DOCSLIB.ORG

Durham E-Theses

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Durham E-Theses Durham E-Theses Iran, Persian Gulf and Relations with the United States: The Myth of Hegemony (1968-75) RIAZ, ADNAN,SHEIKH How to cite: RIAZ, ADNAN,SHEIKH (2014) Iran, Persian Gulf and Relations with the United States: The Myth of Hegemony (1968-75) , Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/9510/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 Iran, Persian Gulf and Relations with the United States: The Myth of Hegemony (1968-75) Submitted by Mr. Adnan Riaz Sheikh (Doctoral Candidate) School of Government and International Affairs and The Institute for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies, Ustinov College, University of Durham. Page 1 of 450 Declaration “This thesis is the result of my own work. Material from the published or unpublished work of others which is used in the thesis is credited to the author in question in the text.” ………………………………………………………….Mr. Adnan Riaz Sheikh, SGIA-IMEIS, University of Durham. 31st May 2011 Page 2 of 450 Table of Contents IRAN, PERSIAN GULF AND RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES: THE MYTH OF HEGEMONY (1968-75) ............................................................................................... 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS ................................................................................................................... 3 ABSTRACT .......................................................................................................................................... 8 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...................................................................................................................... 9 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................... 10 Project Background: Discourse anomalies of Iran’s diplomatic posture towards of the Gulf and western Asian security, academic prejudices and possibilities for neo-revisionism................................................... 10 Core research questions and Auxiliary assumptions ....................................................................................... 13 Research Issues, preliminaries and project perimeters ................................................................................ 18 Central Aims of Research.............................................................................................................................. 27 Methodology, Case studies and Data analysis ................................................................................................ 31 Project Outline .............................................................................................................................................. 32 Chapter 1: Theoretical Framework .................................................................................................................... 32 Chapter 2: .......................................................................................................................................................... 35 The Persian Gulf-Arabian Peninsula axis (1956-75): External threats, regional hegemony and the politics of security, resources and ideology ....................................................................................................................... 35 Empirical Chapters 3-9: ...................................................................................................................................... 37 American interests in the Indian Ocean (1968-75): The Iran-Saudi strategic competition under the Soviet- radical Arab threat and the politics of arms, islands and oil trade .................................................................... 37 CHAPTER 1: ....................................................................................................................................... 41 Theoretical Framework ................................................................................................................................... 41 1.1. Introduction ................................................................................................................................................ 41 1.2. Preliminary Hypothesis ............................................................................................................................... 43 1.3. The Melian Fallacy: Morality, alliance or self-help in International relations? ......................................... 44 1.4. Neo-realism: Systemic influences, the structure and the paradox of the (Three) ‘Statist’ interests .......... 46 1.4.1: Balance of Power: Counter-coalitions, band-wagonning and cooperation ............................................. 48 1.4.2. Systemic Shifts: Bipolar systemic “stability”, rise of contenders and allies ............................................. 51 1.4.3. Systemic Transformation: Structural change and rise of revisionist state .............................................. 53 1.4.4. Regional hegemony, deterrence and power ........................................................................................... 56 Page 3 of 450 1.4.5. Defensive Realism: State expansionism, restraint and ‘structural modifiers’ ......................................... 58 1.5. International System and the Regional Security Complexes: A ‘sectoral’ analytical approach .................. 62 1.5.2. RSCs: ‘Autonomous, Overlaid, Penetrated and non-Security’ ................................................................ 69 1.5.3. Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................... 72 1.6. Security Communities: Shared interests, non-security and structure-agency transformation .................. 73 1.6.2. ‘Values are what actors make of’: the politics of security, identity and development of norms ............ 77 1.6.3. Power and Community: the realist contribution ...................................................................................... 