AFRICA and Tile ARABS in Tiie NEW WORLD ORDER Ali A. Mazrui
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Middle East Unit: Reading and Questions Part 1: Introduction Located at the Junction of Three Continents—Europe,
Middle East Unit: Reading and Questions Part 1: Introduction Located at the junction of three continents—Europe, Asia, and Africa—the region known as the Middle East has historically been a crossroads for conquerors, peoples, trade, and ideas as well as a transition zone for political and cultural interaction. Today the Middle East’s strategic location as a tricontinental hub, its vast petroleum reserves, its importance to Muslims, Christians, and Jews alike, and its many political disputes give it a global significance out of proportion to its size. The Middle East is a culturally, politically, and economically diverse region that extends for some 5,000 miles (8,000 kilometers) from west to east and some 2,000 miles (3,200 kilometers) from north to south. It is made up of several countries located on or near the southern and eastern shores of the Mediterranean Sea. Although definitions vary, it is generally understood to encompass Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Israel, the Gaza Strip, and the West Bank, Iran, Iraq, and the Arabian Peninsula, which comprises Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Oman, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain, and Kuwait. The part of the region closest to Europe formerly was known as the Near East, and some agencies still use that term instead of the Middle East to describe the entire region. 1. What are the 3 continents that house the “Middle East”? 2. What are they known for? 3. Label your map with the countries and bodies of waters in this text. Color the waters blue and the countries each a different color. -
Rediscovering the Arab Dimension of Middle East Regional Politics
Review of International Studies page 1 of 22 2011 British International Studies Association doi:10.1017/S0260210511000283 The New Arab Cold War: rediscovering the Arab dimension of Middle East regional politics MORTEN VALBJØRN AND ANDRÉ BANK* Abstract. This article provides a conceptual lens for and a thick interpretation of the emergent regional constellation in the Middle East in the first decade of the 21st century. It starts out by challenging two prevalent claims about regional politics in the context of the 2006 Lebanon and 2008–09 Gaza Wars: Firstly, that regional politics is marked by a fundamental break from the ‘old Middle East’ and secondly, that it has become ‘post-Arab’ in the sense that Arab politics has ceased being distinctly Arab. Against this background, the article develops the understanding of a New Arab Cold War which accentuates the still important, but widely neglected Arab dimension in regional politics. By rediscovering the Arab Cold War of the 1950–60s and by drawing attention to the transformation of Arab nationalism and the importance of new trans-Arab media, the New Arab Cold War perspective aims at supplementing rather that supplanting the prominent moderate-radical, sectarian and Realist-Westphalian narratives. By highlighting dimensions of both continuity and change it does moreover provide some critical nuances to the frequent claims about the ‘newness’ of the ‘New Middle East’. In addition to this more Middle East-specific contribution, the article carries lessons for a number of more general debates in International Relations theory concerning the importance of (Arab-Islamist) non-state actors and competing identities in regional politics as well as the interplay between different forms of sovereignty. -
The Question of 'Race' in the Pre-Colonial Southern Sahara
The Question of ‘Race’ in the Pre-colonial Southern Sahara BRUCE S. HALL One of the principle issues that divide people in the southern margins of the Sahara Desert is the issue of ‘race.’ Each of the countries that share this region, from Mauritania to Sudan, has experienced civil violence with racial overtones since achieving independence from colonial rule in the 1950s and 1960s. Today’s crisis in Western Sudan is only the latest example. However, very little academic attention has been paid to the issue of ‘race’ in the region, in large part because southern Saharan racial discourses do not correspond directly to the idea of ‘race’ in the West. For the outsider, local racial distinctions are often difficult to discern because somatic difference is not the only, and certainly not the most important, basis for racial identities. In this article, I focus on the development of pre-colonial ideas about ‘race’ in the Hodh, Azawad, and Niger Bend, which today are in Northern Mali and Western Mauritania. The article examines the evolving relationship between North and West Africans along this Sahelian borderland using the writings of Arab travellers, local chroniclers, as well as several specific documents that address the issue of the legitimacy of enslavement of different West African groups. Using primarily the Arabic writings of the Kunta, a politically ascendant Arab group in the area, the paper explores the extent to which discourses of ‘race’ served growing nomadic power. My argument is that during the nineteenth century, honorable lineages and genealogies came to play an increasingly important role as ideological buttresses to struggles for power amongst nomadic groups and in legitimising domination over sedentary communities. -
