sides (figs.7-8). On Temenni Hill, which overlooks the Darkale settlement and Soma Plain, there is a 70m long limes wall (monumental linear fortification) (fig.9). This wall can be defined as a line that reinforces the settlement defense. The wall's height reaches 2-2.50m in some parts while only the surface trace is visible in others (fig.10). The wall was not coated. The inner filling consists of rubble stone and lime mortar. The wall is 130cm thick. Remains on the hills Temenni and Asar indicate to the presence of fortification around the settlement. Umar says there is no remains of a fortress in the area (Umar 2006, 99). Tok argues that the small fortress in Darkale is a part of the Neokastra theme (Tok 2010, 307). Foss states that there is certain data that points out to a fortress but is not precise. However, the remains on the hills Temenni and Asar prove the presence of a defense line. Several settlements in the Neokastra theme, which was founded by Manuel I Komnenos for the purpose of defense from the Turks, were reinforced. Unelaborate craftsmanship of the fortification remains on the hills, made of rubble stone and lime mortar, are similar to the fortresses of the Komnenos period (Foss 1996, 154-155). However, there is insufficient data to reach a certain conclusion. There is no apparent order in the construction of these fortifications located within the new chain of fortresses as the main goal was to build defense structures to protect the area as soon as possible. This defensive order created by the Byzantine began in the 11th century AD and survived through the 13th century AD. Besides the remains of fortifications in Darkale, there are remains in the area of Karşı Yaka or Orta Bağlar. Altıner mentions certain walls, wells and columns (Altıner 1937, 14). During the field survey in 2010, two columns, one made from grey granite and one from marble, and a well were detected. Large numbers and high quality of the architectural sculptures in the settlement are striking. A large body of spolia was used in the construction of a fountain under the higher Kırkoluk Mosque, presumably built between the 18th century and early 19th century (Arel 1991, 8), Minareli Mosque and the new fountain at the entrance of Darkale Village. Several stone works collected around the settlement are exhibited in a park built around Kırkoluk Mosque. (Dennert 1995, 144, pl.52,4; Buchwald 1995, 263, fig.18; Mercangöz 2008, 86, fig.17; Ermiş 2004, 80, fig.6; Fellows 1852, 22). Some of stone works are dated to the Early Byzantine Period, and most of them are dated to the Middle Byzantine Period. The intensity of liturgical architectural sculpture indicates that there is a church. The settlement in the area of present day Darkale was a garrison intended to protect Pergamon against threats from the east during the Roman period. Later, especially in the 11th-13th centuries AD, the road connecting Western Anatolian ports to the interiors lost importance and southern-northern connection gained prominence, and the Darkale settlement became one of the major points along the road. Fortifications in Asar Hill and Temenni Hill show similarities to the other fortifications in Neokastra in terms of their construction technique. Darkale overlooked the Haikos Plain as a part of the Neokastra system, was located along the road, and houses architectural remains, which increase the possibility of Darkale being Khliara.

