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Report on the Uganda 2006 Elections Media Coverage

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Report on the Uganda 2006 Elections Media Coverage REPORT ON THE UGANDA 2006 ELECTIONS MEDIA COVERAGE TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION....................................................................................................2 MEDIA LANDSCAPE.............................................................................................2 LEGAL FRAMEWORK .........................................................................................2 PRESS FREEDOM ..................................................................................................3 METHODOLOGY...................................................................................................4 GENERAL COVERAGE OF THE PRESIDENTIAL CADIDATES...................5 STATE OWNED PRINT MEDIA: SPACE AND QUOTATION ...................................5 STATE OWNED PRINT MEDIA: BIAS AND PORTRAYAL......................................6 STATE OWNED PRINT MEDIA: THE AGENDA OF THE CANDIDATES.......7 STATE OWNED ELECTRONIC MEDIA: TIME AND QUOTATION.........................7 STATE OWNED ELECTRONIC MEDIA: BIAS AND PORTRAYAL.........................8 STATE OWNED ELECTRONIC MEDIA: THE AGENDA OF THE CANDIDATES.......................................................................................................9 HOW TO READ THE CHARTS ..........................................................................10 ANNEX I - ACRONYMS.......................................................................................11 ANNEX II - PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION RESULTS.......................................12 ANNEX III - A BRIEF HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ...................................12 INTRODUCTION The 2006 general elections in Uganda were the first to be held under the multiparty dispensation brought about by the July 28th referendum of 2005. As such political parties had barely six months to set up administrative structures and prepare for the campaigns. Government institutions on the other hand had to be re-oriented towards operating in the new multiparty environment. The print and broadcast media coverage of the presidential candidates was monitored by Koshin M. Aden senior media expert from the Osservatorio di Pavia in collaboration with the local NGO: UJSC – DEMGroup, supported by the Danish International Development Agency (DANIDA) and donor group's election support unit of the Partners for Democracy and Governance (PDG) coordinated by Simon Osborn. This report captures the performance of the state owned media among others in the promotion of free and fair elections. MEDIA LANDSCAPE Since the liberalization of the media, Uganda has registered over 120 FM radio stations, 8 TV stations, 4 daily Newspapers, 7 weeklies and several magazines. The State owns UBC TV and radio, the biggest electronic media networks plus The New Vision, Etop, Rupiny, and Orumuri Newspapers. The Daily Monitor and the Weekly Observer are the major private newspapers. One in four radio stations is owned by a government official, religious or tribal affiliate. 64% percent of Ugandans get their information from radio, 3% television, less than 1% Internet. News paper circulation is less than 100,000 copies per day and a copy is shared among five people. Many ordinary Ugandans still rely on word of mouth for their information. Therefore radio becomes crucial to selling political messages while the newspapers remain important in the analysis of policy by the Well Informed Persons (WIPs) who include Members of Parliament, CSO and professionals. LEGAL FRAMEWORK The Uganda media is regulated by laws which include the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda 1995, The Electronic Media Act (cap 104), The Press and Journalists Act (cap 105), and the Access to Information Act 2005. The Penal Code 2 Act (cap 120) and the Anti Terrorism Act present challenges to the way journalists and media houses report on state institutions. This is precisely because some sections, particularly of the Penal Code contradict the spirit and letter of the constitution as far as freedom of expression is concerned. They make it difficult for the media to report truthfully and objectively especially on issues that might not please government. The Anti Terrorism Act on the other hand, though not specifically designed for the media is an affront to freedom of press in the sense that it carries the maximum penalty of death. It virtually outlaws any form of coverage of any person or organization gazetted as a terrorist. However, for the media to report with responsibility and balance two sides of the story diverse views and rebuttal are crucial. The Terrorism Act does not clearly define what promoting terrorism amounts to. The constitution under Article 29(1)(a) provides for the right to freedom of expression and speech, which includes freedom of the press and other media. The Electronic Media Act provides for the setting up of a broadcasting council to license and regulate radio and television stations and to deal with all matters relating to the electronic media. The Press and Journalists Act ensures freedom of the press and provides for a council to regulate print media. The Access to Information Act provides for access to information held by public and private bodies, which is necessary for the exercise of any right, and compelling public bodies to publish information of significant public interest. It also bars sanctions for releasing in good faith information on wrongdoing, or that which would disclose a serious threat to health, safety of the environment, except where the sanctions serve a legitimate interest and are necessary in a democratic society. Other non statutory mechanisms such as the Uganda Broadcasters Association and the editorial boards also impact on the way the media covers election related issues. PRESS FREEDOM Press freedom is crucial and important for the realization of democracy and good governance. It enhances discussion, dialogue, consultation and the flow of information. Press freedom ensures checks and balances on the executive, since democracy entails transparency and accountability to the people from whom the mandate to govern is obtained. It is a fundamental human right guaranteed by the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda and other regional and international instruments, to which Uganda is a signatory. The pre-election period however, presented enormous challenges to this freedom and to journalists in Uganda. Several of them including Andrew Mwenda, Semujju Ibrahim Nganda and Betty Nambooze were called to answer charges of sedition and incitement to violence by the CID of Police. These and other offences that restrict the press have been criticized for their very wide applicability which makes it very 3 difficult to determine ahead of publication, what publication will be perceived as likely to cause the mischief guarded against. In practical terms, the broadness can lead to grave consequences especially affecting the media. Such charges were therefore construed as a deliberate attempt to intimidate the media by using the court process to coerce the journalists into abandoning reporting on civil and political rights. During the election period journalist Apunyo James was caned for photographing jubilant soldiers celebrating the victory of the NRM candidate. The same Apunyo was once framed with rape to silence his reports on the war situation in Northern Uganda. The studios of WBS television were raided by the CID for airing FDC promotional material which allegedly maligned the NRM government. There were reports of RDCs harassing staff of rural radio stations which did not air news from the PPU. The FDC candidate was refused entry into the studios of a radio station in Gulu apparently by overzealous RDCs and security operatives. This incident curtailed his campaign message to the voters. At the same time government set up a Media Centre which usurped the powers of the statutory Media Council. It was headed by a lawyer and NRM supporter who was assisted by two military officers. The Media Centre set out to investigate and accredit foreign journalists and one Blake Lambert of K FM radio was restricted from moving beyond a 100km radius of Kampala city. All these were extra-judicial actions by government and/or its agents, which ought to have been given particular attention by the Electoral Commission because it has a legal obligation to ensure free and fair elections. On the other hand the Broadcasting Council did not take action against UBC TV and Radio which the DEMGroup media report found in breach of the Constitution, the Electronic Media Act, UBC Act and the Electoral Commission Act. Many private FM radio stations proved partisan and did not adhere to ethical guidelines of journalism in their reporting of the election issues. Therefore ownership clouded fair coverage of candidates, political parties and issues. The fact that many journalists contested in the elections also meant that bias spilt into the newsroom. METHODOLOGY The media monitors used internationally accepted methodology in sampling and measurement of the time (seconds) and space (cm²) allocated by the electronic and print media in covering the subjects in the elections. Where the journalist used explicit judgment of the subject it was recorded as bias. Where the description was contextual, it was captured as portrayal. So the media charts capture the total time, space, bias, portrayal and the agenda of the various subjects during the election campaign. 4 MEDIA CHARTS ON ELECTION COVERAGE GENERAL COVERAGE OF THE PRESIDENTIAL CADIDATES STATE OWNED PRINT MEDIA: Space and Quotation 5 STATE
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