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In Tunisia Policies and Legislations Related to the Democratic Transition
Policies and legislations The constitutional and legal framework repre- sents one of the most important signs of the related to the democratic transition in Tunisia. Especially by establishing rules, procedures and institutions in order to achieve the transition and its goals. Thus, the report focused on further operatio- nalization of the aforementioned framework democratic while seeking to monitor the events related to, its development and its impact on the transi- tion’s path. Besides, monitoring the difficulties of the second transition, which is related to the transition and political conflict over the formation of the go- vernment and what’s behind the scenes of the human rights official institutions. in Tunisia The observatorypolicies and rightshuman and legislation to democratic transition related . 27 Activating the constitutional and legal to submit their proposals until the end of January. Then, outside the major parties to be in the forefront of the poli- the committee will start its action from the beginning of tical scene. framework for the democratic transition February until the end of April 2020, when it submits its outcome to the assembly’s bureau. The constitution of 2015 is considered as the de facto framework for the democratic transition. And all its developments in the It is reportedly that the balances within the council have midst of the political life, whether in texts or institutions, are an not changed numerically, as it doesn’t witness many cases The structural and financial difficulties important indicator of the process of transition itself. of changing the party and coalition loyalties “Tourism” ex- The three authorities and the balance cept the resignation of the deputy Sahbi Samara from the of the Assembly Future bloc and the joining of deputy Ahmed Bin Ayyad to among them the Dignity Coalition bloc in the Parliament. -
Post-Islamism in Tunisia and Egypt: Contradictory Trajectories
religions Article Post-Islamism in Tunisia and Egypt: Contradictory Trajectories Houssem Ben Lazreg Department of Modern Languages & Cultural Studies, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB T6G 2R3, Canada; [email protected] Abstract: In the wake of the Tunisian Revolution of 2011, Ennahda leader Rached Ghannouchi distanced his party from the main Islamist paradigm, which is spearheaded primarily by the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, and announced the separation of the religious movement entirely from its political wing (al-Siyasi and al-da’awi). In addition to reassuring Tunisians that Ennahda’s socio- political project is rooted in its “Tunisianity,” these measures aimed at signaling Ennahda’s joining the camp of post-Islamist parties and Muslim democrats such as the AKP in Turkey and the JDP in Morocco. In this article, using the comparative case studies, I examine the patterns, similarities, and differences between the Tunisian Ennahda party and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in terms of their evolutions from an Islamist to a post-Islamist discourse and identity. I argue that the Ennahda party outpaced the Muslim Brotherhood in that shift considering the local/regional realities and the new compromises dictated by the post-revolutionary political processes in both countries. Although the Muslim Brotherhood managed to come to power and govern for only one year before being deposed by the army, Ennahda’s political pragmatism (consensus, compromise, and coalition) enabled it to fare well, ultimately prodding the party to adapt and reposition itself intellectually and politically. Keywords: Ennahda party; Islamism; Muslim brotherhood; post-Islamism; political Islam; Rached Citation: Ben Lazreg, Houssem. Ghannouchi 2021. -
FREEDOM in the WORLD 2020 Tunisia 70 FREE /100
3/17/2020 Tunisia | Freedom House FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 Tunisia 70 FREE /100 Political Rights 32 /40 Civil Liberties 38 /60 LAST YEAR'S SCORE & STATUS 69 /100 Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. https://freedomhouse.org/country/tunisia/freedom-world/2020 1/17 3/17/2020 Tunisia | Freedom House Overview After ousting a longtime autocrat from power in 2011, Tunisia began a democratic transition, and citizens now enjoy unprecedented political rights and civil liberties. However, the influence of endemic corruption, economic challenges, security threats, and continued unresolved issues related to gender equality and transitional justice remain obstacles to full democratic consolidation. Key Developments in 2019 After the death in July of President Beji Caid Essebsi, Tunisia held a snap presidential election in September and October. Kais Saied, a political outsider, won the presidency in the runoff, defeating television station owner Nabil Karoui by a large margin. (Karoui spent most of the campaign in prison on money laundering and tax evasion charges.) The Ennahda party placed first in parliamentary elections held in October, but at year’s end was still working to form a governing coalition. Both the presidential and parliamentary elections were generally well administered, and stakeholders accepted the results. In June 2019, two suicide bombers affiliated with the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) detonated their explosives in Tunis, killing a police officer and wounding eight other people. In response to the July attack, interim president Mohamed Ennaceur renewed a state of emergency that has been in force since 2015, and grants the government and security forces extraordinary powers. -
Results for Tunisia, 2020