REFERENCES Ahrweiler, H. (1965). “L’histoire et la géographie de la région de Smyrne entre les deux occupations turques (1081-1317)”, Travaux et Mémoires, 1, pp.1-204. Altıner, B.A. (1937). “Tarhala Obasını Tanıyalım”, Gediz, 4, pp.9-14. Angold, M. (1975). A Byzantine Goverment in Exile, Oxford. Anna Komnena, (1996). Alexiad, Anadolu’da ve Balkan Yarımadası’nda İmparator Alexios Komnenos Döneminin Tarihi-Malazgirt Sonrası, tr. Bilge Umar, Istanbul. Arel, A. (1991). “Ege Bölgesi Ayanlık Dönemi Mimarisi: 1989 Dönemi Yüzey Araştırmaları”, 8. Araştırma Sonuçları Toplantısı, pp.1-23. Arel, A. (1992). “Soma Yakınlarında Eski Bir Dağ Yerleşmesi: Tırhala Köyü”, 9.Araştırma Sonuçları Toplantısı, pp.119-130. Ayönü, Y. (2009). Katalanların Anadolu ve Trakya’daki Faaliyetleri (1302-1311), Izmir. Buchwald, H. (1995). “Chancel Barrier Lintels Decorated with Carved Arcades”, Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik, 45, pp.237-276. Bürchner, L., (1910). “Germe”, Paulys Real-Encyclopädie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaft, VII,1, Stuttgart, pp.1261-1262. Cahen, C. (2000). Osmanlılardan Önce Anadolu, tr.Erol Üyepazarcı, Istanbul. Claudii Ptolemaei, (1845). Geographia, Ed.Carolus Fridericus Augustus Nobbe, II, Leipzig. Cramer, J.A. (1832). A Geographical and Historical Description of Asia Minor, I, Oxford. Darrouzés, J. (1975). “Listes épiscopales du concile de Nicée (787)”, Revue des Études Byzantines, 33, pp.5-76. Darrouzès, J. (1981). Notitiae episcopatuum Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae, Géographie ecclésiastique de l'Empire byzantin I, Paris. Dennert, M. (1995). “Mittelbyzantinische Ambone in Kleinasien”, Istanbuler Mitteilungen, 45, pp.137-147. Dukas, (1956). Bizans Tarihi, tr.Vl. Mirmiroğlu, Istanbul. Ermiş, Ü.M., (2004). “İzmir ve Manisa Çevresindeki Orta Bizans Dönemi Templon Arşitravları”, Bilim Eşiği 1, Sanat Tarihinde Gençler Semineri 2003 Bildirileri, Istanbul, pp.76-98. Ersan, M. (2005). “Katalanların Anadolu’daki Faaliyetleri: 1304”, Uluslararası Batı Anadolu Beylikleri Sempozyumu Bildirileri (18-20 Ekim 2004), Balıkesir, pp.76-84. Fellows, C. (1852). Travels and Researches in Asia Minor, London. Foss, C. (1972). Byzantine Cities of Western Asia Minor, Harward University, History and Classical Archaelogy, PhD Thesis, Cambridge. Foss, C. (1996). “The Defenses of Asia Minor against the Turks”, Cities, Fortresses and Villages of Byzantine Asia Minor V, Aldershot, pp.145-205. Foss, C., (1998). “Responses to Turkish Attack Some Sites of Asia Minor”, Aetos: Studies in Honour of Cyril Mango, Sttutgart / Leipzig, pp.154-171. Francisco De Moncada (1975). The Catalan Chronicle of Francisco de Moncada, tr.Frances Hernández, Texas. Gelzer, H. (1903). Pergamon unter Byzantinern und Osmanen, Berlin.

