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HUNTER COLLEGE Urban Review FALL 2018 Page 2 URBAN REVIEW URBAN REVIEW A magazine of the Hunter College Letter from the Editors Department of Urban Affairs & Planning The way planners talk about the urban environment is often limited by the framing of a specific scale of reference. When discussing big ideas, it’s easy to propose big plans with a unitary solution to complex problems whose effects don’t appear at the regional level. And yet, a FALL 2018 focus on only the local can replace any real systematic critique. We STAFF often talk about climate change as a global issue, abstracted from the localized impacts that sea level rise can have on a specific community. Transportation planning discourse is often framed around highway Editors-in-chief Priya Mulgaonkar systems or train networks, without much thought into localized dis- Michael Nicholas placement.

Layout & Design Editors The articles in this issue collectively deconstruct the scales at which Priya Mulgaonkar planners can make judgements. Operating from a looser frame of ref- Carly Wine erence allows us to deal with pressing issues more holistically. We see Carlos Mandeville new forms of engaging in and with public streets, from street dance as protest to reimagining the Central Business District of Manhattan as Content Editors accessible to all – and both articles push us as planners to rethink the Aly Hassell function and form of public space in the context of political and social Victoria Garvey struggle. We explore a specific community garden not just as a com- Peer Reviewers munity hub, but also as a place of resistance that reclaims underuti- Aly Hassell lized private property for the public good and forces us to consider the Victoria Garvey true value of an urban commons. Carlos Mandeville Arielle Lawson Planners must continue to question these tendencies of simplification built into the discipline of urbanism. As one of the most powerful Photographer corporations in history threatens to claim 8.1 million square feet in Carly Wine Long Island City, our critique can’t be limited to the results of neigh- borhood studies. Our technical abilities as planners must confront the systems that shape the city, and we must go beyond simply recording urban change in GIS or on a zoning map.

URBAN REVIEW Priya Mulgaonkar & Michael Nicholas hunterurbanreview@ Editors-in-chief gmail.com 695 Park Avenue West Building 1611 New York, NY 10065 P: 212-772-5518 F: 212-772-5593 FALL 2018 Page 3

Letter from the Editors

Faculty Q&A with Dr. Stephanie Woolhandler 4 by Priya Mulgaonkar

Taking Back the Streets: A Universally Designed 6 Manhattan Central Business District by Victoria Garvey

Bushwick City Farm: Growing an Urban Commons 10 by Arielle Lawson

Emergency Exit: A Photo Essay 14 by Andy Lawson

Art for Justice: Street Dance Activism, Social Protest, 16 and Public Space

CONTENTS by Brenn Hemmings

Música Ligera: Rock, Memory, & Urban Space in 20 Post-Dictatorship Buenos Aires by Carlos Mandeville

Regional Climate Planning: Market Solutions 25 or the People? by Michael Nicholas

Off the Grid: Neighborhood-scale Resilient Power 28 for All New Yorkers

TABLE OF TABLE by Priya Mulgaonkar

Looking Back: Freeway Development and 32 Displacement in East Los Angeles by Lexie Korol Page 4 URBAN REVIEW Faculty Q&A with Dr. Stephanie Woolhandler INTERVIEW BY PRIYA MULGAONKAR I’d love to hear more about your career trajectory. What drove you to expand upon your work as a practicing physician to advocate for broader health policy changes?

I practice primary care internal medicine very actively and still do part-time primary care in the South Bronx. These days, I mostly focus on policy, because I think like many physicians, I find that the frankly terrible health policy in the US is a major problem. We still have $30 million people with no health insurance at all. This has a direct impact on my practice; when we see such patients, the care we can provide is often very limited. I’ve always practiced at “safety-net institutions”, which can provide very basic care. For many of our low-income patients who can’t Dr. Stephanie “Steffie” Woolhandler was recently named a Distinguished Professor of Public Health afford proper insurance, it is very at Hunter, where she co-teaches a graduate course difficult to get specialty care, or on health policy. Prior to joining Hunter’s faculty, even to pay for the basic care we Dr. Woolhandler served as faculty of the Harvard are providing since it’s frequently Medical School. She also co-founded Physicians not free, and their health suffers as for a National Health Program and is among the a result. Even our patients who do nation’s leading experts on single-payer nonprofit have health insurance still cannot health insurance. Professor Woolander holds M.D. pay for the services not covered. If and M.PH. degrees from Louisiana State University, you ask them about it, they often and maintains a clinical practice in the Bronx. She say they didn’t take medication has authored 150 articles and has collaborated with because they can’t afford it, or Senators Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren, and they refuse to come in for follow other leaders to develop bold policy proposals for up appointments because they are the national health system. worried about the costs. FALL 2018 Page 5

For any physicians interested in Many of the problems persist. The population health, there are two Affordable Care Act (ACA) did At the State level, we see the same approaches: 1) provide health care reduce the number of uninsured, opponents but also face some directly, and 2) push for policies that but again, we still have 30 million regulatory barriers. State’s need can ensure people have access to people uninsured well into ACA’s a set of federal waivers, some of healthcare. implementation. This policy which can only be granted by has to be understood against US Congress, and some by the What are some of the issues the background of the general Executive branch. We aren’t able to covered in your health policy deterioration of health care in the just have state-level single-payer, but course this semester? US. I’ve done a fair amount of instead, we have to be working at work on medical bankruptcy with the national level. I think we need We cover a lot of payment policy. now-Senator Elizabeth Warren – to be moving on parallel tracks. Just We also cover NYC healthcare, with medical bills are a major cause of because there are barriers, doesn’t a focus on health and healthcare bankruptcy and impoverishment. mean we shouldn’t fight for it. in different neighborhoods, as The ways that health and poverty well the role of large academic are linked – these are the kind of Finally, what advice would health providers and role in health issues that I’ve been concerned with you offer current policy and inequality in NYC. I’ve never taught in my career. planning students at Hunter? urban studies students before, and have enjoyed the difference in What are the major barriers My main advice is that you need perspective that I can learn from. to advancing a single-payer to believe that things can change. There are very specific topics health system in the US? Do One advantage of being my age, related to urban studies and health, you see any hope for a State- you see a lot of change. I went to especially around environmental level single-payer plan here in segregated schools as a kid. Some health – we’re covering water issues New York? medical schools in the US as late in cities, not just Flint and pollution, as 1963, had never admitted a but also general issues in providing The two major barriers in the US single black student. Before 1966, clean water and air in urban are 1) a private health insurance we had no Medicare or Medicaid, environments. We’re also covering industry that is completely and half of our elderly population the opioid crisis and responses. opposed to single-payer, and 2) had no health insurance. You have “Big Pharma,” which has been to believe it is possible, and part of a major opponent of national your job as a professional and as a You helped found Physicians health insurance. Both groups citizen, to make it happen. Change for a National Health Program have lobbied against it with tons of is never easy, or fast, but it does in 1986. In your 30+ years money. The main reason for their happen. ◊ of working for a single- opposition is that in countries with payer health system, how nationalized health insurance, the has medical care in the US national health program is able to declined or improved? engage in hard bargaining that can dramatically bring down prices in medication and services. Page 6 URBAN REVIEW Taking Back the Streets: A Universally Designed Manhattan Central Business District

BY VICTORIA GARVEY

In the 1920s, public streets in American cities were not planned for automobiles.1 Despite the efforts of citizens and advo- cacy groups to fight back against the idea of dangerous, speeding vehicles cutting through their walkways, planners and transportation engineers rebuilt streets to accommodate personal cars through the first half of theth 20 century and be- yond,2 changing the landscape of the city and creating a ripple effect that would influence land use, pollution, sprawl and global planning practices3 in other countries.4 If certain historical, constructivist approaches reveal that citizens largely did not want public streets taken away from them, how did it happen?5 This analysis reveals that the dearth of transportation options (among other factors) slowly motivated individuals to use the automobile as their primary mode of transportation. Advocacy groups would later rail against the automobile again in the 21st century, but for different reasons.

Fig. 1: Sketch of Universally Designed CDB, provided by the author. FALL 2018 Page 7

Today, transportation planners are Americans with Disabilities Act and planning (2008). She concludes that responding to disparate city street de- the United Nations’ Standard Rules UD can rectify all types of “socio-spa- signs in a multitude of ways. Perhaps for the Equalization of Opportunity tial exclusion” by offering freedom the most comprehensive principle is for Persons with Disabilities.22 Over- from the “fixed route, hub-and-spoke” universal design, which seeks to make all, UD and accessibility go hand in systems that many American cities public spaces such as streets,6 side- hand. However, UD asks planners and have adopted over the 20th century.33 walks,7 transit8 and buildings9 more architects to do more than just inte- This can be done by looking at UD in accessible for a greater number of grate elevators or surfaces for people different scales: the laws (macro-level) people. Many city street networks are with physical disabilities. It encourages influence the shared built environment not accessible for the disabled (per- a built environment that is a truly eq- of transportation and public streets manently or temporarily, cognitively, uitable space, one that does not inher- (meso-level) and the individual’s needs sensorial or physically),10 elderly, and/ ently exclude a group of people for the (micro-levels).34 Lid expands on this or small children.11 This article seeks benefit of another group. notion of socio-spatial exclusion and to explore the relationship between includes it in the “right to the city” accessibility and universal design, and The seven principles of UD give broad literature that Harvey borrowed from negotiate the focus on social justice guidelines for local government officials Lefebvre.35 36 For all people to partic- with realistic planning constraints and workers to reconsider their own ipate publicly and politically, every- such as time, cost, and accountability. streets and infrastructure to become one must be able to use public space The goal in synthesizing this infor- (1) equitable, (2) flexible, (3) simple and equally and therefore be seen.37 In mation gives way to a key question: intuitive, and (4) to give perceptible the work of Lid,38 Meshur,39 Lo,40 and what if New York adopted universal- information, (5) have a large tolerance Uteng,41 the discussion of this inclusion ly-designed and fully ADA-compliant for error, (6) allow passengers to exert vs. exclusion dichotomy makes the streets? To support this thought low physical effort and (7) tailor size built environment a two-sided sphere. experiment, several research princi- and space for individual approach and Because public spaces are a part of ples will be used from Oslo, Norway use.2324 These guidelines offer a collec- society in physical and symbolic ways, (Lid 2016; Audirac 2008),12 13 Seoul, tivist approach to ensure that people excluding certain mobility-challenged South Korea,14 Jakarta, Indonesia,15 with physical, sensory or cognitive populations from the public realm and two cities in Turkey – Istanbul16 disabilities can experience the city in creates problems. Methods like rational and Ankara.17 a way that is inclusive,25 reduces as planning assume it is the individual’s much harm as possible, and is condu- limitations, not the built environment What is “universal design?” cive to their lifestyle.26 There are many or transportation itself, that bars these different factors to UD in a built space, persons from using it.42 This problem First, a working definition of univer- and fortunately, there are examples in of planning for one main population sal design (UD) should be defined. literature that explore these aspects of and a few outliers creates a hostile envi- Crews and Zavotka define the goals design: informational kiosks;27 walkable ronment, and leaves certain citizens to of UD as “to simplify life for everyone streets;28 29 and low-floor buses.30 These ask: for whom is the city and transpor- by making products, communica- components will come together in an tation? tions, and the built environment more “ideal-scenario” plan for New York usable by as many people as possible City, which incorporates each of these Planning is often a highly bureaucratic at little or no cost”18. The insertion designs and recreates a section of Man- procedure that can exclude citizens – of the word “cost” is an interest- hattan’s Central Business District. intentionally or unintentionally – from ing factor that will flow throughout the process.43 44 In theory, UD gives this research, since UD is also often Why use universal design? agency to citizens because its guidelines described as a “market” for people essentially force planners and officials with “diverse abilities.”19 Since 1997, Various frameworks for social justice in to interact with and understand citizen planners, academics and architects UD demonstrate a moral and rational needs. Often for elderly and disabled have slowly tried to incorporate UD imperative for cities to adapt more UD people, they become “unfamiliar with in transportation infrastructure20 and practices.31 32 Audirac believes UD to a facility need to identify their desti- city streets.21 It became a global ini- be more of a pedagogical tool than nation to order to devise a strategy for tiative as various laws, rules and acts an enforceable outcome in the Unit- finding it,”45 which can make wayfin- passed throughout the early 1990s to ed States, which does little in real-life ding difficult if the built environment better address accessibility such as the does not have the amenities they need Page 8 URBAN REVIEW

to make a space legible for themselves. ramps and pavements.54 He found that structure. To explore these ideas in an The need and market for equitable many surfaces, even ones intended for American setting, the author of this space is stark – by 2030, nearly 1 in accessibility such as ramps, were too paper has created test plans for the 5 of Americans will be over 65 years slippery or had materials like cob- Central Business District of Manhat- old.46 Planners can anticipate this fu- blestone that were not conducive to tan. ture need for increased accessibility by wheelchairs or assistive walking tools using UD to mitigating current street like crutches.55 The main target of This proposal envisions 6th Ave to Park and transportation design and imple- his research was to “elimin[ate]… the Ave (including Broadway and 5th Ave) menting concrete solutions in cities problems which people with disabilities between Times Square and Union now. encounter in urban spaces.”56 In terms Square to be transformed so that no of public transportation, research done personal motor vehicles are allowed. One way to explore how to use UD in in Turkey57 and Norway58 found that This change would be similar to the current cities is to gather direct input GPS-based real-time information with Green Line project,61 an endeavor from affected populations through computerized, ADA-compliant kiosks to turn Broadway into a pedestrian ethnographic and qualitative research. can combat fixed-route transportation and bike-only zone, but with a major Crowdsourcing this information is a and give more flexibility to passengers. emphasis on greenery, gardens, and departure from the more limited ratio- In Korea, solutions such as low-floor biodiversity. Radically, this plan bans nal planning, which does not consider designed buses with improvements car traffic in the 112-block zone except individual or group opinion in its data to space have been implemented on for paratransit or emergency services collection or analysis.47 In addition, the entire bus fleet.59 In Hwangbo’s – paratransit would ideally work as an local elected officials should collaborate research, he concluded that many on-demand responsive network that with planners, architects, landscape wheelchair users did not ride the bus allowed people to go directly to and architects and engineers to ensure that despite its compliance with accessible from medical non-emergency appoint- all constituent needs are being met.48 design because they were plopped in ments. Figures A and B illustrate this But there is an implicit irony here – if an awkward space and stuck out in a reimagined CBD: these constituents cannot make it to physical and emotional sense.60 The meetings or public hearings to contrib- best accepted practice about UD is its • Two distinct intersections in ute their opinions (which is largely how ability to adapt – to solve the prob- which all major avenues and cross the public is invited to participate), how lem of the low-floor bus design, it is streets use Select Bus Service (SBS), can they be represented? Such is the possible to create a transit system that and all side streets are pedestrian-, reason to look at global examples and prioritizes buses on the street and can bike-, and scooter-friendly with learn to use them in other cities. widen them to accommodate more bike paths, bike racks. wheelchair users. Yet even with these UD Best Practices from Around best practices for guidance, perhaps • Barrier-free curbs; the World the largest hurdle to jump in UD is convincing policymakers or govern- • Different textured paths to denote In developing countries49 and more ment officials to implement these new walking or bike and two-wheeler developed countries,50 51 52 53 UD designs or initiatives. zones – two different bike paths research provides layered solutions would be allocated for relative and best practices. Looking at UD Imagining A Universally De- speeds; from the perspective of orthopedic signed CBD in New York City and visually-impaired populations, • Enhanced lighting and audio Meshur measured walkability in In the examples and reasons given components for crossing and con- Ankara, Turkey and assessed building above, there is definitive need and necting to different buses; and entrances, pedestrian roads, sidewalks, demand for UD principles and infra- • ADA-compliant maps that show the BRT networks and how streets connect – more “fine-grained” “Planning is often a highly bureaucratic procedure and “legible” than regular transit 62 that can exclude citizens – intentionally or maps. unintentionally – from the process.” FALL 2018 Page 9