79 1.6.4. Security Communal phases: ‘Nascent, Ascendant, Mature and Disintegrating’ ...................................... 81 1.7. Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................... 84 CHAPTER 2: ....................................................................................................................................... 88 THE PERSIAN GULF AND EXTERNAL POWERS, NATIONALISM, HEGEMONY AND SECURITY COMMUNITY: A NEO-HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE (1956-75) ..................... 88 2.1. The Strategic context of Soviet and regional powers’ interests in the Middle East: .................................. 89 2.1.1. Some geopolitical generalizations and region-specific Soviet interests .................................................. 89 2.2.2. The Soviet-Conservative Epoch 1962-80: The strategic Space between the two Détentes: ................... 94 2.1.2. Soviet interests in the Mediterranean and engagements with Turkey, Egypt and Syria (1956-70) ........ 97 2.1.3. Power Transition in the Middle East and new sub-security systems (1967-72) .................................... 101 2.1.4. The case for Soviet “intervention” in the Persian Gulf (1968-79) ......................................................... 105 2.1.5. The reality of Soviet-Iraqi collaboration and the Communist-Kurdish link (1958-75) ......................... 110 2.2. The political economy of islands, ideology and security: Intra- Gulf pre-emptions and collaborations ......................................................................................................................................................................114 2.2.1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 114 2.2.2. The Upper Persian Gulf islands: politics of resources, nationalism and the legacy of modern Irano-Arab rivalry (1950-75) .............................................................................................................................................. 117 2.2.3. Territorial rivalries in the lower Gulf (1968-74): politics of resources or pretentious Nationalism? ..... 128 2.2.4. Bahrain: Resources, Hegemony and the “pride complex”? ................................................................... 133 2.2.5. Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................. 137 2.3. ‘Independent Nationalism’ in the post-1956 phase: Cooperative Security, the British- Egyptian threat to Gulf and security discourses ..........................................................................................................................140
Load more

Recommended publications
  • A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The
    BECOMING ONE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NATIONAL UNIFICATION IN VIETNAM, YEMEN AND GERMANY A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Conflict Resolution By Min Jung Kim, B.A. Washington, DC May 1, 2009 I owe my most sincere gratitude to my thesis advisor Kevin Doak, Ph.D. for his guidance and support and to Aviel Roshwald, Ph.D. and Tristan Mabry, Ph.D. for detailed and constructive comments. Min Jung Kim ii BECOMING ONE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NATIONAL UNIFICATION IN VIETNAM, YEMEN AND GERMANY Min Jung Kim, B.A. Thesis Advisor: Kevin M. Doak, Ph.D. ABSTRACT The purpose of this research is to understand the dynamic processes of modern national unification cases in Vietnam (1976), Yemen (1990) and Germany (1990) in a qualitative manner within the framework of Amitai Etizoni’s political integration theory. There has been little use of this theory in cases of inter-state unification despite its apparent applicability. This study assesses different factors (military force, utilitarian and identitive factors) that influence unification in order to understand which were most supportive of unification and which resulted in a consolidation unification in the early to intermediate stages. In order to answer the above questions, the thesis uses the level of integration as a dependent variable and the various methods of unification as independent variables. The dependent variables are measured as follows: whether unified states were able to protect its territory from potential violence and secessions and to what extent alienation emerged amongst its members.
    [Show full text]
  • The Two Yemens
    1390_A24-A34 11/4/08 5:14 PM Page 543 330-383/B428-S/40005 The Two Yemens 171. Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy in the People’s Republic of Southern Yemen1 Washington, February 27, 1969, 1710Z. 30762. Subj: US–PRSY Relations. 1. PRSY UN Perm Rep Nu’man,2 who currently in Washington as PRSYG observer at INTELSAT Conference, had frank but cordial talk with ARP Country Director Brewer February 26. 2. In analyzing causes existing coolness in USG–PRSYG relations, Ambassador Nu’man claimed USG failure offer substantial aid at time of independence and subsequent seizure of American arms with clasped hands insignia3 in possession of anti-PRSYG dissidents had led Aden to “natural” conclusion that USG distrusts PRSYG. He specu- lated this due to close US relationship with Saudis whom Nu’man al- leged, somewhat vaguely, had privately conveyed threats to overthrow NLF regime, claiming USG support. Nu’man asserted PRSYG desired good relations with USG and hoped USG would reciprocate. 3. Recalling history of USG attempts to develop good relations with PRSYG, Brewer underlined our feeling it was PRSYG which had not re- ciprocated. He reviewed our position re non-interference PRSY internal affairs, regretting publicity anti-USG charges (e.g. re arms) without first seeking our explanation. Brewer noted USG seeks maintain friendly relations with Saudi Arabia as well as PRSYG but we not responsible for foreign policy of either. 4. Nu’man reiterated SAG responsible poor state Saudi-PRSY con- tacts. Brewer demurred, noting SAG had good reasons be concerned over hostile attitude PRSYG leaders.
