Unification in Yemen
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Minority Rights Group International : Yemen : Yemen Overview
Minority Rights Group International : Yemen : Yemen Overview World Directory of Minorities Middle East MRG Directory –> Yemen –> Yemen Overview Yemen Overview Last updated: February 2012 Environment Peoples History Governance Current state of minorities and indigenous peoples Environment Yemen lies on the southern tip of the Arabian Peninsula, bordering Saudi Arabia to the north and Oman to the east. Its western coast lies along the Red Sea, and its long southern coast along the Gulf of Aden. Yemen can be very crudely divided between its mountainous interior, its western coastal plain of Tihama, and the Hadramawt region in the south- east. It is an arid state with significant oil and gas reserves which provide the country with 75 per cent of its income. The World Bank has however projected that these reserves will run out by 2017. Peoples Main languages: Arabic and South Arabian (Mehri, Soqotri, Bathari) Main religions: Shafa’i Sunni (65-70%), Zaydi Shia (30-35%) and Isma’ili Islam (small, unknown) Main minority groups: Zaydis 6.6-7.7 million (30-35%), Akhdam 440,000-1.1 million (2-5%), Isma’ilis (a few thousand), Jews 500 (.002%) [Note: Percentages for Zaydis and Shafa’is, the number for Jews, and the estimate of Isma’ilis are taken from US Comission on International Religious Freedom 2007. The percentage range for Akhdam comes from the US State Department’s human rights report on Yemen for 2006. The total population of Yemen is 24 million according to the 2010 World Development Indicators from the World Bank.] Demographic statistics for Yemen are unreliable, but nearly all Yemenis are Muslim. -
A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The
BECOMING ONE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NATIONAL UNIFICATION IN VIETNAM, YEMEN AND GERMANY A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Conflict Resolution By Min Jung Kim, B.A. Washington, DC May 1, 2009 I owe my most sincere gratitude to my thesis advisor Kevin Doak, Ph.D. for his guidance and support and to Aviel Roshwald, Ph.D. and Tristan Mabry, Ph.D. for detailed and constructive comments. Min Jung Kim ii BECOMING ONE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NATIONAL UNIFICATION IN VIETNAM, YEMEN AND GERMANY Min Jung Kim, B.A. Thesis Advisor: Kevin M. Doak, Ph.D. ABSTRACT The purpose of this research is to understand the dynamic processes of modern national unification cases in Vietnam (1976), Yemen (1990) and Germany (1990) in a qualitative manner within the framework of Amitai Etizoni’s political integration theory. There has been little use of this theory in cases of inter-state unification despite its apparent applicability. This study assesses different factors (military force, utilitarian and identitive factors) that influence unification in order to understand which were most supportive of unification and which resulted in a consolidation unification in the early to intermediate stages. In order to answer the above questions, the thesis uses the level of integration as a dependent variable and the various methods of unification as independent variables. The dependent variables are measured as follows: whether unified states were able to protect its territory from potential violence and secessions and to what extent alienation emerged amongst its members. -
Yemen in Crisis
A Conflict Overlooked: Yemen in Crisis Jamison Boley Kent Evans Sean Grassie Sara Romeih Conflict Risk Diagnostic 2017 Conflict Background Yemen has a weak, highly decentralized central government that has struggled to rule the northern Yemen Arab Republic (YAR) and the southern People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY).1 Since the unification of these entities in 1990, Yemen has experienced three civil conflicts. As the poorest country in the Arab world, Yemen faces serious food and water shortages for a population dispersed over mountainous terrain.2 The country’s weaknesses have been exploited by Saudi Arabia which shares a porous border with Yemen. Further, the instability of Yemen’s central government has created a power vacuum filled by foreign states and terrorist groups.3 The central government has never had effective control of all Yemeni territory. Ali Abdullah Saleh, who was president of Yemen for 34 years, secured his power through playing factions within the population off one another. The Yemeni conflict is not solely a result of a Sunni-Shia conflict, although sectarianism plays a role.4 The 2011 Arab Spring re-energized the Houthi movement, a Zaydi Shia movement, which led to the overthrow of the Saleh government. Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi took office as interim president in a transition led by a coalition of Arab Gulf states and backed by the United States. Hadi has struggled to deal with a variety of problems, including insurgency, the continuing loyalty of many military officers to former president Saleh, as well as corruption, unemployment and food insecurity.5 Conflict Risk Diagnostic Indicators Key: (+) Stabilizing factor; (-) Destabilizing factor; (±) Mixed factor Severe Risk - Government military expenditures have been generally stable between 2002-2015, at an average of 4.8% of GDP. -