In this scenario, there are clear win- would be safer, more accessible, and tion, persons with disabilities (whether ners and losers. Freight delivery would more enjoyable to most non-motorists they are readily seen or unseen), and suffer or become more complicated, would enhance, not take away from, even for the traveler who needs to but food delivery cyclists may have an the UD aspect of this plan. Hopefully wheel luggage onto public transpor- easier time getting to and from apart- a plan like this could be implemented tation. The literature63 64 65 66 suggests ment buildings. For-hire vehicle and in a dense area like the Manhattan that UD can be implemented quickly, taxi drivers would likely lose more fares CBD and become an example to other relatively cheaply, and with ease if the in the CBD. Overall, the city would boroughs. right public participation and govern- become more walkable for pedestrians ment relationship can be met. Shifting and more user-friendly for people who Conclusion public opinion away from automobiles use wheelchairs, canes, walkers, or can be difficult, but if more universal crutches. More research would need to Planners and citizens need to collab- design principles can be implemented be done to understand the true mitigat- orate to make public spaces better at the street level and promoted as new ing effects of this plan, as well as con- for the public. Universal design offers features, citizens might take notice, sideration for demographics, commu- guidelines to recreate space and help appreciate their value and consider a nity input and direction, and technical planners and architects think about the new transit system that accommodates expertise. Rational planning techniques future in a flexible and useful way to them and their neighbors. ◊ coupled with the notion that the street accommodate a steadily aging popula-

Fig. 2: Sketch of Universally Designed CDB, provided by the author. Page 10 URBAN REVIEW Bushwick City Farm: Growing an Urban Commons BY ARIELLE LAWSON

Walking north on Lewis Avenue across from NYCHA’s Sumner Houses in Bushwick you will pass a colorful, enclosed com- munity garden with signs proclaiming “Save our Farm” and “Community over Condos.” Originally a decades-long vacant lot taken over by neighborhood residents and activists in 2011, the space was later given a temporary lease of use and now represents an ambitious project that includes raised garden beds, various plants, multiple play structures, a commu- nity pavilion, an aquaponics set-up, benches and seating throughout, and even chickens, ducks and cats – all managed by volunteers and supported by community donations. Centered around the motto “give-as-you-can, take-only-as-you-need,” Bushwick City Farms (BCF) models an “alternative” use of urban space in direct opposition to the increasingly privatized, pre-designed and restricted public spaces in the city. While the landowner’s renewed interested in commercially developing the land puts the future of the farm at risk, the roots put down in this shared community space shows the potential of re- claiming the urban commons as a strategic intervention in fighting for the future of our cities. It points to the potential of breaking down traditional conceptions of the “public” both socially and spatially and in turn opening up new spaces and infrastructures for experiments in alternatives ways of living and relating to each other, the environment and the city. FALL 2018 Page 11

Using Bushwick City Farm (BCF) as a History and Development abandoned lots. Though rooted in the case study, this article explores the core context of the garden, the space is ulti- dimensions, contradictions and nego- The current second iteration of the mately a vehicle to fulfill their broader tiations around space in the city—in Farm is located in Bushwick at the mission: “to provide free food, clothing, this case the launching and sustaining corner of Stockton and Lewis. Origi- and educational programs for the com- of a community garden on private- nally founded a block over on Broad- munity.” Everything the farm produces ly-owned land—to better understand way, a small group of residents came is free of charge and distributed based our right to public space and publicity together to begin clearing that vacant on need. With their chickens, the farm (i.e. being in public). While recognizing lot in 2008, representing what Jeffrey is able to provide free organic eggs to its limitations and realities, I propose Hou would define as an “insurgent 10–15 families each week, year round. that the value of the BCF can best be public space.”67 Removing the trash Throughout the garden season BCF understood as a model of an urban and refuse, they replaced it with wood and local families harvest between 35- commons; through its physical design chips, soil and eventually even animals 65 lbs of produce each week, available and development, ongoing activities, and began to use it as a hub for the on a “take what you need” basis. Addi- and the framing and enactment of community to gather and redistribute tionally the farm makes available vege- its values, BCF models a practice of resources -- volunteering, donating, table seeds, seedlings, and ornamental public space that activates the public hosting events, sharing food. As they potted plants to community members sphere around a shared use of the city say on their website, “The seed of and organizations free of charge. based on collective needs and common self-sufficiency had been planted and resources. Extending beyond its phys- since then, this unlikely lot in Bushwick Besides re-distributing the material ical “public” claim to the land, BCF has provided space for the cultivation resources it produces directly, the farm centers and facilitates a “use-value” of a living learning opportunity for all provides other important resources to of urban space that explicitly opens it of us.”68 the local community—green space, up to non-traditional public functions benches, and other shared infrastruc- — bringing what are often considered They expanded to take over the tures (pizza oven, play space, fire pit, domestic, familial, or private activities current, and much bigger, location etc.) as well as programming and (such as food sharing, childcare, birth- in 2011. The decades-long vacant lot services including hands-on youth day parties, etc) into public space, and provided room to expand and exper- education, informal childcare network, through its development fosters new iment. It also become the main focus shared learning and exchange, and relationships to (re)production, value and sole work place when the original community-building. It serves as a and sustainability in the city. location was closed in August 2013 at platform for hosting community events the request of the owner who wanted and ESL lessons and as a depository While these practices are not always to build on the lot — demonstrating for people’s creative experiments/pro- radical or transformative in and of the temporal risk and ultimate power ductions and art work. The activities themselves, I hope to demonstrate their inequities of this project. True to the from the garden overlap and integrate, potential for radical transformation by mission of the network, however, the as caring for the chickens becomes a analyzing particular elements of the current location continues serves as lesson or gardening becomes childcare, physical, social and symbolic condi- an “open space run by neighborhood for example. In a video about the gar- tions and indicators of their “placed” volunteers that provide free food, cloth- den, a young boy who has been visiting dimensions in relationship to the larger ing, and educational programs for the BCF for years says here he “learned socio-political and economic context of community.”69 how to plant, to take care of kids, to the city. Though not as overtly “polit- become a leader.” This highlight the ical” or exceptional as grand squares Activities and Practices important role of the space in center- or strategic sites of protest, these kinds ing relationships and creating space for of spaces of everyday life are critical to Founded on the “need in our commu- sustaining shared life. The conditions activating, articulating and modeling nity for a connection to nature, access of the garden itself — in requiring the practices and values of the right to to free and healthy food and education- continued maintenance, the long-term the city. al opportunities, and a place to connect investment and vision and the inher- with other NYC/Bushwick citizens” ently place-based nature of the space Bushwick City Farm was created to — are critical factors to developing serve active community needs, partic- authentic and productive roots of an ularly in the context of neighborhood urban commons. neglect, under-served amenities and Page 12 URBAN REVIEW

Design: A people-made space is needed for events, and chicken coop “provides a location for creative praxis can become the classroom for educa- that can help instigate the formation Covering a 10,000 square foot area, tional programming. of new political subjectivities.”70 The the design of BCF has evolved over seeming rarity and uniqueness of this time. The current iteration of the As a garden foremost, BCF’s develop- kind of “experimental” space signifies space was developed through the ment is inherently based on continual the degree to which our public space collective participation of volunteers, time, labor and maintenance. These has been so narrowed and restricted. including a core collective who pri- conditions are fundamental to what a As Don Mitchell notes, “More and marily manages the space, and using commons represents and for a suc- more the spaces of the modern city are mostly donated materials. The space cessful public space. BCF’s garden being produced for us rather than by includes a wide array of infrastructures represents a long-term investment in us.”71 In contrast to this, BCF provides and supports a wide variety of uses, labor, energy, and capital. At the same a potential model of reclaiming and including collectively managed garden time, what is critical to their long-term expanding these rights through the beds, a wooden community pavilion functioning is their capacity to produce framework of the urban commons. built by local high schoolers through infrastructures which sustain and so- This directly embodies the conception the Urban Workshop program, a coop lidify this labor, effort and momentum of the right to the city — and urban and run area for the many chickens, over time. It also points to the impor- life — outlined further by Lefebvre in ducks and other animals living at the tance of having spaces that can be emphasizing both the collective work farm, as well as a playground struc- flexible and adaptable to support new (“ouvre”) involved and the broader ture with swings, slides, and multiple or different community needs, in this collective social needs that the city seating areas. While providing green case particularly in regards to play and should be structured towards meeting: and open space for the community for childcare. “the need for creative activity, for the recreation and social activities, BCF is ouvre (not only of products and con- also a site of production, piloting “new These diverse uses that constantly sumable material goods), the need for forms of responsible food production” overlap and evolve reflect the active information, symbolism, the imaginary with active composting for the neigh- “use value” of the space in meeting and play...The right to the ouvre, to borhood, an aquaponics system, and a the needs of and constantly being (re) participation and appropriation (clearly green roof. The overlapping uses and produced by its users. Mirroring the distinct from the right to property), are infrastructures of the space leads to a conditions of Michael Rio’s obser- implied in the right to the city.”72 hodgepodge of intermixing activities. vations in Emplacing Democratic Design, The paved area in front of the com- the farm demonstrates its potential Values and Relationships munity pavilion serves as a basketball as a “...generative space that incu- court when not a gathering space, the bates emergent forms of social and While doing something as simple and sidewalk outside can be used as spill- economic activity seldom observed “harmless” as providing free resources over from the garden when more space in regulated land uses and sites” and to the community, the BCF is also ad- vancing a new set of values that stakes a claim to a legitimate, though not technically legal, use of space: “In a rapidly gentrifying neighborhood that is already bristling with luxury condos and massive housing developments, it would be a tragedy to lose the lush oa- sis BCF provides,” as they state on their website. In claiming a “public” man- agement over private land and putting it towards the benefit of the commu- nity, the BCF is reclaiming a portion of the city by those who actively use, produce and need it. This blurs the boundaries between private owner- ship and right to the space as they are also blurred the boundaries between FALL 2018 Page 13

traditional public and private uses and turn is always an ongoing struggle as ue and community needs at its core activities. This is ultimately the radical advocates work to both leverage the and in public. In this way BCF models potential that the space evokes, though resources of the state and hold the city practices of collectivized social repro- the effectiveness of this claim to “legit- accountable to advance their vision of duction within the public space which imate” use of the land and its political the public good while not being co-opt- break down traditional boundaries power generated remains in limbo. ed or drowned in bureaucracy. around the public and private (gen- dered) spheres and their corresponding Limitations and Broader Context Conclusion “acceptable” spaces. In doing so, the space activates the potential for new Within a changing neighborhood and Bushwick City Farm illuminates the kinds of practices, relationships and now currently facing the potential of complexities and negotiations of the ultimately “publics” to exist, which are an eviction, Bushwick City Farm also everyday right to the city within their not traditionally given space. illustrates the precarity, limitations “placed” dimensions of the urban and contested nature of the urban commons and how critical this strug- Though obviously still functioning commons. In particular, to occupy and gle is to broader conversations about within larger oppressive systems, these improve a space is directly implicated urban space, the public sphere and actions assert and embody alternative in and actively negotiated in ongoing democracy. values and practices that explicitly cen- struggles around gentrification and ter use-value and needs, and bringing displacement, particularly when led by Our public space can be an important new forms of experimentation into the predominantly, though not exclusively, arena in which ideas of the “public” public sphere through activating shared younger, newer and white residents. are shaped and defined. As a case urban space, in a way which is embod- Community gardens, which have a study, BCF provides a model of an ied through the activities themselves. long history as insurgent public spaces urban commons that fundamentally Through this dimension of prefig- in New York City, are constantly in advances a right to the city as a bold urative politics, it expands the civic negotiation and are contested as they claim for democracy in the fullest sense capacity and citizenship by offering navigate the real estate interests— of everyday life. Building on claims of new forms and practices of embodied sometimes benefiting as a recognized the right to the city, it articulates and participation and mutual aid within the and marketable asset, boosting neigh- uplifts the potential of the city as an public sphere by and through activat- borhood property values, while simul- urban commons that centers a shared ing and appropriating a common space taneously representing a threat and and collectively sustained “public” life. and resources. “underutilized” potential as it presents This reiterates Don Mitchell’s reflec- a drag on profits. This space is no dif- tions: As the increasing privatization of our ferent as it now faces increased devel- public spaces is linked to the broader opment and gentrification. Though the “The right to the city is the right to urban life, privatization of our democracy and value of creating insurgent spaces has to renewed centrality, to places of encoun- political system as a whole, creating been discussed, this reliance on creat- ter and exchange, to life rhythms and time new spaces and kinds of “publicity” ing an “alternative” community space uses, enabling the full and complete usage may correspondingly activate the is always precarious, especially when of moments and places...the use-value that “making” of the public which is at relying on the good will of a developer. is necessary bedrock of urban life would be the heart of our democracy, facilitat- Ultimately this notice of eviction is a finally wrenched free from its domination by ing collective action and the shared test of the real power that this com- exchange-value. The right to the city implies practices of everyday life. While always munity space has created, and wheth- the right to the uses of city spaces, the right to a contested process, ultimately it is “the er their claims to the legitimacy and inhabit it…”73 making and mobilization of the public social value of the space can hold up as an actively engaged citizenry is what in the face of private property rights. While activities such as sharing clothes, enables a public space to remain public This will continue to be a contested providing free food, and having weekly and continue to serve as a vehicle and process, especially as the BCF calls for meals together are not necessarily rad- building block of our participatory more institutionalized support, such a ical in and of themselves, these uses of democracy.”74 ◊ potential partnership with the City’s the BCF space opens up the potential GreenThumb program. While not for alternative values, relationships and perfect, it could allow for the essential practices that explicitly center use-val- preservation of public land. This in Page 14 URBAN REVIEW Emergency Exit: A Photo Essay BY ANDY LAWSON FALL 2018 Page 15 The design of high-rise architecture in Emergency Exit: A Photo Essay Japan is influenced by a history of fires, flooding, and earthquakes.

Traditional style as well as modern and post-modern industrial construction methods of the 21st century imbue every corner of each city with a specific flair all its own. Across Japan, the methods and standards of the Building Standard Act and Law Enforcement Order ensures compliance with any construction and maintenance projects. Much like many other sets of plan- ning and design guidelines, simple directives to enforce high standards of public safety often result in distinguishing architectural features that give a region it’s charm.

Due to the frequency of both natural and manmade hazards through- out the country, A great stress has been put on guidelines for emergency egress for high rise buildings, specifically emergency exits and staircases. One would assume that this would lead to a ubiquitous style in the plan- ning and construction of these staircases; however, due to the intersection of many strict requirements, we see the rise in use of external points of egress from floor to ground. This is due to lower requirements for outdoor emergency exits as compared to their indoor counterparts (see section 2 article 123 Structure of evacuation staircase and special evacua- tion staircases in the BSL).