    [Show full text]
  • The Regional Geopolitics of Saudi-Yemeni Relations
    1 MORE THAN JUST A BOUNDARY DISPUTE: THE REGIONAL GEOPOLITICS OF SAUDI-YEMENI RELATIONS Fadhl Al-Maghafi Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD 2012 Faculty of Law and Social Science School of Oriental and African Studies University of London Figures (Vol. 2/3) 1 Table of Figures 2 Table of Figures Figures ........................................................................................................ ............................................ Table of Figures ......................................................................................................................................... 1 1.1. Congratulating President Saleh on his return from Jeddah .......................................................... 5 1.1.1. Taḥrir Square, Sana’a ............................................................................................................ 6 .............................................................................................................................................................. 6 1.1.2. The General Public Party Area (GPC) .................................................................................... 7 1.1.3. Chamber of Commerce Area, Sana’a .................................................................................. 8 1.2. A map showing the position of the Arabian Peninsula in the global network of trade routes in the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries .................................................................................................... 9 1.3. Arabia in Early Maps
    [Show full text]
  • Conflict and the Identification of the Least Developed Countries: Theoretical and Statistical Considerations
    Department of Economic & Social Affairs CDP Background Paper No. 13 ST/ESA/2012/CDP/13 February 2012 Conflict and the identification of the Least Developed Countries: Theoretical and statistical considerations Ana Luiza Cortez and Namsuk Kim* BACKGROUND This paper reviews conflict as one of potential factors that could be incorporated in the identification of least developed countries (LDCs). It is not clear whether conflict can be considered as a structurally predetermined handicap as those identified in LDC criteria. More importantly, even if countries may be caught in a conflict trap, adding conflict indicators to the LDC criteria does not provide additional insights to enhance our understanding of the category . And adding conflict indicators is unlikely to introduce changes in country clas- sification. Many of the factors associated with conflict are already incorporated in the indica- tors used to identify LDCs, and, therefore, the inclusion of an explicit conflict indicator – to capture the risk of falling into conflict given conflict in the past – in the LDC criteria would not affect the composition list of LDCs. JEL Classification:O19, D74, F35 Keywords: Conflict, Least Developed Countries, Country classification * Ana Luiza Cortez is Chief, and Namsuk Kim is an Economic Affairs Officer at the Committee for Development Policy Secre- tariat, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, United Nations Headquarters, New York. The views and opinions expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the United Nations Secretariat. The designations and terminology employed may not conform to United Nations practice and do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Organization.