Summary of results Afrobarometer Round 8 survey in Tunisia, 2020 Compiled by: One To One for Research and Polling 1 Afrobarometer Round 8 Summary of results for Tunisia, 2020 Afrobarometer, a nonprofit corporation with headquarters in Ghana, is a pan-African, nonpartisan survey research network that provides reliable data on African experiences and evaluations of democracy, governance, and quality of life. Seven rounds of surveys were completed in up to 38 countries between 1999 and 2018. Round 8 surveys in 2019/2021 are planned in at least 35 countries. Afrobarometer conducts face-to-face interviews in the language of the respondent’s choice with nationally representative samples. Regional coordination of national partners in about 35 countries is provided by the Ghana Center for Democratic Development (CDD-Ghana), the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation (IJR) in South Africa, and the Institute for Development Studies (IDS) at the University of Nairobi in Kenya. Michigan State University (MSU) and the University of Cape Town (UCT) provide technical support to the network. The Afrobarometer National Partner in Tunisia, One to One for Research and Polling, interviewed a nationally representative, random, stratified probability sample of 1,200 adult Tunisians between 24 February 2020 and 18 March 2020. A sample of this size yields country- level results with a margin of error of +/-3 percentage points at a 95% confidence level. Previous surveys have been conducted in Tunisia in 2013, 2015, and 2018. CDD-Ghana provided technical backstopping for the survey. Technical details of the survey, including descriptions of stratification and household selection, translation languages, and related information, can be found in the survey Technical Information Form that follows. -
Tunisia: in Brief
Tunisia: In Brief Updated March 16, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RS21666 Tunisia: In Brief Summary As of March 15, 2020, Tunisia had initiated travel restrictions and other emergency measures in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, having reported at least 20 confirmed domestic cases. Tunisia remains the sole country to have made a durable transition to democracy as a result of the 2011 “Arab Spring.” An elected assembly adopted a new constitution in 2014 and Tunisians have since held two competitive national elections—most recently in late 2019—resulting in peaceful transfers of power. Tunisia has also taken steps toward empowering local-level government, with landmark local elections held in 2018. Yet the economy has suffered due to domestic, regional, and global factors, driving public dissatisfaction with political leaders. High unemployment and inflation, unpopular fiscal austerity measures, and concerns about corruption have spurred protests, labor unrest, and a backlash against mainstream politicians in recent years. Voters in the 2019 presidential and parliamentary elections largely rejected established parties and candidates in favor of independents and non-career politicians. The results unsettled Tunisia’s previous political alliances and may have implications for the future contours of its foreign relations and economic policies. Newly elected President Kais Saïed, who ran as an independent, is a constitutional scholar known for his socially conservative views and critique of Tunisia’s post-2011 political system. The self-described “Muslim democrat” party Al Nahda secured a slim plurality in parliament, but it has lost seats in each successive election since 2011. After protracted negotiations, a technocrat designated by President Saïed, Elyes Fakhfakh, secured parliamentary backing for a coalition government in late February 2020. -
Tunisia: in Brief
Tunisia: In Brief Alexis Arieff Specialist in African Affairs Updated March 16, 2020 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov RS21666 Tunisia: In Brief Summary As of March 15, 2020, Tunisia had initiated travel restrictions and other emergency measures in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, having reported at least 20 confirmed domestic cases. Tunisia remains the sole country to have made a durable transition to democracy as a result of the 2011 “Arab Spring.” An elected assembly adopted a new constitution in 2014 and Tunisians have since held two competitive national elections—most recently in late 2019—resulting in peaceful transfers of power. Tunisia has also taken steps toward empowering local-level government, with landmark local elections held in 2018. Yet the economy has suffered due to domestic, regional, and global factors, driving public dissatisfaction with political leaders. High unemployment and inflation, unpopular fiscal austerity measures, and concerns about corruption have spurred protests, labor unrest, and a backlash against mainstream politicians in recent years. Voters in the 2019 presidential and parliamentary elections largely rejected established parties and candidates in favor of independents and non-career politicians. The results unsettled Tunisia’s previous political alliances and may have implications for the future contours of its foreign relations and economic policies. Newly elected President Kais Saïed, who ran as an independent, is a constitutional scholar known for his socially conservative views and critique of Tunisia’s post-2011 political system. The self-described “Muslim democrat” party Al Nahda secured a slim plurality in parliament, but it has lost seats in each successive election since 2011. -
The Religious Infrastructure of Electoral Victory
The Islamist Advantage: The Religious Infrastructure of Electoral Victory Sharan Grewal∗ March 29, 2021 Abstract Why do Islamists regularly win elections in the Middle East? One common yet rarely tested hypothesis is that Islamists can rely on a vast, country-wide network of religious institutions, particularly mosques, to facilitate voter outreach and mobiliza- tion. Secular parties, meanwhile, have no comparable, preexisting infrastructure. This paper attempts to test this \infrastructure advantage" in two ways. First, it leverages a dataset of Tunisia's 6000 mosques to show that sub-nationally, the number of mosques per capita strongly correlates with Islamist vote share in the 2011, 2014, and 2019 parliamentary elections. Notably, results appear to be driven by mosques facilitating personal, horizontal interactions with Islamists, rather than exposure to Islamist social services, politicized imams, or underlying religiosity. Second, drawing on region-wide survey data from the Arab Barometer, it shows that respondents who attend mosque for Friday prayers are significantly more likely to trust Islamists, and that this is one of the most consistent predictors of Islamism across multiple survey waves. ∗Assistant Professor, William & Mary ([email protected]). I am indebted to the phe- nomenal research assistance of Cassie Heyman-Schrum, Hank Hermens, and Amy Hilla. For helpful comments, I thank Nasir Almasri, Lucia Ardovini, Elizabeth Baisley, Steven Brooke, Melani Cammett, Matthew Cebul, M.Tahir Kilavuz, Alex Kustov, Marc Lynch, Ameni Mehrez, Elizabeth Nugent, Tom Pavone, Scott Williamson, and audiences at POMEPS, Oxford, Tulane, and Central European University. 1 Introduction When Islamists run in competitive elections in the Middle East, they tend to win. -