These outdoor emergency exits provide an architectural feature unique to the island of Japan that twists and turns common ground-up or top down legibility of high rise buildings. Our eye, although still raised, is drawn diagonally across the structure. This playfully back and forth is only further enhanced by the materials and colors chosen to accentuate these buildings. Emergency Exit is a short photo series exploring the in- teraction of these features in the context of the larger urban landscape. ◊ Page 16 URBAN REVIEW Art for Justice: Street Dance Activism, Social Protest, and Public Space

BY BRENN HEMMINGS

Cities within democratic societies are often characterized as “melting pots”, places in which myriad cultures, values, and industries co-exist side by side. This coexistence is not without tension and ultimately allows cities to become sites for political engagement. Public spaces are frequently at the very center of this tension and political discussion. Unfortunately, participation within public spaces occurs directly as a result of access to capital and legislation. Art and protest provide avenues of civic engagement and political expression for citizens to demand social change (and accountability) from government officials. The coopting of space creates insurgent public space, which serves to empower citizens in their fight for public space and rights. As the arts and culture liaison for the Los Angeles chapter of Black Lives Matter, Shamell Bell utilizes street dance activism for civic capacity. Formed at the intersection of art and protest, street dance activism creates its own public spaces and challenges those spaces’ public spheres. FALL 2018 Page 17

“Public” for Whom? dismantling) public spaces. As an ou- their own values) without the consent vre, the city ultimately functions a work or input of the affected constituents. Public spaces and the public sphere in which all its citizens participate to This disconnect is further compounded inform levels of civic engagement create.77 Different publics exist to assist when the programmers are rarely the and location-based privileges. Public (and represent) different populations; individuals who use their own designed spaces are sites accessible and open these representations can sometimes spaces. When the users of the space to all citizens. “Public spaces occupy conflict with each other. For example, are not involved in its design, they are an important…ideological position in advocates for the rights of homeless forced to use the space as per the pro- democratic societies.” 75 The public people within perceived public spaces grammers’ designations. sphere dictates the acceptable behav- often find themselves at odds with how iors and conduct performed within private property owners wish pub- On the other hand, insurgent public public spaces. These spaces encourage lic spaces to be used. Every citizen’s space occurs when citizens reappro- open political demonstrations and participation (and rights), however, priate, reclaim, or occupy a particular social demonstrations by members of fail to be equal as capital dictates how space to gather or express their opin- the public. Though seen as a pillar of laws are created and enforced. The ions and engage in a variety of cultural democratic society, their locations and interests of private property owners activities.80 Insurgent public spaces designated user activities, however, are usually dictate how public spaces are prescribe to the idea of public space highly debated. used, maintained, and designed. As a being by the people for the people. result, the spaces’ users find themselves These spaces also challenge the top- The public sphere dictates the accept- subjected to their will. down planning approach employed able user behavior and conduct per- by government or private interests. formed within public spaces. “The pro- The production of public space exists Within the realm of insurgent public liferation of and perhaps democratic at the crux of its demise and its begin- space, “public” becomes an active body control over places to meet, gather, and ning.78 The ongoing fight for public of citizens.81 Since this space requires interact…are often seen as sufficient space proves the necessity and value active citizen participation, citizens to the creation of a public sphere.” 76 of its existence. In “Making Public, can program the space for themselves. Through this, the public sphere acts as Beyond Public Space,” Jeffrey Hou Creators and initiators of insurgent the location of political deliberation provides definitions for the kinds of public spaces suggest that the mak- and political participation. public space: institutional public space ing of public space does not belong and insurgent public space. The former exclusively to institutions. To control Specifically defining public within are “by nature codified, regulated, and how the space is used, citizens must be these realms, proves to be fraught with institutionally maintained”; as a result, active and vigilant. complications. Through his focus on they usually assume a broad sense of homeless populations, Don Mitch- the public that are not involved in their In designing public space for citi- ell brings attention to the important connection between the public and capital. Possession of capital entails “Insurgent public spaces prescribe to the political power, which directly influenc- es what legislation is and subsequently idea of public space being by the people for enforced. People with money mold the people.” sites to their design and have the police power to enforce their beliefs on their locality. Individuals without capital making.79 These designers prescribe zens, government and private entities are effectively disenfranchised in these and ‘program’ the space for its users. exercise control over what, how, and larger conversations in public spaces In their practice, these spaces are for where their protests and acts of civic and the public sphere. specific, usually non-negotiable uses. capacity take place. Citizens’ creation These programmed spaces, such as of insurgent public space counters this In The Right to the City: Social Justice and parks, result from a ‘top-down’ plan- design by reappropriating a space and the Fight for Public Space, Don Mitchell ning approach. Top-down planning enforcing their own ideas of appro- writes about the different bodies and occurs when ruling institutions, like priate actions and behaviors within it. interests involved in maintaining (or local governments or private develop- Central to protests and demonstrations’ ers, create and enact plans (based on effectiveness is their visibility. Visibil- Page 18 URBAN REVIEW

ity attracts attention and awareness hold government entities accountable, tion with resistance and team-build- to these particular causes. These can engage artists in protesting, and create ing.90,91,92 Bell’s connection to higher increase protest numbers, who can a dialogue between participants and education and Black Lives Matter rally more people behind their causes. onlookers. establishes her as an academic within Larger protests garner more attention the public sphere. These identities and can motivate institutional action. The Los Angeles chapter of Black legitimize her work because she shares Lives Matter, which also includes one membership (and understanding) in Protests and the fight for public space of the movement’s founders Shamell both worlds. They also aid her in cre- share similarities to dance performanc- Bell, first used street dance activism in ating dialogue between the two worlds. es. “Protest, like performance, carefully its protests outside of the Los Angeles Through her research, she understands chooses its stage and its repertoire of Police Department and the Los Ange- what a public space’s public sphere movements, which has an impact on les mayor’s house. Bell formed the idea is. As such, she seeks to challenge and audience perception.”82 Like protesters, for street dance activism as she and change the relationship between the dancers actively choose a location and fellow protesters were occupying space two. Struggles for rights and liberties an audience to increase their exposure outside the Los Angeles Police Depart- create public space.93 Insurgent pub- and visibility, creating insurgent public ment headquarters following the killing lic space appeals to the spontaneous space. To have the greatest impact, of Ezell Ford.84 As the protest contin- nature of public space. Spontaneity protestors and creators of insurgent ued for more than two weeks into the presents more challenges in preventing public space specifically choose these winter, she noticed that participants or deterring these particular uses of the spaces not designated by institutions. were losing energy and enthusiasm. space because it challenges hierarchi- Ultimately, they coopt a certain space After calling a friend and hosting an cal designs. As this space is created by and create an atmosphere amenable impromptu dance class with the pro- the public for the public, its members in expressing their own ideas, hence testers, she noticed a positive change in choose and enforce what they deem as demonstrating the motivations behind both the participants’ and onlookers’ appropriate uses of the space. Insur- citizens’ movements. perception of the protest. This, she gent public space challenges the coopt- said, created an entry point for pro- ed space’s design and its public sphere. Identifying Street Dance Activism testers to discuss their demands.85 Her It encourages citizens to become active doctoral research examines the inter- in creating their own public space as The general criteria used in examining section of performance, urban culture, opposed to just consuming the spaces protests and social movements used are and activism.86,87 created for them (and not by them). the act, its participants or the orga- nization involved in the act, the act’s Ultimately, she believes that street As its founder, Ms. Bell views street purpose, and the location of the act. dance activism can create a dialogue dance activism as an alternative to Special attention is given to how these between the street dance community, traditional forms of protest as well as protests engage or challenge public activist community, and the academy.88 a way to engage artists within protests. spaces and the public sphere. Through This dialogue can lead to a coalition of Street dance activism presents new its creation of insurgent public space, different publics protesting together. It avenues of self-expression and involve- street dance activism challenges the is through this that Bell desires to hold ment in protests. Dance, Shamell Bell public sphere. Public space is the loca- governing institutions accountable for remarks, is something that people enjoy tion of street dance activism demon- their actions, particularly their short- doing.94 As for the movement’s impetus, strations while the public sphere entails comings or perpetuated inequities that Bell commented that dance has always both the act and the reason behind the negatively affect marginalized commu- been a way for disadvantaged commu- social movement. These components nities. nities to resist their current socioeco- engage with the public and contribute nomic situation.95 Likewise, it brings to each other. In September 2017, Bell taught street people, regardless of backgrounds and dance activism workshops at Arizona levels of dance proficiency, together. “Choreography, movement and gesture State University, in Phoenix, Arizona Street dance activism incorporates are not peripheral but central to the and her native California.89 Interviews varieties of dance such as contem- politics of protest.”83 In its demon- conducted at her street dance activism porary choreography or black social strations, street dance activism creates workshops demonstrate a need and a dances (such as “the krump,” “the insurgent public space as a means to desire for another type of protest. This dougie,” and “the reject,” which all activism advocates self-care in conjunc- originate from black communities). As FALL 2018 Page 19

a dancer, Bell believes that artists are prescribe their own desired behavior to challenged heteronormative values. interconnected with activism because the space’s public sphere. Street dance The disco’s break with couples being art is activism. To her, street dance activists’ most visible and noticeable the tradition basis of social dance activism situates dance as grassroots demonstrations occur when they create was among its innovations.100 At the political action from her perspectives as insurgent public space (such as outside disco, people were able to dance alone a scholar, dancer, and choreographer Los Angeles Police Department head- or groups while also being able to be for the Black Lives Matter movement.96 quarters and the Los Angeles mayor’s paired. This type of protest, Ms. Bell says, house). These demonstrations serve to appeals to participants who may feel engage larger numbers of people (and These dance formations allowed for uncomfortable with traditional forms talents) within the realms of public an increasing amount of space to exist of protest or disheartened by social ills. space and public sphere. between the dancing couples.101 This Dance also serves to combat pervasive break allowed for the possibility of solo negativity.97 History and Evolution female dancers and the possibility for gay men to begin expressing them- Street dance activism shows the inter- Though a relatively new form of selves more freely on the dance floor.102 section between political activism and political protest, street dance activism’s Through dance and by challenging the artistic expression.98 Though they are selection of location and audience were traditional social dance formation, dis- dance-centric, Bell uses her workshops primarily influenced by two previous co created a space for less ‘traditional’ to show attendees that activism can use movements: disco and flash mobs. (gay and lesbian) individuals. any of their artistic talents for activism. Street dance activism encourages civic Dance as a way to critique and de- The spontaneity of street dance engagement because it involves a larger mand social change is not a new con- activism can be traced back to flash amount of people to creating public cept. Within the last forty years, the use mobs. Flash mobs occur when group space and challenging its public sphere. of dance to challenge societal norms of people suddenly assemble in a By constantly creating its own pub- gained attention from the disco move- public place, perform an unusual and lic space and challenging the space’s ment. Street dance activism ‘queers’ seemingly pointless act for a brief public sphere, this activism also holds the space of its demonstrations by chal- time, then quickly disperse, often for government entities accountable by lenging the space’s public sphere. In the purposes of entertainment, satire, protesting outside their own offices. creating insurgent public space, street and artistic expression. These displays Its spontaneity makes regulating its dance activism challenges the space’s happen without prior notice to the demonstrations more difficult. Outside prescribed activities. This creation and place’s observing occupants. In the of creating insurgent public space, maintenance of public space comes early 2000s, flash mobs were used street dance activists take advantage from disco. largely for entertainment purposes, of institutional public spaces, such as such as elaborate marriage proposals nearby parks, to practice their rou- The disco ‘queered’ the dance floor by or Zumba classes. Since the 2010s and tines, gain the attention of onlookers, challenging established social dance onwards, flash mobs have become used and utilize institutional public spaces. formation norms like heterogeneous more for meaningful social protest, Through Bell’s workshops, street dance pairings. The disco dance floor func- such bringing attention to damaging activism also takes advantage of public tioned as an institutional public space repercussions of conversion therapy space provided by college campuses. because it was created and designed to or protesting the current ruling party’s challenge established forms of dance. political policies. Ultimately, Bell wants to use street Through challenging the traditional dance activism to create a safe envi- dancing couples on the dance floor, dis- Influenced by dance’s capacity for ronment for protesting.99 By coopting a co goers coopted the space (the dance social critique, street dance activism space, she and her fellow activists can floor), reappropriated its purpose and combines the coopting (and sometimes

“Influenced by dance’s capacity for social critique, street dance activism combines the coopting (and sometimes creation) of a public space by reappropriating the space’s ownership and changing its public sphere.” Page 20 URBAN REVIEW

creation) of a public space by reap- challenges that space’s public sphere by In fighting for these results, activists propriating the space’s ownership and appropriating ownership of that public must involve different populations and changing its public sphere. space. Different types of protest effect utilize different approaches (academic different types of change.103 Multi-fac- and artistic) to produce lasting results. Conclusion eted problems, such as homelessness or systemic racism, cannot simply be True to Bell’s use of this type of po- Involvement in using public space en- solved by one piece of legislation or litical activism, street dance activism courages citizens to become politically one type of protest. engages artists, academics, and protest- active. In becoming politically active, ers in the larger important conversa- they begin to create spaces for them- Likewise, the continuing fight for tions of systemic inequities embedded selves and appropriate government public space and government respon- in American history that still victimize and private entities institutional public siveness does not have one, unified people of color. Street dance activism spaces. answer. As an artist, academic, and shows that these deep-rooted issues activist, Bell uses street dance activism affect different members of society Through its creation of insurgent pub- to further this fight. By involving sep- regardless of profession, socioeconomic lic space, street dance activism’s trans- arate groups in this fight, street dance status. Art unites people—a central gressive nature allows it to challenge activism gives activists another outlet component for institutional account- the public sphere of institutional politi- to not only demand accountability and ability and healing to begin. ◊ cal public spaces. Street dance activism change from government, but also in- creates insurgent public space and vites artists to collaborate in this effort.