    [Show full text]
  • Yemen As an Ottoman Frontier and Attempt to Build a Native Army: Asakir-I Hamidiye
    YEMEN AS AN OTTOMAN FRONTIER AND ATTEMPT TO BUILD A NATIVE ARMY: ASAKİR-İ HAMİDİYE by ÖNDER EREN AKGÜL Submitted to the Graduate School of Sabancı University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History Sabancı University July 2014 YEMEN AS AN OTTOMAN FRONTIER AND ATTEMPT TO BUILD A NATIVE ARMY: ASAKİR-İ HAMİDİYE APPROVED BY: Selçuk Akşin Somel …………………………. (Thesis Supervisor) Yusuf Hakan Erdem …………………………. Bahri Yılmaz …………………………. DATE OF APPROVAL: 25.07.2014 © Önder Eren Akgül 2014 All Rights Reserved YEMEN AS AN OTTOMAN FRONTIER AND ATTEMPT TO BUILD A NATIVE ARMY: ASAKİR-İ HAMİDİYE Önder Eren Akgül History, MA, 2014 Supervisor: Selçuk Akşin Somel Keywords: Colonialism, Imperialism, Native army, Ottoman frontiers, Ottoman imperialism ABSTRACT This thesis is a study of the Ottoman attempts to control its frontiers and the frontier populations by basing upon the experience of the native army (Asakir-i Hamidiye) organized by Ismail Hakkı Pasha, who was a governor of Yemen province, between 1800 and 1882. This thesis positions Yemen into the context of the literature produced for the frontier regions; and tries to investigate the dynamics of the institutions and practices pursued in Yemen that differentiated from the financial, military and judicial institutions of the Tanzimat-era. This thesis puts forth that the Ottoman Empire was not a passive audience of imperial competitions of the nineteenth century, but engaged into the imperial struggles by undertaking aggressive measures with an imperialist mind and strategy. Herein, with the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, the Ottoman ruling elites detected the Red Sea as a strategic region too.
    [Show full text]
  • A Journal of African Studies
    UCLA Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies Title Afrabia: Africa and the Arabs in the New World Order Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9896d35t Journal Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies, 20(3) ISSN 0041-5715 Author Mazrui, Ali Publication Date 1992 DOI 10.5070/F7203016755 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California 51 AFRABIA: AFRICA AND TilE ARABS IN TiiE NEW WORLD ORDER Ali A. Mazrui Let me begin this essay on African-Arab relations with two models of historic reconciliation involving other societies. The Anglo­ American model traces the transition from hostility to fraternity in the relations between the people of Britain and those of the United States from the late eighteenth century to the First World War. Are there lessons to be learnt which are relevant for relations between Arabs and Africans historically? The second model of reconciliation traces the transition from enmity to friendship between the United States and Japan from 1941 into the 1990s. Are there other lessons to be learnt in this America­ Japanese model which are also pertinent for African-Arab relations in historical perspective? Let us look at these two models of reconciliation more closely. · It was, of course, in 1776 that the Americans started their rebellion against the British. It became the American war of independence. For at least a century the British were a people the Americans loved most to hate. This included one additional war between the Americans and the British in 1812. Tcxlay, Great Britain is perhaps the United States' closest ally­ perhaps closer than even Israel and Canada are to Washington.
    [Show full text]
  • Dilemmas of Diversity After the Cold War: Analyses of “Cultural Difference” by U.S
    Kennan Institute DILEMMAS OF DIVERSITY AFTER THE COLD WAR: Analyses of “Cultural Difference” by U.S. and Russia-Based Scholars Edited by Michele Rivkin-Fish and Elena Trubina DILEMMAS OF DIVERSITY AFTER THE COLD WAR: Analyses of “Cultural Difference” by U.S. and Russia-Based Scholars By Michele Rivkin-Fish and Elena Trubina WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR ScHOLARS The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, established by Congress in 1968 and headquartered in Washington, D.C., is a living national memorial to President Wilson. The Center’s mission is to com- memorate the ideals and concerns of Woodrow Wilson by providing a link between the worlds of ideas and policy, while fostering research, study, discussion, and collaboration among a broad spectrum of individuals con- cerned with policy and scholarship in national and international affairs. Supported by public and private funds, the Center is a nonpartisan in- stitution engaged in the study of national and world affairs. It establish- es and maintains a neutral forum for free, open, and informed dialogue. Conclusions or opinions expressed in Center publications and programs are those of the authors and speakers and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Center staff, fellows, trustees, advisory groups, or any individuals or organizations that provide financial support to the Center. The Center is the publisher of The Wilson Quarterly a nd home of Wood row Wilson Center Press, dialogue radio and television, and the monthly news- letter “Centerpoint.” For more information about the Center’s activities and publications, please visit us on the web at www.wilsoncenter.org.