The Two Yemens
1390_A24-A34 11/4/08 5:14 PM Page 543 330-383/B428-S/40005 The Two Yemens 171. Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy in the People’s Republic of Southern Yemen1 Washington, February 27, 1969, 1710Z. 30762. Subj: US–PRSY Relations. 1. PRSY UN Perm Rep Nu’man,2 who currently in Washington as PRSYG observer at INTELSAT Conference, had frank but cordial talk with ARP Country Director Brewer February 26. 2. In analyzing causes existing coolness in USG–PRSYG relations, Ambassador Nu’man claimed USG failure offer substantial aid at time of independence and subsequent seizure of American arms with clasped hands insignia3 in possession of anti-PRSYG dissidents had led Aden to “natural” conclusion that USG distrusts PRSYG. He specu- lated this due to close US relationship with Saudis whom Nu’man al- leged, somewhat vaguely, had privately conveyed threats to overthrow NLF regime, claiming USG support. Nu’man asserted PRSYG desired good relations with USG and hoped USG would reciprocate. 3. Recalling history of USG attempts to develop good relations with PRSYG, Brewer underlined our feeling it was PRSYG which had not re- ciprocated. He reviewed our position re non-interference PRSY internal affairs, regretting publicity anti-USG charges (e.g. re arms) without first seeking our explanation. Brewer noted USG seeks maintain friendly relations with Saudi Arabia as well as PRSYG but we not responsible for foreign policy of either. 4. Nu’man reiterated SAG responsible poor state Saudi-PRSY con- tacts. Brewer demurred, noting SAG had good reasons be concerned over hostile attitude PRSYG leaders. -
Yemen's Relations with the Gulf Cooperation Council
Kuwait Programme on Development, Governance and Globalisation in the Gulf States ‘One blood and one destiny’? Yemen’s relations with the Gulf Cooperation Council Edward Burke June 2012 Number 23 The Kuwait Programme on Development, Governance and Globalisation in the Gulf States is a ten-year multidisciplinary global research programme. It focuses on topics such as globalization and the repositioning of the Gulf States in the global order, capital flows, and patterns of trade; specific challenges facing carbon-rich and resource-rich economic development; diversification, educational and human capital development into post-oil political economies; and the future of regional security structures in the post-Arab Spring environment. The Programme is based in the LSE Department of Government and led by Professor Danny Quah and Dr Kristian Ulrichsen. The Programme produces an acclaimed working paper series featuring cutting-edge original research on the Gulf, published an edited volume of essays in 2011, supports post-doctoral researchers and PhD students, and develops academic networks between LSE and Gulf institutions. At the LSE, the Programme organizes a monthly seminar series, invitational breakfast briefings, and occasional public lectures, and is committed to five major biennial international conferences. The first two conferences took place in Kuwait City in 2009 and 2011, on the themes of Globalization and the Gulf, and The Economic Transformation of the Gulf. The next conference will take place at the LSE in March 2013, on the theme of The Arab Spring and the Gulf: Politics, Economics, and Security. The Programme is funded by the Kuwait Foundation for the Advancement of Sciences. -
Yemen and The
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by LSE Research Online Kuwait Programme on Development, Governance and Globalisation in the Gulf States ‘One blood and one destiny’? Yemen’s relations with the Gulf Cooperation Council Edward Burke June 2012 Number 23 The Kuwait Programme on Development, Governance and Globalisation in the Gulf States is a ten-year multidisciplinary global research programme. It focuses on topics such as globalization and the repositioning of the Gulf States in the global order, capital flows, and patterns of trade; specific challenges facing carbon-rich and resource-rich economic development; diversification, educational and human capital development into post-oil political economies; and the future of regional security structures in the post-Arab Spring environment. The Programme is based in the LSE Department of Government and led by Professor Danny Quah and Dr Kristian Ulrichsen. The Programme produces an acclaimed working paper series featuring cutting-edge original research on the Gulf, published an edited volume of essays in 2011, supports post-doctoral researchers and PhD students, and develops academic networks between LSE and Gulf institutions. At the LSE, the Programme organizes a monthly seminar series, invitational breakfast briefings, and occasional public lectures, and is committed to five major biennial international conferences. The first two conferences took place in Kuwait City in 2009 and 2011, on the themes of Globalization and the Gulf, and The Economic Transformation of the Gulf. The next conference will take place at the LSE in March 2013, on the theme of The Arab Spring and the Gulf: Politics, Economics, and Security. -
Institutional Change and the Egyptian Presence in Yemen 1962-19671