Música Ligera: Rock, Memory, & Urban Space in Post-Dictatorship Buenos Aires

BY CARLOS MANDEVILLE

Along the northern coast of Buenos Aires, one can find “La Parque de La Memoria,” a monument dedicated to the victims of the brutal Argentine dictatorship led by General Videla between the years 1976-1983. The space consists of modern, abstract sculptures of bodies, and a long, stone wall etched with the names of the 30,000 victims. It is built right next to Rio de la Plata, the river where the dictatorship drowned thousands of political dissenters. Considered per- haps the darkest time period in Argentine history, the “Dirty War” forced individuals to come face to face with unprece- dented death and tragedy. The “Junta Militar” reduced bodies to abstract forms and names to be left near the entity that swallowed them, a reduction that lived on in the production of culture during and following the dictatorship. The park and monument highlight the contentious relationship that Argentines—specifically citizens of the capitol Buenos Aires— have with the memory of the dictatorship. Cultural forms, specifically “rock nacional” which was a form of Argentine rock music that existed before, during, and after the dictatorship, echoed the struggle to cope with memories of the dic- tatorship. This essay examines how Buenos Aires, as a site of cultural production, required the creation of two divergent themes in post-dictatorship Rock Nacional: the struggle to remember and the struggle to forget. FALL 2018 Page 21

The “Dirty” Past: Situating Rock program was the Proceso de Reorgani- nities for subversion.110 The limitation Nacional in a Violent History zación Nacional, or more commonly: on cultural products created during the el Proceso. General Videla stated that dictatorship and the threat of death The roots of the “Dirty War” lie in the goal was to demand “the profound fostered a political subjectivity based the political volatility of Argentina transformation of consciousness” for on fear. After this stage in Argentine as a whole which experienced nine Argentine people.107 The military put history, rock nacional served to unite different military coups between 1930 a cultural blackout in place in order to the nation under an accepted notion and 1976.104 As Finchelstein (2014) censor all media and prevent public as- of national expression, and to recount describes, “the Dirty War was not a sembly that could lead to subversion or memories developed during and after real war but an illegal militarization of contradict good morals tied to national the “Dirty War”. state repression… [it] did not feature and catholic values.108 The Junta posi- two combatants but rather victims tioned the takeover as, “an obligation The production of rock nacional and perpetrators.”105 Around 30,000 which surges from serene mediations raises questions about the way violence people were estimated to have been about the irreparable consequences shapes memory, and subsequently killed during this time period, including that the entire nation could have, a the cultural products that are derived many who “disappeared” and whose distinct attitude to that previously ad- from historically harmful spaces. Ros bodies were thrown from planes into opted.”109 Military commanders took (2012) offers an informative summa- the Rio de la Plata.106 Young intellec- roles in governing positions of newspa- ry of theory on collective memory, tuals with a propensity to dissent—in- pers, universities, radio stations, and art highlighting how it is, “marked by the cluding many in the rock scene—ex- institutions to closely monitor and limit tension between the individual and the perienced the full force of this brutal what could be taught and shown to the social dimension.”111 While memories regime. public. The goals, then, were to pro- develop through the lens of the indi- mote values that would align with those vidual as they are based on unique life The dictatorship severely repressed of the dictatorship—such as order, experiences, they exist within a net- cultural production in order to prevent national identity, work, and honesty, work of social relations, culture, and the possibility of political and social so long as they aligned with Christian institutions.112 In this context, “literal opposition. The formal name for this morals—while striking down opportu- memory,” or memory that recounts Page 22 URBAN REVIEW

painful events in detail to emphasize from the city center, more intimate and diversity is effectively achieved.”120 their uniqueness, informs “exemplary streetscapes fill the urban land- The analogical relationship described memory” which utilizes specific experi- scape. This city space hosts a diverse here between the archive and the city ences to inform related situations. Mu- set of people and interactions because connects notions of power, memory, sic, then, takes the form of exemplary of the variety of spaces in which inter- and history to the built environments memory in that it can relate a specific action can occur. in which they are experienced and pro- memory or idea to a context or history. duced. Both Rao and Mbembe offer a Musician Andres Calamaro described During the dictatorship, the hyper-po- framework to look at the ways in which Rock Nacional as, “an inheritance of licing of diverse street life challenged political forces manipulate history and crisis, blood, one of the worst in the the “city-as-archive” model because memory through the management of world.”113 Within the confines of a city, it reshaped movement within Buenos the archive of urban space. These music associated with shared spaces Aires to follow the ideals of the mil- conceptions of urban space define cul- reveals the nuances and pains of living itary. Mbembe (2002) describes the tural production as both a contestation during challenging moments in histo- archive as having a physical, architec- and an articulation of the urban envi- ry. This is why the site of Buenos Aires tural dimension in which discrimina- ronment. Rock Nacional allows access to is central to this specific (re)production tion and selection privileges certain the specific archive that is Buenos Aires of collective memory. It is the physi- documents according to a certain through narratives and vivid images of cality of the space, one which existed ‘status.’116 He highlights the paradox memory within the city. before, during, and after the dictator- that, “the power of the state rests on ship in a similar form, that people asso- its ability to consume time, that is, to The hit song, “En La Ciudad de ciate memory with. Walking between abolish the archive and anaesthetize La Furia” by Soda Stereo expresses La Casa Rosada (the central office of the past.”117 The commodification the grit and confusion of living in the President) and the Congreso de la of memory removes the distinction post-dictatorship Buenos Aires, an Nación Argentina along the Avenida between the victim and the perpetra- insight which helps situate us in the de Mayo in the modern day can trigger tor. In this framework, Buenos Aires city121. Musically, the song opens with anxious memories of walking along serves as the physical dimension in an eerie interplay between a keyboard this same path during the dictatorship. which bodies become documents that melody that walks a fine line of dis- Likewise, a song tied to fear, memory, are sorted according to status. The continuity and a guitar that creates and identity recreates the specificity of dictatorship, moreover, showed a clear a discordant ambience. The steady physical places in mental spaces. desire to rewrite the country’s past delivery of the bass and drums serves through the restructuring of the na- as the canvass for the jangly lead guitar The Furious City: Buenos Aires tional self. This restructuring entailed riff which echoes dissonantly as a result as the Site of Rock Nacional the manipulation of the individual’s of the reverb singer-songwriter Gus- psyche and memory to reflect positively tavo Cerati is known for utilizing. The Buenos Aires is a dense, centrally-de- upon the actions of the Junta. rhythm section emphasizes the steady, signed city with a strict and beautiful dark rhythm of the city as a whole radial street plan.114 Key streets orig- Rao (2008) addresses this connection while the minor key guitar riff and the inate from the central Plaza de Mayo between the city and the archive. The deep deliver of Cerati’s lyrics elicit a where La Casa Rosada is located, author first discusses how archives have feeling of confusion and placelessness, while the rest of the city mostly takes a historical connection to memory, par- “entre la niebla” of the city (within the the form of a clear grid system. The ticularly the production of collective fog). Soda Stereo reproduces the cha- key streets—like Avenida 9 de Julio, memory.118 After showing how the city otic nature of the city in the instrumen- the widest street in the city center and works as a form of media through the tal breaks which are filled with noisy host to the famous obelisk—serve as reproduction of ‘socio-spatial forms’ guitar slides and sounds reminiscent of monuments to the powers that have that establish “place,” Rao clarifies role automobiles. shaped the built environment. At that different actors play in creating an the street level, the city center hosts a archive through the deliberate preser- The lyrics of the song play off of the massive number of people, and dense vation of particular memories.119 This scene set by the hectic, dark atmo- commercial frontage fills most of the particularity, expressed through author- sphere established by the music. Cerati inner-city.115 Elsewhere, from large itative narratives, makes it so that, “the forces the terrestrial listener in this Avenidas that take huge numbers of built environment becomes an archive furious city to look up and imagine the bodies and vehicles towards and away in which the silencing of multiple pasts city from the sky with his opening line, FALL 2018 Page 23

“Me veras volar por la ciudad de la evident in the desire to both confront to emphasize his list of grievances. furia” (You will see me fly through the and avoid discussing the dictatorship During the chorus, his vocal delivery city of fury). The singer expresses the through music. The music itself which becomes more melodic as the song anonymity he experiences in the city historically was deeply tied to a bur- explodes with the guitar strumming with the following lines which translate geoning sense of nationalism began opening up for the hook and the back- roughly to “where no one knows who to reflect and mimic, as it did in its ground singers emphasizing the phrase, I am and I am a part of everyone.” early days, the music of foreign sourc- “demoliendo hoteles”. The liberation This invokes the collective experience es. In 1986, Charly Garcia described of the guitar and background singers of inhabiting urban space, especially how rock nacional post-dictatorship, contrasts heavily with the verse to one marked with the fear established “switches from a demanding interested produce a catchy song that, above all, by a brutal military regime. During public, that in some way shares an idea would be heard by a wide audience in the chorus of the song, Cerati turns to with the musician, to another without Argentina. personify the city by asking Buenos Ai- position…it’s like consuming without res if it will let him sleep between her questioning.”122 Rock nacional went The lyrics directly address General legs at dawn. The chorus also discusses through a crisis because the dictator- Videla, the atrocities committed by the process of memory and coping ship reduced listeners and participants the dictatorship, and the anxieties it when Cerati belts that the city, “Sabrás in the movement to mere consum- produced. Using the form of “Yo ocultarme bien y desaparecer” (Will ers. This development required a reac- que” (I who) to lead most lines, Garcia know how to hide me well and disap- tion, a reclamation that re-centered the emphasized that he—and those who pear). The use of the term “desapa- music of Rock Nacional in the context identify with the song—was “sin pod- recer” in the context of Buenos Aires of the recent past. er” or powerless, without liberties (but and Argentine rock music brings with not for want of trying), and surrounded it the memory of fear associated with Garcia, perhaps the boldest artist by death. His delivery is angry, but the uncertainty that you or a loved one in rock nacional, unwove lingering sincere because he wants the listener could disappear during the dictator- conceptions of the dictatorship in the to never forget what it was like to live ship. Seen in relation to the line, “solo song “Demoliendo Hoteles.”123 Wilson under Videla’s oppressive regime. The encuentro en la oscuridad lo que me (2006) underlines how after the end of chorus focuses on the image of him une con la ciudad de la furia” (Only in el Proceso and the return of artistic lib- demolishing hotels while other people the darkness I find what unites me with erties Garcia was able to return to us- put up posters. Garcia contrasts his de- the city), Cerati reiterates the common- ing the first person in his lyrics, which sire for rebellion, action, and structural ality that all citizens of Buenos Aires worked as the processes by which a change (“demoliendo hoteles”) with the hold: the dark, shared past of violence narrator could reassume their position ineffectiveness of putting up political that the city retells through the built as a witness.124 “Demoliendo Hoteles,” posters—serving as a common mech- environment that reproduces a collec- clocks in at just over two minutes, takes anism to spread propaganda through tive memory. the form of a basic punk song right out the city—which cannot contribute to of the vein of the Clash or The Ra- a substantial social change. Also, the Remembering the Dictatorship mones with its muted strumming of the physicality of removing structures such Through the Music of Charly guitar during the verse that plays over as a hotel from the city space empha- Garcia and Soda Stereo a fast, steady drum beat. What is clear sizes the extent of his anger developed from the start through the fast paced, from his memories of the city’s violent Rock nacional in the post-dictatorship aggressively performed music is the past. The first line of the second verse period furthermore began to reflect the desire for rebellion and reaction against reinforces this notion as he states, different ways that Argentines thought the violence experienced in Buenos “Yo fuí educado con odio y odiaba about violence, memory, and igno- Aires. The vocal delivery reflects this la humanidad” (I was educated with rance. The differing methods through as Garcia essentially shouts the words hate and hated humanity). He makes which memory was conceived become during the verse in a rhythmic manner clear how the normalization of hate

“...a song tied to fear, memory, and identity recreates the specificities of physical places in mental spaces.” Page 24 URBAN REVIEW

“Rock nacional in the post-dictatorship period furthermore began to reflect the different ways that Argentines thought about violence, memory, and ignorance.”

has lasting psychological effects which mental when it comes in. The purpose unison which made the mass of people reproduce notions of violence and of “De Música Ligera” is to grant seem like an active ocean. As each aggression in future generations. He, people psychological, emotional, and body began to dissolve into the mass therefore, powerfully advocates in this corporal relief from the struggles faced of people, the unity expressed here song for a confrontation with this dark in everyday life and, in the context of reinvigorated the individual body. Cer- past in order to develop a movement the post-dictatorship period, the mem- teau says in “Spatial Practices” that, that will work against the violence and ory of violence and fear held by Argen- “The ordinary practitioners of the city hate produced during the dictatorship. tines. As stated in the song’s chorus, live ‘down below,’ below the thresholds “De aquel amor de música ligera/nada at which visibility begins.”126 Visibility While some artists advocated for direct nos libra/nada más queda” (For the and invisibility work hand and hand engagement with challenging mem- love of light music/nothing liberates in this scenario to highlight the social ories of Buenos Aires’ history, others us/nothing is left). It is ambiguous, but whole. While individuals sacrifice their chose to embrace the post-dictatorship it raises questions about the purpose of visibility in the mass of the audience, period as a time to disengage with music as a liberating force when there they ascribe to a larger visibility of the struggles they faced. Much of is nothing left to hold on to. This song the whole which works more effective- the music of Soda Stereo during the encapsulates the fervor, respite, and ly to highlight a specific culture and 80s focused more on creating sound- desire that post-dictatorship Argenti- ideology within that space. This is a scapes where the body can forget the na was thriving for simply through its productive process that, though unable violence committed against it. Take, performance, particularly in the space to remedy the past, makes possible the for example, their most famous song of a packed concert venue. creation of new memories that can al- and perhaps the most famous song leviate the fears and anxieties produced in rock nacional: “De Música Lig- The live performance of this song as during the dictatorship. This song, on era.”125 Stemming from a rather sim- the finale to the band’s farewell concert some level, achieved everything that plistic chord progression that is legend- in Buenos Aires underlined its impor- the dictatorship could not: the unifica- ary for the way Cerati hops between tance for the people and crystalized its tion of a national body around ideas the middle G and D chords, this song place as the ultimate anthem of rock of community and pleasure without maintains the basic instrumentation nacional. This performance opens violence and the promotion of national and song structure used by most rock with a very self-aware declaration by pride without propaganda. As a result groups, including the likes of Charly Cerati that, “tengo una buena canción of this and the work of artists like Garcia. The studio version opens with para cantar” (I have a good song to Charly Garcia, rock nacional, through the aforementioned guitar riff as the sing), a statement which could not be the creation of a unified, specifically drums and bass weave themselves into criticized as the over 100,000 fans in Argentine genre, liberates, on some the song. As Cerati sings the verses, he the stadium bellowed out the chorus in level, the City of Buenos Aires and its opens space for his voice by muting his response. The live feed of this concert inhabitants from the devastating past guitar strumming and letting an organ emphasized the entirely physical ex- of the “Dirty War”. ◊ maintain the chord progression, so that perience of the music as thousands of the chorus seems even more monu- fans at a time jumped up and down in FALL 2018 Page 25 Regional Climate Planning: Market Solutions, or the People?

BY MICHAEL NICHOLAS

The effects of climate change are not apportioned according to political borders. Hence, it’s self-evident that environ- mental planning should not stop at county, state, or country lines. Many large-scale attempts at regional cooperation have either been proposed or implemented, but as the climate crisis becomes more urgent, it is important to interrogate whether or not these plans actually address those most vulnerable to the crisis. For the purposes of this paper, I will be comparing the goals and effects of The Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, which has facilitated a “cap-and-trade” regulation of carbon emission among 10 northeastern US states, with the increasing need for buyout programs among coastal communities within some of those states directly affected by sea level rise. This juxtaposition is meant to raise the question of not why we are planning regionally, but for whom we are planning. Although there is no question that there is a desperate need to reduce emissions, carbon trading as a method of incentivizing it has shown to be ineffective on the scale needed to meaningfully mitigate carbon pollution. While its supporters claim that it may ameliorate the worst excesses of the region’s top emitters, it ultimately serves the interests of those same emitters, and not those who will first feel the effects of climate change. In planning for the future it is important to not only reduce the causes, but also provide adaptive solutions for the effects. Page 26 URBAN REVIEW

“Although there is no question that there is a desperate need to reduce emissions, carbon trading as a method of incentivizing it has shown to be ineffective on the scale needed to meaningfully mitigate carbon pollution.”