A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The
BECOMING ONE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NATIONAL UNIFICATION IN VIETNAM, YEMEN AND GERMANY A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Conflict Resolution By Min Jung Kim, B.A. Washington, DC May 1, 2009 I owe my most sincere gratitude to my thesis advisor Kevin Doak, Ph.D. for his guidance and support and to Aviel Roshwald, Ph.D. and Tristan Mabry, Ph.D. for detailed and constructive comments. Min Jung Kim ii BECOMING ONE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NATIONAL UNIFICATION IN VIETNAM, YEMEN AND GERMANY Min Jung Kim, B.A. Thesis Advisor: Kevin M. Doak, Ph.D. ABSTRACT The purpose of this research is to understand the dynamic processes of modern national unification cases in Vietnam (1976), Yemen (1990) and Germany (1990) in a qualitative manner within the framework of Amitai Etizoni’s political integration theory. There has been little use of this theory in cases of inter-state unification despite its apparent applicability. This study assesses different factors (military force, utilitarian and identitive factors) that influence unification in order to understand which were most supportive of unification and which resulted in a consolidation unification in the early to intermediate stages. In order to answer the above questions, the thesis uses the level of integration as a dependent variable and the various methods of unification as independent variables. The dependent variables are measured as follows: whether unified states were able to protect its territory from potential violence and secessions and to what extent alienation emerged amongst its members. -
Genome-Wide Data Substantiate Holocene Gene Flow from India To
Genome-wide data substantiate Holocene gene flow from India to Australia Irina Pugacha,1, Frederick Delfina,b, Ellen Gunnarsdóttira,c, Manfred Kayserd, and Mark Stonekinga aDepartment of Evolutionary Genetics, Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, D-04103 Leipzig, Germany; bDNA Analysis Laboratory, Natural Sciences Research Institute, University of the Philippines Diliman, Quezon City 1101, Philippines; cdeCODE Genetics, 101 Reykjavik, Iceland; and dDepartment of Forensic Molecular Biology, Erasmus MC University Medical Center Rotterdam, 3000 CA, Rotterdam, The Netherlands Edited by James O’Connell, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, UT, and approved November 27, 2012 (received for review July 21, 2012) The Australian continent holds some of the earliest archaeological ancestry living in Utah (CEU); Han Chinese individuals from evidence for the expansion of modern humans out of Africa, with Beijing, China (CHB); and Gujarati Indians from Houston, TX initial occupation at least 40,000 y ago. It is commonly assumed (GIH) (19). The final dataset comprised 344 individuals (Table that Australia remained largely isolated following initial coloniza- S1 and Fig. 1); and after data cleaning and integration, we had tion, but the genetic history of Australians has not been explored in 458,308 autosomal SNPs for the analysis. detail to address this issue. Here, we analyze large-scale genotyp- ing data from aboriginal Australians, New Guineans, island South- Results east Asians and Indians. We find an ancient association between Genetic Relationships Between Populations. First, to place aborigi- Australia, New Guinea, and the Mamanwa (a Negrito group from nal Australians into a global context, we carried out principal fi the Philippines), with divergence times for these groups estimated component analysis (PCA) (20). -
The Two Yemens
1390_A24-A34 11/4/08 5:14 PM Page 543 330-383/B428-S/40005 The Two Yemens 171. Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy in the People’s Republic of Southern Yemen1 Washington, February 27, 1969, 1710Z. 30762. Subj: US–PRSY Relations. 1. PRSY UN Perm Rep Nu’man,2 who currently in Washington as PRSYG observer at INTELSAT Conference, had frank but cordial talk with ARP Country Director Brewer February 26. 2. In analyzing causes existing coolness in USG–PRSYG relations, Ambassador Nu’man claimed USG failure offer substantial aid at time of independence and subsequent seizure of American arms with clasped hands insignia3 in possession of anti-PRSYG dissidents had led Aden to “natural” conclusion that USG distrusts PRSYG. He specu- lated this due to close US relationship with Saudis whom Nu’man al- leged, somewhat vaguely, had privately conveyed threats to overthrow NLF regime, claiming USG support. Nu’man asserted PRSYG desired good relations with USG and hoped USG would reciprocate. 3. Recalling history of USG attempts to develop good relations with PRSYG, Brewer underlined our feeling it was PRSYG which had not re- ciprocated. He reviewed our position re non-interference PRSY internal affairs, regretting publicity anti-USG charges (e.g. re arms) without first seeking our explanation. Brewer noted USG seeks maintain friendly relations with Saudi Arabia as well as PRSYG but we not responsible for foreign policy of either. 4. Nu’man reiterated SAG responsible poor state Saudi-PRSY con- tacts. Brewer demurred, noting SAG had good reasons be concerned over hostile attitude PRSYG leaders. -