    [Show full text]
  • Religion, Nationalism, and Everyday Performance in Congo
    GESTURE AND POWER The Religious Cultures of African and African Diaspora People Series editors: Jacob K. Olupona, Harvard University Dianne M. Stewart, Emory University and Terrence L. Johnson, Georgetown University The book series examines the religious, cultural, and political expres- sions of African, African American, and African Caribbean traditions. Through transnational, cross- cultural, and multidisciplinary approaches to the study of religion, the series investigates the epistemic boundaries of continental and diasporic religious practices and thought and explores the diverse and distinct ways African- derived religions inform culture and politics. The series aims to establish a forum for imagining the centrality of Black religions in the formation of the “New World.” GESTURE AND POWER Religion, Nationalism, and Everyday Performance in Congo Yolanda Covington- Ward Duke University Press Durham and London 2016 © 2016 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Typeset in Minion Pro and Avenir by Graphic Composition, Inc., Bogart, Georgia Library of Congress Cataloging- in-Publication Data Covington-Ward, Yolanda, [date] author. Gesture and power : religion, nationalism, and everyday performance in Congo / Yolanda Covington-Ward. pages cm—(The religious cultures of African and African diaspora people) Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 978-0-8223-6020-9 (hardcover: alk. paper) isbn 978-0-8223-6036-0 (pbk. : alk. paper) isbn 978-0-8223-7484-8 (e-book) 1. Kongo (African people)—Communication. 2. Body language—Congo (Democratic Republic) 3. Dance—Social aspects—Congo (Democratic Republic) I. Title. II. Series: Religious cultures of African and African diaspora people. 394—dc23 2015020742 Cover art: Weighing of the spirit (bascule) in worship service, dmna Church, Luozi, 2010.
    [Show full text]
  • Unification in Yemen
    UNIFICATION IN YEMEN Dynamics of Political Integration, 1978-2000 Sharif Ismail Wadham College Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the degree of MPhil in Modern Middle Eastern Studies Faculty of Oriental Studies, University of Oxford 1 Contents Acknowledgements 3 List of Abbreviations 4 Maps 5 1. Introduction 10 2. Theories and Methods 12 Deutsch, Security Communities and the Pluralist Model 12 The Challenge from Functionalism and Neo-functionalism 14 Federalism and Lessons from Etzioni 14 Migdal and the Question of ‘Social Control’ 15 Towards a Synthesis 16 Methodology 17 3. Reviewing Elite-centred Histories of Unification 19 Constrained State-building, Accommodation and Co-option in the YAR 19 Weakening State Control in the PDRY 21 The Enduring Theme: discourses of a united Yemen 23 Explaining Unification 23 Elite-level Politics in the Transition Period 25 Elite-level Politics after 1994: S!lih and the GPC triumphant 28 4. Coercive Contest: the limits of the state’s attempts to enforce integration 30 Theoretical Considerations 30 The Situation in the North pre-1990 31 The Situation in the South pre-1990 34 The Transition Period 37 The Civil War 39 The Post-War Impasse: negotiating a limited ‘Security State’ 40 Conclusion 43 5. The Battle for Control of Yemen’s Water Resources 45 Theoretical Considerations 45 The Situation in the North pre-1990 46 The Situation in the South pre-1990 48 The Transition Period 51 Political Compromise, 1994-2000: the limits of state control 53 Conclusion 55 6. Defining a New National Discourse in the Education Sector 56 Theoretical Considerations 56 The Situation in the North pre-1990 56 The Situation in the South pre-1990 60 The Transition Period 63 Negotiating the Education Agenda, 1994-2000 67 Conclusion 69 7.