‘Cap-and-trade’ is a system by which about a half of total post-2009 emis- rather than venting it into the air, these carbon-emitting companies have a sions in the region are directly due to factories - most of which produce gases set cap on the amount of greenhouse the RGGI128. This study brings up used for air conditioning and cooling gases they can emit, and furthermore, other causes that are not usually men- – have generated millions of dollars in they can buy and sell these allowances tioned alongside the supposed successes emissions credits every year.” By the on a trading market. The logic be- of cap-and-trade programs such as monetization of emissions credits she hind cap-and-trade programs is that the recession, other environmental adds that, “in some cases, companies a quantifiable cost can be placed on programs, and the drop in natural can earn twice as much by destroying the ecological consequences of emis- gas prices. Other studies have even an unintentional by-product as they sions. Proponents argue that mar- showed that the generous attribution can from making their primary prod- ket-based mechanisms are the best of emission reduction to the RGGI uct.”130 It’s actually possible to profit way to reducing emissions, because of in such studies is further overestimat- as a emitter from reducing emissions the cost of exceeding the cap suppos- ed because it fails to take “leakage” and selling off your allowances. While edly provides disincentive to pollute. of emitters into areas outside of the supporters of the RGGI love to bring Founded in 2009, the Regional Green- region into account,129 which brings up up how income has been generated house Gas Initiative (RGGI) was the a larger point about the effectiveness of for the member states, the potential first of such market based cap-and- market-based programs on the regional for new private profit through systemic trade programs to be mandatory in scale. Secondly, the Acadia Center blog loopholes is rarely brought up. In fact, the United States127. In the RGGI, post noted that “with annual emissions Klein concludes that not only has this carbon allowances are first auctioned falling below the RGGI cap in each of type of regulation generated a new off in quarterly allowance auctions, the program’s first eight years, there industry, but it has also actively pre- and then are able to be traded on the is an excess of allowances in circula- vented other more effective measures secondary market. By putting a price tion, leading to low allowance prices.” from materializing. In her analysis on carbon emissions, the initiative If one is to judge such a supply-side of green organizations’ participation intends to use the money generated on intervention by its own standards, the in the United States Climate Action the primary auction market to offset low demand for allowances would Partnership (USCAP), a similarly mar- the consequences that these emissions suggest an inefficiency in the system ket-based solution to climate change, will generate by being released into the that would not be able to achieve any she concludes, “They chose a stun- atmosphere. desired effect. ningly convoluted approach to tackling climate change, one that would have Reports have extolled the benefits of In a larger critique of market-based blocked far more effective strategies, the RGGI with data showing reduc- climate change interventions, Naomi specifically because it was more appeal- tions in overall emissions in participat- Klein dissects the motives and impacts ing big emitters”.131 ing states. However, there are a few of cap-and-trade programs in her 2014 discrepancies within such reports that book, This Changes Everything. As an ex- Other equity assessments have been contest RGGI’s success. A cheerleading ample of the failures of the system, she very critical of cap-and-trade pro- Acadia Center blog post reports the notes the examples of coolant factories grams. In a USC study of the Califor- data that shows declining emissions, in India and China: “By installing nia Global Warming Solutions Act132, but has a few caveats. Firstly, it cites a relatively inexpensive equipment to de- a cap-and-trade emissions program in Duke study that concluded that only stroy the [greenhouse gas HFC-23]… California, shared the alarming find- FALL 2018 Page 27

ings that in-state GHG emissions have under increasingly severe global condi- “One of the biggest concerns was that increased, on average, among several tions, certain people will be left behind the land was going to be redeveloped, industry sectors since the advent of as the wealthiest nations and people it was a lower middle class neighbor- cap-and-trade. In particular, the elec- are in the “armed lifeboat”, an exclu- hood, and everybody was pretty much trical industry GHG reductions were sionary resilience for a few. To combat at the same level of wealth, or lack of largely due to reductions in imported inequalities on the regional scale, the wealth. If their homes were going to be electricity (and in the GHG-intensity special should be of primary concern. given to a rich person, or if they were of those imports) while in-state GHG The highest priority should be helping going to be knocked down so that some emissions actually rose. those who are immediately vulnerable. developer could build a mansion or a luxury condo, they were not leaving.”136 This is another example of how on a One policy solution that can have a regional scale, the net emissions reduc- direct impact in improving the resilien- Fortunately, in this specific case, tion may not be actually improving cy of poor communities on the coast- funding for buyouts from the Hazard under a market-based system because line is managed retreat. Managed retreat Mitigation Grant Program prohibits energy (and the emissions it comes involves the permanent evacuation of further development on the land to be with) does not necessarily have to be coastal zones that place residents of the retreated from leaving it to be open produced within the boundaries of the area at risk due to flooding or storm space forever on. program. Additionally, the same study surge – often compounded by sea level raises concerns of climate justice: “The rise. According to a spokesperson for Despite the relative success of the neighborhoods near the top-emitting the New York State Governor’s Office Oakville buyout, it is important to note facilities that increased emissions were of Storm Recovery: that this particular buyout was both poorer and had a higher share of peo- a direct reaction to damage sustained ple of color than neighborhoods near “Managed retreat is the strategy that by Hurricane Sandy, and extensive top-emitting facilities that decreased most effectively mitigates the risk of organizing on the part of the commu- their emissions.” Within these pro- catastrophic flooding, By removing nity, which is not a model that can be grams it seems clear that the benefi- man-made impediments and restoring replicated everywhere. Certain other ciaries are not the residents, who are the wetlands, we are recreating the best factors compound complications with exposed to emissions. coastal buffer that nature can offer. the combination of federal and state This is all the more important in the level coordination. In New York, Issues of climate justice – the unequal face of imminent sea level rise and the concerns about home values of the ways that climate change-related risks new reality of increasingly frequent surrounding region limited the appli- threaten marginalized communities – storms.”134 a spokesperson for the New cation of buyout programs to where are obviously not attributed to cap- York State Governor’s Office of Storm desired participation rate was at or and-trade programs alone. However, Recovery commented for a story in The near 100%137. Also while working at the inequities created by regional pro- Nation.135 the state or city level, municipalities are grams such as these are consistent with often reluctant to pursue retreat pro- larger analyses of climate inequities. However, relocating residents from grams because it their lowers tax base. Christian Parenti offers a framework their homes can be complicated. A As CUNY professor Ashley Dawson through which to view these issues resident of Oakwood Beach, NY, a wrote in his book Extreme Cities, “The of climate justice in his book Tropic community that has undergone buyout name of New York City’s post-Sandy of Chaos - the “politics of the armed programs in recent, expressed one of recovery program – Build it Back – lifeboat”133. In his investigation, Parenti the main concerns about leaving in an clearly states the dominant position on noted how climate change affects article in The New Republic, coastal retreat.138 geography asymmetrically. That is, that

“...the inequities created by regional programs such as these are consistent with larger analyses of climate inequities.” Page 28 URBAN REVIEW

Managed retreat is a specific inter- A report by the Lincoln Land Institute framework of the existing state and vention in which regional cooperation in conjunction with RPA titled “Buy federal avenues, which is a real need. should be implemented to help people in for Buy-Outs examines some of in instances local government is largely the successful elements of the existing If environmental planning is to be unable to deal with. For every success relocation programs. Two buyout pro- done at the regional scale, it has to be like the Oakville buyout, there are grams it focuses on in the NY Metro used to address the spatial inequalities numerous other communities across area are the New York Rising Buyout caused by climate change. Regional the country that are unable to obtain and Acquisition Programs (NY Rising) programs like cap-and-trade allow the the same funding or cooperation. – which handled the Oakville Beach carbon sector to grow without either For example in the planned retreat buyout and The New Jersey Blue addressing root causes of climate of Newtok, Alaska, case studies have Acres Program. Elements of both add change or protecting those who are shown that, “Even with community semi-regional elements of planning most vulnerable. Instead limits to willingness and some federal support, to alleviate pressure of dealing with carbon emissions should be naturally the lack of clear pathways, guidance, retreat programs for municipalities. “A be federal and mandated, since the or a federal mandate has stymied notable aspect of the NY Rising Pro- impact of emissions is not regionally implementation of the relocation gram is that the 25 percent nonfederal determined and regional market based effort.”139 In this case federal funding match normally passed on to individ- emissions solutions have be shown to was not available to this community ual municipalities is paid at the state be of dubious effectiveness. With the because they were not affected by a level, thereby reducing the burden of comparison of the non-effect of the specific disaster, even though the slow buyout participation on local municipal RGGI and the potential opportunity erosion of the area will eventually ren- finances. This helps to make buyouts for successful regional planning for der the area uninhabitable. In a paper more financially viable for municipal- coastal retreat, it is clear that regional published in Nature Climate Change, an ities, since they need to accommodate planning efforts would be more effec- analysis of 27 cases of strategic retreat only the loss in tax revenue.” (pg. tive if focused on developing adapta- further concluded that the cooperation 28)141 It isn’t impossible to fathom that tion measures to protect those who will and agreement between residents and instead of resources being put into a most immediately feel the effects of governments was the most important regional greenhouse gas body, a coastal climate change. ◊ factor in successful relocation.140 risk body could exist to directly address populations in need outside of the FALL 2018 Page 29 Off the Grid:Neighborhood-scale Resilient Power for All New Yorkers

BY PRIYA MULGAONKAR

As climate change progresses, New York must confront its continued reliance on polluting, fossil-fuel generated infrastruc- ture. America’s first ever electricity generation and distribution infrastructure is decaying, and NYC’s grid is increasing- ly vulnerable to disruption from climate change and increasing peak demand. Residents who live in close proximity to electricity generation infrastructure face the highest consequences of diesel-and gas-generated power plants, including pollution that impacts public health and contributes to the greenhouse gas effect. Community-scale microgrids can ad- dress long-standing inequities faced by low-income communities and communities of color while creating investment in economically-sound, climate-resilient, and environmentally sustainable sources of power generation to ease the strained existing grid. Page 30 URBAN REVIEW

once these plants are decommissioned, there are currently not enough proj- ects in development to replace this lost energy supply, threatening a potential energy shortage as early as 2021.151

Additionally, New York City’s elec- tricity generation and distribution infrastructure is highly vulnerable to storm surge and flooding (Fig 1). Risks associated with flooding are assessed using FEMAs definition of a 100-year floodplain, which estimated to have a 1% chance of flooding annually152. 88 percent of the city’s steam generating capacity, 53 percent of incity electric generation capacity, 37 percent of transmission substation capacity, and 12 percent of large distribution sub- station capacity lie within the 100- 153 Map 1: Vulnerability of New York City’s year floodplain. As climate change Electrical Generation to Storms progresses, sea level rise projections show that these numbers could grow to 97 percent of in-city electric generation capacity, 63 percent of transmission Peak demand, the maximum rate of peak load within Con Edison’s service substation capacity, and 18 percent of consumption from the centralized elec- territory in NYC and Westchester large distribution substation capacity.154 tricity grid, places additional strain on County approaches 14 GW of demand this aging infrastructure and becomes in the summer months – roughly a Since Superstorm Sandy in 2012, Con increasingly costly to meet. In New quarter of the peak demand for the Edison has spent nearly $1 billion to York, the rate of energy consump- entire state of California.146 New York raise, waterproof or wall off vulnerable tion reaches its maximum during hot City’s peak demand has consequenc- equipment to separate distribution net- summer months, when air conditioners es for the rest of the state. New York works to allow for remote shutoff when are blasting across the five boroughs City consumes 60 percent of the state floodwaters rise.155,156 and additional power generation from energy supply, yet only generates 40 “peaker” plants is required. Despite percent, requiring massive transmission New York’s outdated approach to ad- gains in energy efficiency, peak demand infrastructure which, like the rest of the dressing peak demand has consequenc- continues to climb even as the city’s en- energy system, is declining rapidly. 147 es beyond high costs and unreliability. ergy demand is declining overall.142,143 Nearly half of New York’s electricity Peak demand may only comprise 15 Within the next five years, 30 percent supply is derived from fuel oil or natu- percent of total annual demand and of the city’s steam and combustion ral gas burning turbines, both of which take up about 7 days of the year, yet turbines will exceed retirement age, have negative impacts on public health it can cost customers up to $840 per accounting for 2,860 megawatts (MW) and the climate. Fossil fuel-generated kW annually.144 According the State in lost energy supply– roughly ¼ of the power plants are a major source of estimates, reducing peak demand by its energy NYC consumes at peak demand carbon dioxide (CO ), a major driver top 100 hours could reduce electricity in summer months.148,149 In 2015, the 2 of climate change; electricity use alone costs by $1.7 billion annually.145 State estimated that over $30 billion is accounted for 25.6 percent of NYC’s required to upgrade New York’s aging greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions in Peak demand is of particular concern electric transmission and distribution 2015157. Dirty power generation also in New York City, one of the most en- infrastructure – and that investment produces health-hazardous compounds ergy-intensive cities in the world, and would only meet current energy demand including sulfur dioxide (SO ), nitrogen is only worsening as time goes on. The projections.150 To make matters worse, 2 oxides (NOx), fine particulate matter FALL 2018 Page 31

(PM2.5), polycyclic aromatic hydro- causing power outages at 400 build- Renewable-generated microgrids may carbons (PAHs), and volatile organic ings (comprising 35,000 units) and also contribute to climate resiliency by compounds (VOCs).158 leaving 386 buildings without heat and helping decentralize the power system; hot water for several days164. Tens of in the event of a severe weather event, Exposure to air pollutants from energy millions of gallons of water had to be this creates redundancies that can generation are linked with increased pumped from electrical and gas meter potentially allow for separation from risks of respiratory diseases, including rooms, boiler rooms and other critical the grid and supply of energy until the asthma; cardiovascular diseases; and infrastructure as contaminated water main grid is operational.171 Microgrids potentially central nervous system dis- infiltrated basements and destroyed can also increase the resiliency of the eases and pregnancy complications.159 boilers, electrical panels, and under- energy system as a whole, by allowing 165 NOx pollution alone costs NYC an esti- ground electrical conduits . All in all, for critical facilities included in the sys- mated $62 million annually.160 Despite Sandy caused over $3 billion in dam- tem to “island” during times of emer- the city’s best efforts, current strategies age to NYCHA properties alone.166 An gency, or even when the grid is strained 172 employed to limit NOx emissions from analysis of FEMA registrants that took during peak demand. aging peaker plants may have little place just a year after Sandy hit re- benefit.161 A secondary pollutant, ozone vealed that of the 500,000 households If sited with equity in mind, microgrids occurs when NOx and VOCs react in that registered for FEMA assistance, 68 can help address the specific vulner- the presence of sunlight. Ozone pollu- percent were low-income. In New York abilities of low-income communities, tion alone is linked with 400 premature City, 52 percent of renters who applied communities of color, and heat vulner- deaths, 850 asthma hospitalizations, for assistance were people of color.167 able neighborhoods. By providing pow- and 500 asthma-related visits to the er to critical facilities (hospitals, elder emergency room asthma every year.162 Given the multiple and compounding care facilities, etc.) during an emergen- risks posed by climate change, interven- cy, microgrids can protect vulnerable Communities of color face the brunt tions that increase resiliency in com- populations like hospital patients, elder- of the consequences of these emissions. munities most vulnerable to climate ly citizens and low income residents Not surprisingly, the most pollut- impacts should be prioritized. One that may not be able to evacuate an ing peaker power plants are sited in such solution is to bring power off the area until the power is restored. historically overburdened communi- grid entirely – and into the hands of ties – low-income communities and communities that have long dealt with The magnitude of the benefits would communities of color living near heavy environmental racism. depend on the scaling up of micro- and light manufacturing zones. Across grids across the city. Microgrids can the US, African-American children are A microgrid consists of interconnected significantly reduce a community’s 4 times more likely to be hospitalized loads and distributed energy resources carbon footprint. For example, NYU’s for asthma-related symptoms, and over within specific electrical boundaries, microgrid saves an estimated 44,000 7 times more likely to die from asthma and can connect or separate from tons per year of CO2 emissions; NY than white children; Hispanic com- the main electrical grid.168 They can Presbyterian Hospital cuts 27,000 tons munities are 60 percent more likely to enhance grid reliability by more effec- per year; and Cornell’s microgrid cuts visit the hospital for asthma compared tively balancing supply and demand down 50,000 tons per year.173 to non-Hispanic whites163. These same of energy using high-tech approaches, communities often deal with multiple including — smart meters, demand To maximize the environmental and environmental burdens, including response, and energy storage.169Many climate benefits of microgrid technol- highways, waste facilities, and a lack of microgrids use renewable and clean ogy, less polluting renewable energy open space. energy resources, energy storage, tech- should be prioritized to power these nology to rapidly isolate from the main microgrids. And to truly achieve an The same communities at most risk grid, and the real-time control sys- equitable transition to a renewable of pollution-related illness are also tems.170 All in all, microgrids are part energy economy, climate-vulnerable face disproportionate risks to climate of a systems-wide approach to reduce neighborhoods, environmental justice change impacts such as storm surge reliance on centralized, inefficient, and communities, and low-income people and extreme heat. Superstorm San- costly generation and transmission should be prioritized for the siting of dy’s devastation in New York was not infrastructure. microgrids. ◊ evenly felt; storm surge affected 10 percent of NYCHA’s developments, Page 32 URBAN REVIEW Looking Back: Freeway Development & Displacement in Los Angeles BY LEXIE KOROL