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Georges Pachymérès (1999). Relations Historiques, III. Livres VII-IX, tr.Albert Failler, Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae XXIV/3-4, Paris. Georgios Akropolites (2008). Vekayinâme, tr.Bilge Umar, Istanbul. Graeber, F. (1913). “Die Wasserleitung”, Altertümer von Pergamon: Stadt und Landschaft, I-3, Berlin, pp.365-412. Günay, V. (2006). “XVI. Yüzyılda Tarhala Örneğinde Batı Anadolu’da İskân Değişimi”, Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi, XXI/1, pp.107-122. Haciyev, K., (2006). Mesleme b.Abdülmelik: Hayatı, Siyâsî ve Askerî Faaliyetleri, Marmara Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü İslam Tarihi Bilim Dalı, Yüksek Lisans Tezi, Istanbul. Hieroclis Synecdemus, (1866). Notitiae Graecae Episcopatuum, Berlin. Honigmann, E. (1936). “Pour l’Atlas Byzantin”, Byzantion, 11, pp.541-562. Mango, C., and Scott, R. (tr.) (1997). The Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor: Byzantine and Near Eastern History, AD 284-813, Oxford. Mercangöz, Z. (2008). “Réflexions sur le Décor Sculpté Byzantine D’Anatolie Occidentale”, La Sculpture Byzantine VIIe-XIIe Siècles, Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique Supplément 49, Athens, pp.81-103. Miller, K. (1964). Itineraria Romana: Römische reisewege an der hand der Tabula Peutingeriana, Roma. Nicol, D.M. (2003). Bizans’ın Son Yüzyılları (1261-1453), tr. Bilge Umar, Istanbul. Niketas Khoniates, (1995). Historia (Ioannes ve Manuel Komnenos Devirleri), tr.Fikret Işıltan, Ankara. Nöldeke, Th. (1875). “Zur Geschichte der Araber im 1. Jahrh. d, H. aus syrischen Quellen”, Zeitschriften der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 29, pp.76-98. Ostrogorsky, G. (1981). Bizans Devleti Tarihi, tr.Fikret Işıltan, Ankara. Öden, Z.G. (1999). Karası Beyliği, Ankara. Öden, Z.G. (1994). “Bizans İmparatorluğu’nun Türklere Karşı Alan ve Katalanlarla İttifakı”, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Dergisi, 35, pp.123-129. Radt, W. (2002). Pergamon: Antik Bir Kentin Tarihi ve Yapıları, tr.Suzan Tammer, Istanbul. Ramsay, W.M. (1960). Anadolu’nun Tarihi Coğrafyası, tr.Mihri Pektaş, Istanbul. Rheidt, K. (1986). “Chliara, Ein Beitrag zur spätbyzantinischen Topographie der pergamenischen Landschaft”, Istanbuler Mitteilungen, 36, pp.223-244. Robert, L. (1962). Villes d’Asie Mineure: etudes de geographie ancienne, Paris. Schlumberger, G. (1902). Expédition Des “Almugavares”: Ou Routiers Catalans En Orient De L'an 1302 à L'an 1311, Paris. Schuchhardt, C. (1912). “Historische Topographie der Landschaft”, Altertümer von Pergamon: Stadt und Landschaft, Band I, Text I, Berlin, pp.61-143. Sevin, V. (2001). Anadolu’nun Tarihi Coğrafyası I, Ankara. Soysal, H. et al., (1981). Türkiye ve Çevresinin Tarihsel Deprem Kataloğu (M.Ö.2100- M.S.1900), Istanbul. Stiernon, D. and Stiernon, L. (1984). “Germè”, Dictionnaire d'Histoire et de Géographie Ecclésiastiques, 20, Paris, pp.969-974.

Thomas De Pinedo (1725). Στέφανος. Περί πόλεων / Stephanus de Urbibus, Amsterdam. Tok, E. (2010). “On İkinci ve On Üçüncü Yüzyılların Sosyopolitik Ortamında Yeşeren Bir Savunma Ağı: Neokastra”, I. Uluslararası Sevgi Gönül Bizans Araştırmaları Sempozyumu (25-28 Haziran 2007), İstanbul, pp.303-311. Tomaschek, W. (1891). Zur historischen Topographie von Kleinasien im Mittelalter I: Die Küstengebiete und die Wege der Kreuzfahrer, Sitzungsbericht der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften 124/8, Vienna. Tozan, M. (2007). “Kırkağaç Çevresinde Bulunan Hellenistik Dönem Yerleşmeleri”, Kırkağaç Sosyo-Ekonomik Tarih Sempozyumu Bildirileri (6-7 Eylül 2007), Kırkağaç Belediyesi, pp.1-11. Turan, O. (2004). Selçuklular Zamanında Türkiye, Istanbul. Umar, B. (2006). Mysia, Istanbul.

Fig. 1. Map of the Bakırçay Valley and settlements (Drawing by U.M.Ermiş)

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Fig. 2. Darkale, Soma and Bakırçay Plain

Fig. 3. View of Darkale and Asar Hill from the Temenni Hill

Fig. 4. The remains of the fortress on the Asar Hill

Fig. 5. The remains of the fortress on the Asar Hill

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Fig. 6. Masonry technique and materials of the fortress

Fig. 7. Detail of the road paved with stones between Darkale and Asar Hill

Fig. 8. Detail from the road

Fig. 9. The linear fortification on Temenni Hill

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Fig. 10. Some parts of the linear wall are traced on the surface

Citation Information/Kaynakça Bilgisi Ermiş, Ü.M., (2016). “Darkale in the Byzantine Period: Settlement and Some Architectural Notes / Bizans Döneminde Darkale: Yerleşme ve Bazı Mimari Bulgular”, TURKISH STUDIES - International Periodical for the Languages, Literature and History of Turkish or Turkic-, ISSN: 1308-2140, (Prof. Dr. Hayati Akyol Armağanı), Volume 11/1 Winter 2016, ANKARA/TURKEY, www.turkishstudies.net, DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.7827/TurkishStudies.9157, p. 59-76.

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