1 Importing the Revolution: Institutional change and the Egyptian presence in Yemen 1962-19671 Joshua Rogers Accepted version. Published 2018 in Marc Owen Jones, Ross Porter and Marc Valeri (eds.): Gulfization of the Arab World. Berlin, London: Gerlach, pp. 113-133. Abstract Between 1962 and 1967, Egypt launched a large-scale military intervention to support the government of the newly formed Yemen Arab Republic. Some 70,000 Egyptian military personnel and hundreds of civilian advisors were deployed with the stated aim to ‘modernize Yemeni institutions’ and ‘bring Yemen out of the Middle Ages.’ This article tells the story of this significant top-down and externally-driven transformation, focusing on changes in the military and formal government administration in the Yemen Arab Republic and drawing on hitherto unavailable Egyptian archival material. Highlighting both the significant ambiguity in the Egyptian state-building project itself, as well as the unintended consequences that ensued as Egyptian plans collided with existing power structures; it traces the impact of Egyptian intervention on new state institutions, their modes of functioning, and the articulation of these ‘modern’ institutions, particularly the military and new central ministries, with established tribal and village-based power structures. 1. Introduction On the night of 26 September 1962, a column of T-34 tanks trundled through the streets of Sana‗a and surrounded the palace of the new Imam of Yemen, Mu ammad al-Badr,2 who had succeeded his father Imam ‘ mad (r.1948-62) only one week earlier. Opening fire shortly before midnight, the Yemeni Free Officers announced the ‗26 September Revolution‘ on Radio Sana‗a and declared the formation of a new state: the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR). -
The Regional Geopolitics of Saudi-Yemeni Relations
1 MORE THAN JUST A BOUNDARY DISPUTE: THE REGIONAL GEOPOLITICS OF SAUDI-YEMENI RELATIONS Fadhl Al-Maghafi Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD 2012 Faculty of Law and Social Science School of Oriental and African Studies University of London Figures (Vol. 2/3) 1 Table of Figures 2 Table of Figures Figures ........................................................................................................ ............................................ Table of Figures ......................................................................................................................................... 1 1.1. Congratulating President Saleh on his return from Jeddah .......................................................... 5 1.1.1. Taḥrir Square, Sana’a ............................................................................................................ 6 .............................................................................................................................................................. 6 1.1.2. The General Public Party Area (GPC) .................................................................................... 7 1.1.3. Chamber of Commerce Area, Sana’a .................................................................................. 8 1.2. A map showing the position of the Arabian Peninsula in the global network of trade routes in the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries .................................................................................................... 9 1.3. Arabia in Early Maps -
Political Instability in Yemen (1962- 2014)
T.C. ANKARA YILDIRIM BEYAZIT UNIVERSITY GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE POLITICAL INSTABILITY IN YEMEN (1962- 2014) MASTER’S THESIS Sohaib Abdulhameed Abdulsalam SHAMSAN DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION ANKARA, 2020 T.C. ANKARA YILDIRIM BEYAZIT UNIVERSITY GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES POLITICAL INSTABILITY IN YEMEN (1962- 2014) MASTER’S THESIS Sohaib Abdulhameed Abdulsalam SHAMSAN DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Prof. Dr. Yılmaz BINGÖL ANKARA 2020 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences __________________________ Assoc. Prof. Dr. Seyfullah YILDIRIM Manager of Institute of Social Science I certify that this thesis satisfies the entire requirement as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science and Public Administration. ___________________________ Prof. Dr. Yılmaz Bingöl Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts. ___________________________ Prof. Dr. Yılmaz Bingöl Supervisor Examining Committee Members: 1. Prof. Dr. Yılmaz BİNGÖL AYBU, PSPA ________________________ 2. Assist. Prof. Dr Güliz Dinç. AYBU, PSPA ________________________ 3. Prof. Dr. Murat ÖNDER ASBÜ ________________________ DECLARATION I hereby declare that all information in this document obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Sohaib Abdulhameed Abdulsalam SHAMSAN ___________________________ ACKNOWLEDGEMENT First, I wish to show my gratitude to, and express my sincere appreciation to my supervisor, Professor Dr. -
Final Report 2006 Presidential and Local Council Elections Yemen