Freeways and the automobile have strongly shaped the way Los Angelenos live, work, and commute. Yet the development of the Southern California freeway system has a history of displacement and large-scale urban clearance in which these freeways segregated land use by creating physical barricades throughout the region.174 This is especially true of the east side of the city, where today six freeways create a concrete barrier separating these communities from Downtown and West Los Angeles. Through a housing shortage, federal housing policies, redlining, and restrictive covenants, the Mexi- can-American community in Los Angeles was pushed to live and forced to stay in the neighborhoods of East Los Angeles, unable to move elsewhere while other immigrant groups fled. As six freeways were constructed in East L.A., no freeways were built in white, more affluent parts of the city such as Beverly Hills due to successful revolts and protests in these areas. East Los Angeles neighborhoods did not hold the power or wealth to resist freeways overwhelming their side of the city, and the repercussions of this are still visible today. FALL 2018 Page 33

Los Angeles has not always been con- lived through a history of displacement rating system with the letters A, B, C, sidered the automobile mecca of the and relocation throughout the city. and D to grade each neighborhood United States; it was first developed as During the 1920s and 1930s, a new based on if it was “dense, mixed, or ag- a sprawled, decentralized city because Civic Center and Union Station were ing”.187 Lower graded neighborhoods, of the streetcar.175 This rail system, being developed in Downtown Los typically ones with a large minority known as the Pacific Electric (PE) Angeles which resulted in increased population, were seen as undesirable. Railway, was the main source of trans- property values in the area. These Banks used these appraisal grades portation for residents between 1880 new developments created a housing when analyzing risks in lending money and 1930.176 It allowed communities to affordability issue and caused many for loans and mortgages on houses.188 develop outside of the downtown cen- immigrant communities, predomi- This practice, called redlining, forced tral district of Los Angeles, reaching nantly Mexican and Chinese families minority communities to reside in other cities throughout the region such who had previously resided around certain, low-graded neighborhoods as as Long Beach, Watts, Venice, Santa Downtown, to flee to East Los Ange- they were unable to purchase homes to Monica, Hollywood, and Glendale.177 les in search of cheaper rents.182 This move elsewhere.189 The Federal Hous- displacement shaped Boyle Heights ing Authority (FHA), established with However with the rise of the auto- and other neighborhoods in East Los the National Housing Act in 1934, mobile in the 1920s and the following Angeles to be historically diverse and also had an impact on homeownership decades, the PE streetcar slowly di- well-known for their racial and ethnic and decentralization throughout the minished. Goodyear Tire and Rubber diversity, with a long history of work- United States.190 The FHA streamlined Company, Union Oil, the Southern ing-class activism.183 East Los Angeles loan procedures, eliminated second California Rock and Gravel Company, had become a “port of entry” for many mortgages, and lowered interest rates, and several other business interests en- immigrant groups coming to the Unit- making home-buying easier and more couraged the expansion of the automo- ed States.184 Previous to World War accessible.191 bile as Southern California’s primary II, Boyle Heights was home to a large mode of transportation.178 Beginning number of Jewish, Japanese-American, As the impacts of the HOLC and with the Great Depression in 1929 Mexican-American, African-American, FHA policies set in, more families as economic growth declined, the PE and European immigrants, earning were able to purchase homes and streetcar was slowly pushed out as the the name “Ellis Island of the West move out to further suburbs, leaving automobile took over.179 By 1937, a re- Coast”.185 many immigrant and minority groups port released by the Automobile Club in the inner cities. East Los Angeles of Southern California was first to pro- An Overview of the Federal immigrant communities were severely pose an expansive freeway system plan Housing Policies affected by the housing shortage. The along with announcing the automobile effects of the FHA and HOLC hous- as the primary mode of transportation In the years following the Great ing policies limited their ability to buy in Southern California.180 The region’s Depression and World War II, several homes, especially in white communi- departure from the streetcar as the federal housing policies under Presi- ties because of multiple exclusionary main transportation mode set Los An- dent Franklin Delano Roosevelt shaped policies.192 Restrictive covenants, racial geles’ heavy and long-lasting addiction how and where Americans chose segregation, and redlining practices all to the automobile in motion. to live. These policies incentivized discouraged Mexican-Americans and home-ownership and subsequently the other minority and immigrant groups L.A. Demographics in the 20th decentralization of cities, eventually from purchasing homes in certain Century creating a nationwide urban crisis. In neighborhoods, leaving them to reside 1933, President Roosevelt signed into in areas such as Boyle Heights in East Los Angeles has long been represented law the Home Owners Loan Corpo- Los Angeles. Boyle Heights was a spe- as a multi-ethnic and diverse city, and ration (HOLC), creating a national cifically redlined neighborhood, which today East Los Angeles is home to the policy with the intent to save home- the HOLC described as “thoroughly second largest concentration of a Mex- owners from foreclosure and protect blighted and thereby accorded a low ican-origin population worldwide.181 homeownership.186 Appraisers under D grade.”193 The loosening of the Yet, Mexican-Americans as well as the HOLC policy divided neighbor- racially restrictive housing covenants other immigrant communities have hoods into sections and developed a and redlining policies allowed Jewish Page 34 URBAN REVIEW

and other European immigrants, now trailers or were forced to relocate their opment in their neighborhoods. In classified as a “type of white,” to move homes.200 The state claimed this was contrast, predominantly white and away to more affluent, white neighbor- their “best effort to route the [Santa affluent neighborhoods such as Beverly hoods in the western suburbs of Los Ana] freeway with the least amount of Hills were able to organize successfully Angeles.194 The exodus of these immi- disturbance,” although it obviously dis- and halt development because their grant communities left Boyle Heights rupted hundreds of families residing in constituents had more resources and and other neighborhoods in East Los the area.201 There were clear connec- power in their communities. Often, Angeles predominantly Mexican with tions being made between the blighted these protests were lead by newspaper the poorest concentration of housing in and redlined neighborhoods and where editors, city councilmen, state assem- the country.195 By the 1950’s, most eth- freeway construction was occuring blymen and other leaders in the com- nic white minority groups had moved in East Los Angeles.202 Nationwide munity, while members of the public away to other parts of Los Angeles, between 1956 and 1966 approximately also organized meetings, protests, and causing the neighborhoods of East Los 37,000 housing units were destroyed petitions.207 Angeles to no longer be the diverse by highway construction per year.203 areas they had been in past decades.196 By 1958 highway funding was the This trend continued until 1953 which largest source of federal aid to states marked the first formal protest of free- Housing and Highway Policies nationwide,204 which only increased way development in East Los Angeles Collide decentralization in cities and America’s against the Golden State 5 Freeway.208 prioritization of the automobile.205 As Multiple groups such as the Brooklyn Simultaneously as Mexican-Ameri- highway construction brought jobs and Avenue Business Men’s Association, the can families were forced to reside in created a more prosperous economy Eastside Citizen Committee Against neighborhoods of East Los Angeles, across the country, in Los Angeles it the Freeway, and the Anti-Golden State these areas were planned for free- also created destruction and built literal Freeway Committee, along with a few way development.197 In Southern barriers between the low-income and community-elected officials, organized California, the wartime migration minority neighborhoods of East Los and supported rallies, protests, and following World War II resulted in a Angeles and the more affluent West meetings.209 Some support also came higher demand for more and better Los Angeles and Downtown area. from the Jewish community who had highways as a response to economic previously called East Los Angeles expansion and population density. Responses to the Freeway: Pro- home. In 1957 near the end of the The Joint Fact Finding Committee tests and Resignations Jewish exodus from Boyle Heights, on Highways, Streets, and Bridges, Joseph Kovner, an editor of the Eastside formed as a response to the grow- As the racial demographics of East Sun newspaper and a board member ing demand for freeways, passed the Los Angeles changed with the exodus of the Eastside Jewish Community Collier Burns Highway Act in 1947.198 of white families to the suburbs, these Center, spoke out about the freeway This new piece of legislation severely neighborhoods were left as seeming- developments asking, “how do you stop increased freeway construction in Los ly weak and easy targets for multiple the freeways from continuing to butch- Angeles and “inaugurated the city’s urban renewal projects. Social reform- er our towns?”210 Yet, these protests age of the freeway.”199 Even with the ers at the time “identified virtually severely lacked in scale and drama, and housing shortage threatening certain every working-class neighborhood near despite these efforts all proposed free- Los Angeles neighborhoods, freeway downtown and the Los Angeles River ways were constructed through East construction became the superior issue as a target for rehabilitation.”206 Also, Los Angeles.211 over saving homes from destruction, because of the poor, working-class leaving many families with nowhere to communities that resided in Boyle Construction of freeways throughout go. In 1948, 210 families were moved Heights and other neighborhoods, Los Angeles lasted from 1944 up until by the State of California and the City officials did not see them as a threat 1972.212 Boyle Heights and other East of Los Angeles to federally owned to protest against the freeway devel- Los Angeles neighborhoods had low

“Even with the housing shortage threatening certain Los Angeles neighborhoods, freeway construction became the superior issue over saving homes from destruction, leaving many families with nowhere to go. FALL 2018 Page 35

property values which were easier set of the originally planned freeways not ing cancer and other deadly diseas- for destruction than other industrial- built were meant to run through pre- es.228 Rightly so, East L.A. has been ized and wealthier areas of the city.213 dominantly white neighborhoods, such named one of the state’s most polluted Also, because of the large immigrant, as the case in Beverly Hills.221 communities, raising the question of non-English speaking Mexican com- environmental justice.229 munities in these areas, many families In East Los Angeles the freeways cre- did not want trouble and instead al- ated actual concrete barriers between Overall during the decades of freeway lotted to “play by the rules [of Ameri- neighborhoods, isolating low-income construction throughout Los Ange- ca]: to speak English, encourage their communities from the rest of the les, 527 miles of freeways were built children to succeed in school, obey the city. Freeways running through Boyle resulting in the displacement of over law, and avoid its discipline”.214 Heights and the rest of East Los a quarter-million people.230 Led by the Angeles became a source of identity Division of Highways, the construc- Construction and Aftermath for the Mexican-American communi- tion of the entire Los Angeles freeway ty living here as they dominated the system during this time period marked The Urban Land Institute (ULI), a landscape.222 Jane Jacobs argued that the largest public works project in the national organization for real estate de- building highways and expressways history of the city.231 Although protests velopers, entrepreneurs, and builders, through cities create what she called did occur as a response to the develop- released recommendations for cities “border vacuums” that separate public, ment of the freeway system, they were to coordinate highway construction social space throughout neighbor- widely unsuccessful and did not stop with slum clearance, which Los An- hoods, impeding their ability to grow.223 the freeways from barraging through geles followed as they developed their This is exactly what occurred in East the neighborhoods of East Los Ange- freeway system.215 Schools, churches, Los Angeles with the development of les. Only one example of a successful and most notably Hollenbeck Park in the East L.A. Interchange that resulted freeway revolt exists in Los Angeles and Boyle Heights were not spared by the in segregating the area from the rest it occurred in the very wealthy, pre- construction of Los Angeles freeways, of Los Angeles. Looking back at the dominantly white city of Beverly Hills. even though the Division of Highways 1958 Master Plan of Freeways, the The struggle of Mexican-Americans held a rule that “parks should be avoid- monstrous interchange is actually three to fight freeway development in their ed whenever possible”216 and freeways times bigger than had been originally neighborhoods in East Los Angeles should be in the “most direct and prac- planned, and covers over 135 acres of represents a class divide, while the tical location.”217 There is no clear de- land.224 The East Los Angeles Inter- barriers created by freeways represents sign reason found as to why one of the change has been granted the nickname a literal divide. Some would argue that nation’s largest freeway interchanges of the “Spaghetti Bowl” as it represents with the expansion of the automobile, was constructed through East Los An- such a massive tangle of freeways.225 the construction of the freeways in Los geles instead of in northern or western Being surrounded by freeways and au- Angeles was a symbol of progression parts of the city other than the fact that tomobiles has lead to many health and because at the time the city was se- land was much cheaper, people were respiratory issues for the population of verely lacking in an integrated freeway easier to displace, and less political East L.A.226 A 2003 study conducted system after the fall of the streetcar. backlash would take place in East Los by the California Air Resource Board Yet, the negative ramifications of Angeles.218 These neighborhoods were concluded that children who attend the Southern California’s dependence on unnecessarily destroyed while in other Soto Street Elementary School, which the automobile and the construction parts of the city freeways were rerouted is located right next to the East Los of the freeways have been severe, with around large landmarks, such as the Angeles Interchange in Boyle Heights, no end to this dangerous addiction in Hollywood Bowl and the Hollywood were breathing in some of the United sight. In the years following the con- Presbyterian Church, in order to avoid State’s highest levels of microscopic struction of the Los Angeles freeway destruction.219 From the 1958 Master pollutants found in the air, which in system, the city had been promoted as Plan for Los Angeles Freeways, only turn could cause respiratory, cardiac, the “ultimate suburban metropolis”, sixty-one percent of originally planned and other serious illnesses.227 Research- often being celebrated for its decentral- freeways were built throughout the en- ers also found there to be a higher ized urban landscape.232 The matter tire Los Angeles area, while one-hun- carcinogenic risk for populations living of this reputation and idea of progress “Even with the housing shortage threatening certain Los Angeles dred percent of all planned freeways near freeways, increasing East Los being for better or for worse is still up neighborhoods, freeway construction became the superior issue over were built in East Los Angeles.220 Many Angeles residents’ chance of develop- for discussion. ◊ saving homes from destruction, leaving many families with nowhere to go. Page 36 URBAN REVIEW