    [Show full text]
  • China on the Edge China’S Border Provinces and Chinese Security Policy
    The Center for the National Interest and Johns Hopkins SAIS China on the Edge China’s Border Provinces and Chinese Security Policy Carla Freeman, PhD and Drew Thompson April 2011 China on the Edge Index Foreword: China on the Edge—Cooperation or Control?.............................. 2 China’s Foreign and Security Policy for its Territorial Periphery ................. 8 Uncertain Engagement: China and North Korea.......................................... 22 Inner Mongolia and Mongolia ...................................................................... 45 Yunnan’s Relations with Vietnam and Myanmar ........................................ 65 Conclusion: China's Multilayered Periphery Policy..................................... 84 1 China on the Edge Foreword: China on the Edge—Cooperation or Control? As violence rocked Tibet in 2008 followed by Xinjiang in 2009, China delivered an apparently contradictory message to the international community. Its spokespersons asserted that events in these regions were “strictly an internal affair;” in the same breath, they sharply condemned “external forces” for inciting the violence. What might appear to be a contradiction distills the intense anxieties that underlie China’s perception of the heavily minority regions that lie along its land borders with other states and Beijing’s acute awareness that in these regions international and domestic security are closely intertwined. 1 China’s ascent to a position of international wealth and power is being felt nowhere more immediately than along its borders. A crumbling Qing empire followed by a Chinese state struggling first against external attack and then domestic instability left many of China’s international boundaries unsettled, heavily populated by non-Han minorities, with areas along the outer extent of its territorial control that were both poverty stricken and in many respects weakly governed.
    [Show full text]
  • INTRODUCTION to ISLAM By
    INTRODUCTION TO ISLAM By Dr. HAMIDULLAH I. I. F. S. O 1970 ^Bismiilafi ! INTRODUCTION There has been a wide demand for a correspon- dence course on Islam In response to this, a modest effort has been made with the help of several collabora- tors, particularly of Prof. M. Rahimuddin and the present series of fifteen monographs has been prepared under the joint auspices of the Centre Cultural Islamique and the Mosque, in Paris. This will, it is hoped, give a general idea of Islam, its history and culture and its handling of the diverse aspects and problems of life. Each subject is a monograph in itself and self-con- tained, hence a certain repetition has been unavoidable, the more so because life is a variegated affair and the fields of human activities are closely related to one another and often overlap. For further inquiries, suggestions or useful ciriticism the "Centre Culiurel Islamique, c/o The Mosque, Place Puits del' Ermite, Paris V.. France," may be referred to. For the Editorial Board, MUHAMMAD HAMIDULLAH. Paris, Sha'ban 1376 11. (1957) To the 2nd Edition The first edition was exhausted in a few months. Opportunity is taken of the second edition to improve the text and carry out several amelioration, which, it is hoped, will be appreciated. It is a pleasant duty to acknowledge with thanks numerous friendly suggestions received from various quarters. M. H. Paris, Rajab 1378 11. (1959). CONTENTS INTRODUCTION Paragraph No. The Prophet of Islam—- His Biography ... 1 The Preservation of the Original Teachings of Islam ... ... .. 43 The Islamic Conception of Life ..
    [Show full text]
  • Niger: Another Weak Link in the Sahel?
    Niger: Another Weak Link in the Sahel? Africa Report N°208 | 19 September 2013 Translation from French International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. The Scramble for Power: Between Civilian and Military Rule (1960-2010) ................... 3 A. Old Imbalances: The Colonial State’s Weaknesses and Violence ............................. 3 B. The Failure of the First Republic (1960-1974) .......................................................... 4 C. The “Military Politicians” (1974-1990) ...................................................................... 6 D. A Fragile and Uncertain Democratisation (1990-2000) ........................................... 8 1. Short-lived regimes: The Second, Third and Fourth Republics .......................... 8 2. The armed rebellions of the 1990s ....................................................................... 9 E. The Tandja Decade (1999-2010) ............................................................................... 11 1. The “second Tuareg rebellion” ............................................................................. 11 2. The abuses of tazartché .......................................................................................
    [Show full text]