Egypt in Transition the Third Republic
Egypt in Transition The Third Republic BY M. CHERIF BASSIOUNI n January 25, 2011, the Egyptian people took to the streets and in 18 days were able to bring down the 30-year corrupt dictatorial regime of Hosni Mubarak, using entirely Opeaceful means. That revolution set the Arab Republic of Egypt on a hopeful path to democracy. After Mubarak resigned, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) became the custodian of the transition. In June of 2012, in Egypt’s first free and fair presidential election, Muslim Brotherhood candidate Mohammed Morsi was elected President. Slightly more than 50 percent of registered voters actually voted, and those voters gave Morsi a majority of just less than 52 percent. Having won by this slim margin, Morsi was sworn in as President on June 30, 2012, and thus the Second Republic came to be.1 He was removed by the military on July 3, 2013 and a temporary President, Adly Mansour, was appointed on July 4, 2013. Thus began the Third Republic. The Second Republic Five months later, Morsi declared his decisions beyond judicial review, and thus his authority unchallengeable. In December, 2012, he pushed a pro-Islamist constitution through a popular referendum; it passed but with less than 30 percent of the popular vote. There was no constitu- tional way to recall, impeach, or remove Morsi. The path to democracy was taking a turn towards theocratic autocracy. The serving People’s Assembly (Majliss al-Sha‘ab) had been elected under a law later declared unconstitutional. Over 60 percent of the members of the new parliament were Muslim Brotherhood (MB) and Salafists. -
The Regional Geopolitics of Saudi-Yemeni Relations
1 MORE THAN JUST A BOUNDARY DISPUTE: THE REGIONAL GEOPOLITICS OF SAUDI-YEMENI RELATIONS Fadhl Al-Maghafi Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD 2012 Faculty of Law and Social Science School of Oriental and African Studies University of London Figures (Vol. 2/3) 1 Table of Figures 2 Table of Figures Figures ........................................................................................................ ............................................ Table of Figures ......................................................................................................................................... 1 1.1. Congratulating President Saleh on his return from Jeddah .......................................................... 5 1.1.1. Taḥrir Square, Sana’a ............................................................................................................ 6 .............................................................................................................................................................. 6 1.1.2. The General Public Party Area (GPC) .................................................................................... 7 1.1.3. Chamber of Commerce Area, Sana’a .................................................................................. 8 1.2. A map showing the position of the Arabian Peninsula in the global network of trade routes in the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries .................................................................................................... 9 1.3. Arabia in Early Maps -
The Rise of Islamic Resurgence in Somalia
See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/256191703 The Rise of Islamic Resurgence in Somalia Chapter · January 2013 DOI: 10.13140/2.1.4025.1843 CITATIONS READS 0 665 1 author: Valeria Saggiomo Università degli Studi di Napoli L'Orientale 11 PUBLICATIONS 9 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects: decentralized cooperation and local governance in Senegal and Burkina Faso (2014) View project All content following this page was uploaded by Valeria Saggiomo on 08 March 2017. The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file. NOVA COLLECTANEA AFRICANA COLLANA DEL CENTRO DI STUDI AFRICANI IN SARDEGNA 2 Editor in Chief Bianca Maria Carcangiu Università degli Studi di Cagliari Editorial Board Catherine Coquer-Vidrovitch Université Paris Diderot — Paris 7, France Federico Cresti Università degli Studi di Catania, Italy Joan Haig University of Edinburgh, UK Habib Kazdaghli Université de Tunis-Manouba, Tunisia Nicola Melis Università di Cagliari, Italy Jean-Louis Triaud CEMAf — Université de Provence, France For information and contributions: http: // www.csas.it/ | [email protected] http: //affrica.org/ | [email protected] Work published with the contribution of: Provincia di Cagliari — Provincia de Casteddu, Ufficio di Presidenza Politics and Minorities in Africa Edited by Marisa Fois Alessandro Pes Contributors Gado Alzouma, Richard Goodridge, Henry Gyang Mang Mohamed Haji Ingiriis, Akin Iwilade, Giuseppe Maimone Alessia Melcangi, Sabelo J. Ndlovu--Gatsheni, Iwebunor Okwechime Yoon Jung Park, Mauro Piras, Valeria Saggiomo Elisabetta Spano, Bianca Maria Carcangiu Copyright © MMXIII ARACNE editrice S.r.l. www.aracneeditrice.it [email protected] via Raffaele Garofalo, 133/A–B 00173 Roma (06) 93781065 isbn 978–88–548–5700–1 No part of this book may be reproduced by print, photoprint, microfilm, microfiche, or any other means, without publisher’s authorization. -