Endnotes 22 Audirac, I. (2008). “Accessing Transit as Universal Design.” 1 Norton, P. D. (2008). “Introduction: What are streets for?” Journal of Planning Literature, 23(1), 4-16. In Fighting traffic: the dawn of the motor age in the American city. MIT 23 Id. Press. 1-17. 24 Hwangbo, Hwan, Kim, Jiyeon, Kim, Sunwoong, & Ji, Yong 2 Id. Gu. (2015). “Toward Universal Design in Public Transportation Systems: 3 Santos, G., Behrendt, H., Maconi, L., Shirvani, T., & Teytel- An Analysis of Low‐Floor Bus Passenger Behavior with Video Obser- boym, A. (2010). “Part I: Externalities and economic policies in road vations.” Human Factors and Ergonomics in Manufacturing & Service transport.” Research in Transportation Economics, 28(1), 2-45. Industries, 25(2), 183-197. 4 Vasconcellos, E. (1997). “The demand for cars in developing 25 Deka, D. (2004). “Social and Environmental justice Issues in countries.” Transportation Research Part A. 31(3), 245-257. Urban Transportation.” In Hanson, S., &Giuliano, G. (Eds.). (2004). The geography of urban transportation. Guilford Press. 5 Norton, P. D. (2008). “Introduction: What are streets for?” In Fighting traffic: the dawn of the motor age in the American city. MIT 26 Lid, Inger Marie. (2016). “Implementing universal design Press. 1-17. in a Norwegian context: Balancing core values and practical priorities.” Disability Studies Quarterly, 36(2). 1-19. 6 Audirac, I. (2008). “Accessing Transit as Universal Design.” Journal of Planning Literature, 23(1), 4-16. 27 Eksioğlu, M. (2016). “User Experience Design of a Prototype Kiosk: A Case for the Istanbul Public Transportation System.” Interna- 7 Lo, R. H. (2011). “Walkability Planning in Jakarta.” UC tional Journal of Human-Computer Interaction, 32(10), 802-813. Berkeley. ProQuest ID: Lo_berkeley_0028E_11844. Merritt ID: ark:/13030/m5x92g80. Retrieved from https://escholarship.org/uc/ 28 Meshur, H. Filiz Alkan (2014). “Accessibility for People with item/6w98f88x Disabilities in Urban Spaces: A Case Study of Ankara, Turkey.” Arch- net-IJAR, 7(2), 43-60. 8 Meshur, H. Filiz Alkan (2014). “Accessibility for People with Disabilities in Urban Spaces: A Case Study of Ankara, Turkey.” Arch- 29 Lo, R. H. (2011). “Walkability Planning in Jakarta.” UC net-IJAR, 7(2), 43-60. Berkeley. ProQuest ID: Lo_berkeley_0028E_11844. Merritt ID: ark:/13030/m5x92g80. Retrieved from https://escholarship.org/uc/ 9 Lid, Inger Marie. (2016). “Implementing universal design item/6w98f88x in a Norwegian context: Balancing core values and practical priorities.” Disability Studies Quarterly, 36(2). 1-19. 30 Hwangbo, Hwan, Kim, Jiyeon, Kim, Sunwoong, & Ji, Yong Gu. (2015). “Toward Universal Design in Public Transportation Systems: 10 Meshur, H. Filiz Alkan (2014). “Accessibility for People with An Analysis of Low‐Floor Bus Passenger Behavior with Video Obser- Disabilities in Urban Spaces: A Case Study of Ankara, Turkey.” Arch- vations.” Human Factors and Ergonomics in Manufacturing & Service net-IJAR, 7(2), 43-60. Industries, 25(2), 183-197. 11 Hwangbo, Hwan, Kim, Jiyeon, Kim, Sunwoong, & Ji, Yong 31 Audirac, I. (2008). “Accessing Transit as Universal Design.” Gu. (2015). “Toward Universal Design in Public Transportation Systems: Journal of Planning Literature, 23(1), 4-16. An Analysis of Low‐Floor Bus Passenger Behavior with Video Obser- vations.” Human Factors and Ergonomics in Manufacturing & Service 32 Lid, Inger Marie. (2016). “Implementing universal design Industries, 25(2), 183-197. in a Norwegian context: Balancing core values and practical priorities.” Disability Studies Quarterly, 36(2). 1-19. 12 Audirac, I. (2008). “Accessing Transit as Universal Design.” Journal of Planning Literature, 23(1), 4-16. 33 Audirac, I. (2008). “Accessing Transit as Universal Design.” Journal of Planning Literature, 23(1), 4-16. 13 Lid, Inger Marie. (2016). “Implementing universal design in a Norwegian context: Balancing core values and practical priorities.” 34 Id. Disability Studies Quarterly, 36(2). 1-19. 35 Id. 14 Hwangbo, Hwan, Kim, Jiyeon, Kim, Sunwoong, & Ji, Yong 36 Lid, Inger Marie. (2016). “Implementing universal design Gu. (2015). “Toward Universal Design in Public Transportation Systems: in a Norwegian context: Balancing core values and practical priorities.” An Analysis of Low‐Floor Bus Passenger Behavior with Video Obser- Disability Studies Quarterly, 36(2). 1-19. vations.” Human Factors and Ergonomics in Manufacturing & Service 37 Id. Industries, 25(2), 183-197. 38 Id. 15 Lo, R. H. (2011). “Walkability Planning in Jakarta.” UC 39 Meshur, H. Filiz Alkan (2014). “Accessibility for People with Berkeley. ProQuest ID: Lo_berkeley_0028E_11844. Merritt ID: Disabilities in Urban Spaces: A Case Study of Ankara, Turkey.” Arch- ark:/13030/m5x92g80. Retrieved from https://escholarship.org/uc/ net-IJAR, 7(2), 43-60. item/6w98f88x 40 Lo, R. H. (2011). “Walkability Planning in Jakarta.” UC 16 Eksioğlu, M. (2016). “User Experience Design of a Prototype Berkeley. ProQuest ID: Lo_berkeley_0028E_11844. Merritt ID: Kiosk: A Case for the Istanbul Public Transportation System.” Interna- ark:/13030/m5x92g80. Retrieved from https://escholarship.org/uc/ tional Journal of Human-Computer Interaction, 32(10), 802-813. item/6w98f88x 17 Meshur, H. Filiz Alkan (2014). “Accessibility for People with 41 Uteng, T. (2007): “Social sustainability in the transport Disabilities in Urban Spaces: A Case Study of Ankara, Turkey.” Arch- sector: an essential an essential requisite for sustainable mobility.” Envi- net-IJAR, 7(2), 43-60. ronment and Sustainable Development 6(2), 113-131. 18 Hwangbo, Hwan, Kim, Jiyeon, Kim, Sunwoong, & Ji, Yong 42 Audirac, I. (2008). “Accessing Transit as Universal Design.” Gu. (2015). “Toward Universal Design in Public Transportation Systems: Journal of Planning Literature, 23(1), 4-16. An Analysis of Low‐Floor Bus Passenger Behavior with Video Obser- 43 Lo, R. H. (2011). “Walkability Planning in Jakarta.” UC vations.” Human Factors and Ergonomics in Manufacturing & Service Berkeley. ProQuest ID: Lo_berkeley_0028E_11844. Merritt ID: Industries, 25(2), 183-197. ark:/13030/m5x92g80. Retrieved from https://escholarship.org/uc/ 19 Audirac, I. (2008). “Accessing Transit as Universal Design.” item/6w98f88x Journal of Planning Literature, 23(1), 4-16. 44 Black, A. (1990). “The Chicago area transportation study: 20 Levine, Danise, ed (2003). Universal Design: New York. A case study of rational planning.” Journal of Planning Education and Buffalo, NY: Center for Inclusive Design and Environmental Access, Research, 10(1), 27-37. University at Buffalo, the State University of New York. 1-33. 45 Levine, Danise, ed (2003). Universal Design: New York. 21 Meshur, H. Filiz Alkan (2014). “Accessibility for People with Buffalo, NY: Center for Inclusive Design and Environmental Access, Disabilities in Urban Spaces: A Case Study of Ankara, Turkey.” Arch- University at Buffalo, the State University of New York. 1-33. net-IJAR, 7(2), 43-60. 46 Erin, Jane N. (2014). “Interdisciplinary planning and univer- FALL 2018 Page 37

sal design.” Journal of Visual Impairment & Blindness, 108(4), 341-342. 69 “About Us.” Bushwick City Farm. April 05, 2012. https:// 47 Black, A. (1990). “The Chicago area transportation study: bushwickcityfarm.wordpress.com/our-work/about-us/. A case study of rational planning.” Journal of Planning Education and 70 Rios, Michael. “Emplacing Democratic Design.” In Beyond Research, 10(1), 27-37. Zuccotti Park: Freedom of Assembly and the Occupation of Public 48 Meshur, H. Filiz Alkan (2014). “Accessibility for People with Space, edited by Ron Shiffman, 137,139. Oakland, CA: New Village Disabilities in Urban Spaces: A Case Study of Ankara, Turkey.” Arch- Press, 2012. net-IJAR, 7(2), 43-60. 71 Mitchell, Don. The Right to the City: Social Justice and the 49 Lo, R. H. (2011). “Walkability Planning in Jakarta.” UC Fight for Public Space. New York: Guilford Press, 2014. 18. Berkeley. ProQuest ID: Lo_berkeley_0028E_11844. Merritt ID: 72 Lefebvre, Henri. Le Droit à la Ville. Paris: Anthropos, 1968. ark:/13030/m5x92g80. Retrieved from https://escholarship.org/uc/ 174. item/6w98f88x 73 Mitchell, Don. The Right to the City: Social Justice and the 50 Audirac, I. (2008). “Accessing Transit as Universal Design.” Fight for Public Space. New York: Guilford Press, 2014. 18. Journal of Planning Literature, 23(1), 4-16. 74 Hou, Jeffrey. Insurgent Public Space: Guerrilla Urbanism 51 Meshur, H. Filiz Alkan (2014). “Accessibility for People with and the Remaking of Contemporary Cities. London: Routledge, 2010. Disabilities in Urban Spaces: A Case Study of Ankara, Turkey.” Arch- 91. net-IJAR, 7(2), 43-60. 52 Hwangbo, Hwan, Kim, Jiyeon, Kim, Sunwoong, & Ji, Yong 75 Don Mitchell, The Right to the City: Social Justice and the Gu. (2015). “Toward Universal Design in Public Transportation Systems: Fight for Public Space. (New York: The Guilford Press, 2003), 130. An Analysis of Low‐Floor Bus Passenger Behavior with Video Obser- 76 Mitchell, Right to the City, 24. vations.” Human Factors and Ergonomics in Manufacturing & Service Industries, 25(2), 183-197. 77 Ibid, 17. 53 Levine, Danise, ed (2003). Universal Design: New York. 78 Ibid, 35-36. Buffalo, NY: Center for Inclusive Design and Environmental Access, 79 Jeffery Hou, “Making Public, Beyond Public Space,” in Be- University at Buffalo, the State University of New York. 1-33. yond Zuccotti Park: Freedom of Assembly and the Occupation of Public 54 Meshur, H. Filiz Alkan (2014). “Accessibility for People with Space, edited by Ron Shiffman et al. (Oakland, CA: New Village Press, Disabilities in Urban Spaces: A Case Study of Ankara, Turkey.” Arch- 2012), 91. net-IJAR, 7(2), 43-60. 80 Ibid, 92. 55 Id. 81 Ibid, 92. 56 Id. 82 Anusha Kedhar, “Choreography and Gesture Play an 57 Eksioğlu, M. (2016). “User Experience Design of a Prototype Important Role in Protests.” New York Times, December 15, 2014. Kiosk: A Case for the Istanbul Public Transportation System.” Interna- Accessed December 3, 2017. https://www.nytimes.com/roomforde- tional Journal of Human-Computer Interaction, 32(10), 802-813. bate/2014/12/15/what-does-the-style-of-a-protest-say-about-a-move- ment/choreography-and-gesture-play-an-important-role-in-protests 58 Audirac, I. (2008). “Accessing Transit as Universal Design.” Journal of Planning Literature, 23(1), 4-16. 83 Ibid. 59 Hwangbo, Hwan, Kim, Jiyeon, Kim, Sunwoong, & Ji, Yong 84 Makeda Easter and Steve Saldivar, “These L.A. Dancers are Gu. (2015). “Toward Universal Design in Public Transportation Systems: Changing the Way People Protest.” Los Angeles Times, December 3, An Analysis of Low‐Floor Bus Passenger Behavior with Video Obser- 2017. Accessed December 1, 2017. http://www.latimes.com/la-et-cm- vations.” Human Factors and Ergonomics in Manufacturing & Service street-dance-activism-20170420-story.html Industries, 25(2), 183-197. 85 Maria Polletta. “Black Lives Matter Organizer Brings Street- 60 Id. Dance Activism to Phoenix.” AZ Central, September 21, 2017. Accessed December 3, 2017. https://www.azcentral.com/story/news/local/ 61 Perkins Eastman. “The Green Line: New York, New York.” phoenix/2017/09/21/black-lives-matter-organizer-brings-street-dance- Sec: Projects. N.d. http://www.perkinseastman.com/project_3432199_ activism-phoenix/683405001/ the_green_line 86 Ibim. 62 Lo, R. H. (2011). “Walkability Planning in Jakarta.” UC Berkeley. ProQuest ID: Lo_berkeley_0028E_11844. Merritt ID: 87 Torres, Luis. “Video: Community Organizer Leads a ark:/13030/m5x92g80. Retrieved from https://escholarship.org/uc/ Workshop on Street Dance Activism.” The State Press, September 21, item/6w98f88x 2017. Accessed 3 December 2017. http://www.statepress.com/arti- cle/2017/09/spvideo-street-dance-activism-lecture-and-workshop 63 Hwangbo, Hwan, Kim, Jiyeon, Kim, Sunwoong, & Ji, Yong Gu. (2015). “Toward Universal Design in Public Transportation Systems: 88 Shamell Bell, “Shamell Bell.” Shamell Bell, 2017. Accessed An Analysis of Low‐Floor Bus Passenger Behavior with Video Obser- December 3, 2017. https://www.shamellbell.com/ vations.” Human Factors and Ergonomics in Manufacturing & Service 89 Joash Ospino. “Black Lives Matter Activist Teaches Political Industries, 25(2), 183-197. Activism Through Dance.” The State Press, September 21, 2017. Ac- 64 Lid, Inger Marie. (2016). “Implementing universal design cessed December 3, 2017. http://www.statepress.com/article/2017/09/ in a Norwegian context: Balancing core values and practical priorities.” sppolitics-la-black-lives-matter-activist-teaches-new-way-of-being-politi- Disability Studies Quarterly, 36(2). 1-19. cally-active-through-dance 65 Meshur, H. Filiz Alkan (2014). “Accessibility for People with 90 Luis Torres, “Video: Community Organizer Leads a Work- Disabilities in Urban Spaces: A Case Study of Ankara, Turkey.” Arch- shop on Street Dance Activism.” net-IJAR, 7(2), 43-60. 91 Bell, “Shamell Bell.” 66 Lo, R. H. (2011). “Walkability Planning in Jakarta.” UC 92 Polletta, “Black Lives Matter Organizer Brings Street-Dance Berkeley. ProQuest ID: Lo_berkeley_0028E_11844. Merritt ID: Activism to Phoenix.” ark:/13030/m5x92g80. Retrieved from https://escholarship.org/uc/ 93 Mitchell, Right to the City, 29. item/6w98f88x 94 Luis Torres, “Video: Community Organizer Leads a Work- 67 Hou, Jeffrey. Insurgent Public Space: Guerrilla Urbanism shop on Street Dance Activism.” and the Remaking of Contemporary Cities. London: Routledge, 2010. 95 Ibid. 68 “Bushwick City Farm.” Bushwick City Farm. 27 Sept. 2014. 96 Bell, “Shamell Bell.” https://bushwickcityfarm.wordpress.com/our-work/buildin/. 97 Ospino, “Black Lives Matter Activist Teaches Political Activ- Page 38 URBAN REVIEW