EU Election Observation Mission, Yemen 2006 1 Final Report on the Presidential and Local Council Elections European Union Election Observation Mission Mexico 2006 European Union Election Observation Mission Yemen 2006 FINAL REPORT YEMEN FINAL REPORT Presidential and Local Council Elections 20 September 2006 EUROPEAN UNION ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION This report was produced by the EU Election Observation Mission and presents the EU EOM’s findings on the 20 September 2006 Presidential and Local Council Elections in the Republic of Yemen. These views have not been adopted or in any way approved by the Commission and should not be relied upon as a statement of the Commission. The European Commission does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this report, nor does it accept responsibility for any use made thereof. TABLE OF CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1 II. INTRODUCTION 3 III. POLITICAL BACKGROUND 4 A: Political Context of the 20 September elections 4 B: Key Political Actors in the 2006 Elections 5 C: Cross-Party Agreement on Electoral Principles 6 (the ‘18 June Agreement’) IV. LEGAL ISSUES 6 A: Legal Framework for the 2006 Elections 6 B: Enforcement of Legal Provisions on Elections 6 C: Candidate Registration 9 D: Electoral Systems in Yemen 10 Presidential Elections 10 Local Council Elections 10 V. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION 11 A: Structure and Composition of the Election Administration 11 B: The Administration of the 2006 Elections 13 C: Arrangements for Special Polling Stations 15 VI. VOTER REGISTRATION 16 A: The Right to Vote 16 B: Voter Registration Procedures 17 VII. CANDIDATE REGISTRATION A: Registration of Candidates of the Presidential Elections 18 B: Registration of Candidates for the Local Council Elections 18 VIII. -
Conflict and the Identification of the Least Developed Countries: Theoretical and Statistical Considerations
Department of Economic & Social Affairs CDP Background Paper No. 13 ST/ESA/2012/CDP/13 February 2012 Conflict and the identification of the Least Developed Countries: Theoretical and statistical considerations Ana Luiza Cortez and Namsuk Kim* BACKGROUND This paper reviews conflict as one of potential factors that could be incorporated in the identification of least developed countries (LDCs). It is not clear whether conflict can be considered as a structurally predetermined handicap as those identified in LDC criteria. More importantly, even if countries may be caught in a conflict trap, adding conflict indicators to the LDC criteria does not provide additional insights to enhance our understanding of the category . And adding conflict indicators is unlikely to introduce changes in country clas- sification. Many of the factors associated with conflict are already incorporated in the indica- tors used to identify LDCs, and, therefore, the inclusion of an explicit conflict indicator – to capture the risk of falling into conflict given conflict in the past – in the LDC criteria would not affect the composition list of LDCs. JEL Classification:O19, D74, F35 Keywords: Conflict, Least Developed Countries, Country classification * Ana Luiza Cortez is Chief, and Namsuk Kim is an Economic Affairs Officer at the Committee for Development Policy Secre- tariat, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, United Nations Headquarters, New York. The views and opinions expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the United Nations Secretariat. The designations and terminology employed may not conform to United Nations practice and do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Organization. -
The Rollback of South Africa's Chemical and Biological Warfare
The Rollback of South Africa’s Chemical and Biological Warfare Program Stephen Burgess and Helen Purkitt US Air Force Counterproliferation Center Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama THE ROLLBACK OF SOUTH AFRICA’S CHEMICAL AND BIOLOGICAL WARFARE PROGRAM by Dr. Stephen F. Burgess and Dr. Helen E. Purkitt USAF Counterproliferation Center Air War College Air University Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama The Rollback of South Africa’s Chemical and Biological Warfare Program Dr. Stephen F. Burgess and Dr. Helen E. Purkitt April 2001 USAF Counterproliferation Center Air War College Air University Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama 36112-6427 The internet address for the USAF Counterproliferation Center is: http://www.au.af.mil/au/awc/awcgate/awc-cps.htm . Contents Page Disclaimer.....................................................................................................i The Authors ............................................................................................... iii Acknowledgments .......................................................................................v Chronology ................................................................................................vii I. Introduction .............................................................................................1 II. The Origins of the Chemical and Biological Warfare Program.............3 III. Project Coast, 1981-1993....................................................................17 IV. Rollback of Project Coast, 1988-1994................................................39