Arabian Peninsula from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia Jump to Navigationjump to Search "Arabia" and "Arabian" Redirect Here
Arabian Peninsula From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Jump to navigationJump to search "Arabia" and "Arabian" redirect here. For other uses, see Arabia (disambiguation) and Arabian (disambiguation). Arabian Peninsula Area 3.2 million km2 (1.25 million mi²) Population 77,983,936 Demonym Arabian Countries Saudi Arabia Yemen Oman United Arab Emirates Kuwait Qatar Bahrain -shibhu l-jazīrati l ِش ْبهُ ا ْل َج ِزي َرةِ ا ْلعَ َربِيَّة :The Arabian Peninsula, or simply Arabia[1] (/əˈreɪbiə/; Arabic jazīratu l-ʿarab, 'Island of the Arabs'),[2] is َج ِزي َرةُ ا ْلعَ َرب ʿarabiyyah, 'Arabian peninsula' or a peninsula of Western Asia situated northeast of Africa on the Arabian plate. From a geographical perspective, it is considered a subcontinent of Asia.[3] It is the largest peninsula in the world, at 3,237,500 km2 (1,250,000 sq mi).[4][5][6][7][8] The peninsula consists of the countries Yemen, Oman, Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.[9] The peninsula formed as a result of the rifting of the Red Sea between 56 and 23 million years ago, and is bordered by the Red Sea to the west and southwest, the Persian Gulf to the northeast, the Levant to the north and the Indian Ocean to the southeast. The peninsula plays a critical geopolitical role in the Arab world due to its vast reserves of oil and natural gas. The most populous cities on the Arabian Peninsula are Riyadh, Dubai, Jeddah, Abu Dhabi, Doha, Kuwait City, Sanaʽa, and Mecca. Before the modern era, it was divided into four distinct regions: Red Sea Coast (Tihamah), Central Plateau (Al-Yamama), Indian Ocean Coast (Hadhramaut) and Persian Gulf Coast (Al-Bahrain). -
Conflict and the Identification of the Least Developed Countries: Theoretical and Statistical Considerations
Department of Economic & Social Affairs CDP Background Paper No. 13 ST/ESA/2012/CDP/13 February 2012 Conflict and the identification of the Least Developed Countries: Theoretical and statistical considerations Ana Luiza Cortez and Namsuk Kim* BACKGROUND This paper reviews conflict as one of potential factors that could be incorporated in the identification of least developed countries (LDCs). It is not clear whether conflict can be considered as a structurally predetermined handicap as those identified in LDC criteria. More importantly, even if countries may be caught in a conflict trap, adding conflict indicators to the LDC criteria does not provide additional insights to enhance our understanding of the category . And adding conflict indicators is unlikely to introduce changes in country clas- sification. Many of the factors associated with conflict are already incorporated in the indica- tors used to identify LDCs, and, therefore, the inclusion of an explicit conflict indicator – to capture the risk of falling into conflict given conflict in the past – in the LDC criteria would not affect the composition list of LDCs. JEL Classification:O19, D74, F35 Keywords: Conflict, Least Developed Countries, Country classification * Ana Luiza Cortez is Chief, and Namsuk Kim is an Economic Affairs Officer at the Committee for Development Policy Secre- tariat, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, United Nations Headquarters, New York. The views and opinions expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the United Nations Secretariat. The designations and terminology employed may not conform to United Nations practice and do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Organization. -
Yemen As an Ottoman Frontier and Attempt to Build a Native Army: Asakir-I Hamidiye
YEMEN AS AN OTTOMAN FRONTIER AND ATTEMPT TO BUILD A NATIVE ARMY: ASAKİR-İ HAMİDİYE by ÖNDER EREN AKGÜL Submitted to the Graduate School of Sabancı University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History Sabancı University July 2014 YEMEN AS AN OTTOMAN FRONTIER AND ATTEMPT TO BUILD A NATIVE ARMY: ASAKİR-İ HAMİDİYE APPROVED BY: Selçuk Akşin Somel …………………………. (Thesis Supervisor) Yusuf Hakan Erdem …………………………. Bahri Yılmaz …………………………. DATE OF APPROVAL: 25.07.2014 © Önder Eren Akgül 2014 All Rights Reserved YEMEN AS AN OTTOMAN FRONTIER AND ATTEMPT TO BUILD A NATIVE ARMY: ASAKİR-İ HAMİDİYE Önder Eren Akgül History, MA, 2014 Supervisor: Selçuk Akşin Somel Keywords: Colonialism, Imperialism, Native army, Ottoman frontiers, Ottoman imperialism ABSTRACT This thesis is a study of the Ottoman attempts to control its frontiers and the frontier populations by basing upon the experience of the native army (Asakir-i Hamidiye) organized by Ismail Hakkı Pasha, who was a governor of Yemen province, between 1800 and 1882. This thesis positions Yemen into the context of the literature produced for the frontier regions; and tries to investigate the dynamics of the institutions and practices pursued in Yemen that differentiated from the financial, military and judicial institutions of the Tanzimat-era. This thesis puts forth that the Ottoman Empire was not a passive audience of imperial competitions of the nineteenth century, but engaged into the imperial struggles by undertaking aggressive measures with an imperialist mind and strategy. Herein, with the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, the Ottoman ruling elites detected the Red Sea as a strategic region too.