ism Through Dance.” Geography of Violence pg. 28 98 Ibid. 134 https://www.thenation.com/article/to-adapt-to-climate- 99 Ibid. change-retreat-is-necessary/ 100 Tim Lawrence. “Disco and the Queering of the Dance 135 https://www.thenation.com/article/to-adapt-to-climate- Floor,” Cultural Studies Vol. 25, No. 2 (2011), 231. change-retreat-is-necessary/ 101 Ibid, 231. 136 https://newrepublic.com/article/123182/managing-retreat- 102 Ibid, 243. along-new-york-citys-coasts 103 Kedhar, “Choreography and Gesture Play an Important 137 https://urbanomnibus.net/2015/02/leaving-the-sea-stat- Role in Protests.” en-islanders-experiment-with-managed-retreat/ 104 Parr, Jocelyn. “Music as Monument: Rock Nacional and 138 Dawson, Ashley Extreme Cities pg. 183 Memory in Post-Dictatorship Argentina.” Order No. MR20672, Con- 139 https://static1.squarespace.com/static/580df9afe4fcb5fd- cordia University (Canada), 2006. f27a053a/t/584716155016e18b4fa17ed8/1481053717425/Newtok_ 105 Finchelstein, Federico. 2014. The Ideological Origins of the casestudy.pdf Dirty War: Fascism, Populism, and Dictatorship in Twentieth Century 140 https://www.nature.com/articles/nclimate3252 Argentina. Oxford University Press: New York. Page 3. 141 https://www.lincolninst.edu/sites/default/files/pubfiles/ 106 Wilson, T. (2006). Rocking the regime: The role of argentine buy-in-for-buyouts-full.pdf rock music in a changing socio-political context (1970--1985) (Order No. 142 NYISO. “Power Trends: New York’s Evolving Electric Grid,” 3223751). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global. 2017. PDF. Accessed March 22 2018, from http://www.nyiso.com/pub- 107 Ibid, p. 4. lic/webdocs/media_room/publications_presentations/Power_Trends/ 108 Castagno, Pablo Andres. “The State Crisis in Argentina: Power_Trends/2017_Power_Trends.pdf Global Fantasies and National Containment.” Order No. 3438105, 143 George Mason University, 2011. Ibid. 109 Parr 2006, p. 22. 144 110 Ibid., p. 24. Ibid, p 27 111 Ros, Ana. 2012. The Post-Dictatorship Generation in Argen- 145 tina, Chile, and Uruguay: Collective Memory and Cultural Production. Ibid, p 27, p 25-26 Palgrave MacMillan: New York. p. 6. 146 Demand Energy. “NYC: Energy Storage Market Over- 112 Ibid., p. 7. view.” Dec, 2017. PDF. http://www.demand-energy.com/wp-content/ 113 Vila, Pablo. 1989. “Argentina’s “rock Nacional”: The uploads/2017/12/NYC-Market-Overview_4Pager_Dec-2017_Low- Struggle for Meaning”. Latin American Music Review / Revista De Res_SinglePages.pdf Música Latinoamericana 10 (1). University of Texas Press: 1–28. 147 doi:10.2307/780380. p. 9. Rueb, E. S. (2017, February 10). How New York City Gets Its Electricity. 114 Scoppa and Peponis. 2015. “Distributed attraction: the Retrieved March 27, 2018, from https://www.nytimes.com/interac- effects of street network connectivity upon the distribution of retail tive/2017/02/10/nyregion/how-new-york-city-gets-its-electricity-pow- frontage in the City of Buenos Aires”. Environment and Planning B: er-grid.html Planning and Design, Vol. 42, p. 354-378. 148 “Report Finds Energy Storage as the Clean, Reliable Path 115 Ibid., p. 356. Forward for NYC’s Grid,” (n.d.). Retrieved March 27, 2018, from 116 Mbembe, Achille. 2002. “The Power of the Archive and its https://www.strategen.com/reports-1/09-20-2017/new-york-best Limits” in Refiguring the Archive. David Philip Publishers: Cape Town. 117 Ibid, P. 23. 149 NYISO. “Home Page, ”(n.d.). Retrieved March 27, 2018, 118 Rao, Vyjayanthi. 2008. “City as Archive: Contemporary from https://home.nyiso.com/ Urban Transformations and the Possibility of Politics” in Education: 150 New York State Energy Planning Board. “2015 New York The Present is the Future. P. 179. State Energy Plan,” 2015. PDF. Retrieved March 19, 2018, from 119 Ibid., p. 180. https://energyplan.ny.gov/-/media/nysenergyplan/2015-state-ener- 120 Ibid., p. 181. gy-plan.pdf, p 25-26 121 “En La Ciudad de la Furia” by Soda Stereo. Sony Music, 151 “Report Finds Energy Storage as the Clean, Reliable Path 1989. Forward for NYC’s Grid,” (n.d.). Retrieved March 22, 2018, from https://www.strategen.com/reports-1/09-20-2017/new-york-best 122 Vila 1989, p. 20. 152 “100-Year Flood Zones | WNYC.” Median Income 123 “Demoliendo Hoteles” by Charly Garcia. Interdisc, 1984. | NYC Neighborhoods, project.wnyc.org/100yr-flood-ny/embed. 124 Wilson 2006, p. 116. html#11.00/40.6696/-73.8550. 125 “De Música Lígera” by Soda Stereo. Sony Music, 1990. 153 NYC Office of the Mayor. “NYC Special Initiative for 126 Certeau, Michel de. “Chapter VII: Walking in the City.” The Rebuilding and Resiliency.” 2012. http://www.nyc.gov/html/sirr/down- Practice of Everyday Life. University of California Press, Berkeley and loads/pdf/final_report/Ch_6_Utilities_FINAL_singles.pdf p120 Los Angeles, California, 1984. P. 93. 154 Ibid. p120 127 https://www.rggi.org/program-overview-and-design/ele- 155 Rueb, Emily S. “How New York City Gets Its Electricity.” ments The New York Times, The New York Times, 10 Feb. 2017, www.nytimes. 128 https://nicholasinstitute.duke.edu/environment/publica- com/interactive/2017/02/10/nyregion/how-new-york-city-gets-its-elec- tions/why-have-greenhouse-emissions-rggi-states-declined-economet- tricity-power-grid.html. ric-attribution-economic 156 NYC Office of the Mayor. “NYC Special Initiative for 129 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/ Rebuilding and Resiliency.” 2012. http://www.nyc.gov/html/sirr/down- S0095069616302984 loads/pdf/final_report/Ch_6_Utilities_FINAL_singles.pdf p120 130 Klein, Naomi This Changes Everything pg. 219-20 157 131 Klein, Naomi This Changes Everything pg. 228 City of New York Mayor’s Office of Sustainability.“Inventory of New 132 https://dornsife.usc.edu/PERE/enviro-equity-CA-cap-trade York City Greenhouse Gas Emissions in 2015,” 2017. Accessed March 24 2018, from http://www.dec.ny.gov/docs/administration_pdf/nycghg. 133 Parenti, Christian Tropic of Chaos: Climate Change and the New pdf FALL 2018 Page 39

158 Schneider, C. 2004. “Power Plant Emissions: Particulate 190 Kenneth Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier, 203. Matter-Related Health Damages and the Benefits of Alternative Emis- 191 Greg Hise, Magnetic Los Angeles, 40. sion Reduction Scenarios,” Accessed March 10 2018, from http://www. 192 Estrada, “If You Build It, They Will Move”, 294-295. catf.us/resources/publications/files/Power_Plant_Emissions.pdf 193 Avila, The Folklore of the Freeway, 41. 159 Liu, X., et al. 194 Artsy, “Boyle Heights, the land of freeways.” 160 “Report Finds Energy Storage as the Clean, Reliable Path 195 Gilbert Estrada, “The Historical Roots of Gentrification Forward for NYC’s Grid,” (n.d.). Retrieved March 27, 2018, from in Boyle Heights.” KCET, September 13, 2017. https://www.kcet.org/ https://www.strategen.com/reports-1/09-20-2017/new-york-best shows/city-rising/the-historical-roots-of-gentrification-in-boyle-heights 196 Acuña, A Community Under Siege, 15. 161 Patton, David B et. al. “2016 State of the Market Report 197 Estrada, “If You Build It, They Will Move”, 294-295. for the New York ISO Markets,” 2017. Potomac Economics. Accessed 198 Avila, Popular Culture in the Age of White Flight, 197-198. March 18 2018, from http://www.nyiso.com/public/webdocs/markets_ 199 Avila, Popular Culture in the Age of White Flight, 197-198. operations/documents/Studies_and_Reports/Reports/Market_Moni- 200 Estrada, “If You Build It, They Will Move”, 295. toring_Unit_Reports/2016/NYISO_2016_SOM_Report_5-10-2017. 201 Estrada, “If You Build It, They Will Move”, 295. pdf 202 Avila, The Folklore of the Freeway, 41. 162 Kheirbek, Iyad et al. n.d.“Air Pollution and the Health of 203 Avila, The Folklore of the Freeway, 20. New Yorkers: The Impact of Fine Particles and Ozone,” New York City 204 Avila, The Folklore of the Freeway, 24. Department of Health and Mental Hygiene. PDF. Accessed March 20 205 Avila, The Folklore of the Freeway, 6. 2018, from https://www1.nyc.gov/assets/doh/downloads/pdf/eode/ 206 Mark Wild, Street Meeting: Multi-Ethnic Neighborhoods in Early eode-air-quality-impact.pdf Twentieth-Century Los Angeles. (University of California Press, 2008), 43. 163 Quintero, Adrianna et al. “U.S. Latinos and Air Pollution: 207 Avila, Popular Culture in the Age of White Flight, 208. A Call to Action.” 2011. Natural Resources Defence Council. https:// 208 Estrada, “If You Build It, They Will Move”, 307. www.nrdc.org/sites/default/files/LatinoAirReport.pdf 209 Estrada, “If You Build It, They Will Move”, 299-300. 164 https://www1.nyc.gov/site/nycha/about/recovery-history. 210 Avila, “L.A.’s Invisible Freeway Revolt,” 833. page 211 Estrada, “If You Build It, They Will Move”, 300. 212 Sahra Sulaiman, “Exploring the Legacy of Redlining via 165 https://www1.nyc.gov/site/nycha/about/recovery-history. a New Documentary about Boyle Heights.” StreetsBlog LA, October 2, page 2015. 166 https://www1.nyc.gov/site/nycha/about/recovery-history. 213 Avila, “L.A.’s Invisible Freeway Revolt,” 833. page 214 Avila, The Folklore of the Freeway, 48. 167 https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/studies-show- 215 Avila, Popular Culture in the Age of White Flight, 206-207. low-income-and-minority-households-hit-hard-by-hurricane-sandy-face- 216 Estrada, “If You Build It, They Will Move”, 302-305. toughest-challenges-to-recover-195696851.html 217 Avila, Popular Culture in the Age of White Flight, 207. 168 “Community Microgrids: Where, Why and How?” Microgrid 218 Estrada, “If You Build It, They Will Move”, 300-305. Knowledge, 6 Feb. 2017, microgridknowledge.com/community-microg- 219 Estrada, “If You Build It, They Will Move”, 304-305. rids-2/. 220 Estrada, “If You Build It, They Will Move”, 307. 169 Ibid. 221 Estrada, “If You Build It, They Will Move”, 307. 222 Avila, The Folklore of the Freeway, 120. 170 Ibid. 223 Avila, The Folklore of the Freeway, 153. 171 Ibid. 224 Estrada, “If You Build It, They Will Move”, 299-307. 172 Clean Coalition, www.clean-coalition.org/our-work/communi- 225 Estrada, “If You Build It, They Will Move”, 299-302. ty-microgrids/. 226 Sahra Sulaiman, “Exploring the Legacy of Redlining via a 173 Ibid. New Documentary about Boyle Heights.” 174 A. C. W. Bethel, “Making Way: The Historic Contours of 227 Estrada, “If You Build It, They Will Move”, 297. California Transportation.” Southern California Quarterly 86, no. 3 (2004): 228 Estrada, “If You Build It, They Will Move”, 308. 193. 229 Estrada, “If You Build It, They Will Move”, 307. 175 Eric Avila, Popular Culture in the Age of White Flight: Fear and 230 Nathan Masters, “They Moved Mountains (And People) To Fantasy in Suburban Los Angeles. (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of Build L.A.’s Freeways.” Gizmodo, March 17, 2014. California Press, 2004), 186-187. 231 Avila, Popular Culture in the Age of White Flight, 199. 176 Avila, Popular Culture in the Age of White Flight, 187. 232 Avila, Popular Culture in the Age of White Flight, 217. 177 Avila, Popular Culture in the Age of White Flight, 187. 178 Avila, Popular Culture in the Age of White Flight, 192. Photo Credits 179 Avila, Popular Culture in the Age of White Flight, 193-194. Cover photo and photos accompanying articles on page 16, 25, 180 Avila, Popular Culture in the Age of White Flight, 196. and 32 courtesy of Carly Wine. 181 Eric Avila, The Folklore of the Freeway: Race and Revolt in the Photo accompanying faculty interview courtesy of Boston Globe Modernist City. (Minneapolis: the University of Minnesota Press, 2014), 135-136. staff member Wendy Maeda, some rights reserved. 182 Rodolfo F. Acuña, A Community Under Siege : A Chronicle of Chi- canos East of the Los Angeles River, 1945-1975. (California: Chicano Studies Photos accompanying Bushwick City Farm courtesy of Arielle Research Center Publications, 1984), 9-12. Lawson. 183 Eric Avila, “L.A.’s Invisible Freeway Revolt: The Cultural Politics of Fighting Freeways.” Journal of Urban History 40, no. 5 (SAGE Photos accompanying Emergency Exit: A Photo Essay courtesy 2014): 832-833. of Andy Lawson. 184 Acuña, A Community Under Siege, 13. 185 Avishay Artsy, “Boyle Heights, the land of freeways.” KCRW Photos accompanying Musica Ligera is titled ”Casa Rosada”, by Design and Architecture, October 6, 2015. http://blogs.kcrw.com/dna/ Geoff Livingston, 2009, Some Rights Reserved. boyle-heights-the-land-of-freeways. 186 Kenneth Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the Graphics and maps accompanying Off the Gridcourtesy of Priya United States. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 195-196. Mulgaonkar. ◊ 187 Kenneth Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier, 197. 188 Kenneth Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier, 197-203. 189 Kenneth Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier, 197-203 Page 40 URBAN REVIEW

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