Africa Leadership Change (ALC) Dataset Codebook
Africa Leadership Change (ALC) Dataset Codebook Africa Leadership Change (ALC) Dataset Codebook Giovanni Carbone, Università degli Studi di Milano – [email protected] Alessandro Pellegata, Università degli Studi di Milano – [email protected] Version 1.1 Issued: January 2020 The suggested citation for scholars who wish to use the dataset is: Giovanni Carbone and Alessandro Pellegata. Political Leadership in Africa. Leaders and Development South of the Sahara, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming. 1 Africa Leadership Change (ALC) Dataset Codebook Contents Variables description............................................................................................................................ 3 General variables .............................................................................................................................. 3 Leadership change variables ............................................................................................................ 3 Leader variables ............................................................................................................................... 5 Elections result variables .................................................................................................................. 6 Regime variables ............................................................................................................................ 11 Geographical and cultural variables .............................................................................................. -
Mechichi in Power: Can the New Government Deal with the Challenges Ahead?
Situation Assessement | 10 September 2020 Mechichi in Power: Can the New Government Deal with the Challenges Ahead? Unit for Political Studies Mechichi in Power: Can the New Government Deal with the Challenges Ahead? Series: Situation Assessement 10 September 2020 Unit for Political Studies The Unit for Political Studies is the Center’s department dedicated to the study of the region’s most pressing current affairs. An integral and vital part of the ACRPS’ activities, it offers academically rigorous analysis on issues that are relevant and useful to the public, academics and policy-makers of the Arab region and beyond. The Unit for Political Studie draws on the collaborative efforts of a number of scholars based within and outside the ACRPS. It produces three of the Center’s publication series: Assessment Report, Policy Analysis, and Case Analysis reports. Copyright © 2020 Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies. All Rights Reserved. The Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies is an independent research institute and think tank for the study of history and social sciences, with particular emphasis on the applied social sciences. The Center’s paramount concern is the advancement of Arab societies and states, their cooperation with one another and issues concerning the Arab nation in general. To that end, it seeks to examine and diagnose the situation in the Arab world - states and communities- to analyze social, economic and cultural policies and to provide political analysis, from an Arab perspective. The Center publishes in both Arabic and English in order to make its work accessible to both Arab and non- Arab researchers. -
Avoiding a Populist Surge in Tunisia
Avoiding a Populist Surge in Tunisia Crisis Group Middle East and North Africa Briefing N°73 Tunis/Brussels, 4 March 2020. Translation from French What’s new? The legislative and presidential elections in late 2019 have reshaped Tunisia’s political landscape. A new political class supporting the cause of national sovereignty has emerged in the country’s parliament and presidency. Four months passed before the Assembly approved a new government on 27 February 2020. Why does it matter? Tunisia has lost valuable time. The focus on national sover- eignty among the new political forces threatens to stir up increasing populism, polit- ical tensions and social polarisation. This will make it harder for the country to tack- le its economic and security problems. What should be done? To avert this populist surge, the new political class should help set up inclusive dialogue mechanisms using consensus to establish a long-term national strategic orientation, particularly regarding ways of increasing the country’s economic sovereignty. I. Overview Tunisians went to the polls in September and October 2019, and the results have shaken up the country’s political scene. The new political figures and parties that emerged in recent years as a result of certain popular expectations are now playing a leading role in Tunisian politics. This new political class has sustained a populist surge that has fuelled political tensions, polarised society and reduced the country’s ability to meet economic and security challenges. To contain this surge, politicians should support the creation of dialogue mechanisms that bring together the main political, trade union, administrative and associative actors. -
Albania / Algeria / Bosnia and Herzegovina / Croatia
ALBANIA Official Name: Republic of Albania Form of Government: Parliamentary republic Head of State: Ilir Meta Head of Government: Edi Rama Political parties represented in the current Parliament (seats) Country Profiles Socialist Party of Albania (PSSH, social democrat) 75 Party for Justice, Integration and Unity (PDIU, Albanian Democratic Party of Albania (PDS, conservative) 25 nationalism, centre-right) 3 Socialist Movement for Integration (LSI, social democrat) 18 Social Democratic Party of Albania (social-democracy, centre-left) 1 Vacant 18 ALBANIA Population Capital (urban agglomeration population in millions): Tirana (0.49) Main urban agglomerations (population in millions): Durrës (0.20); Vlorë (0.14) Area km2: 28,750 Population age <15 (%): 18 Population (millions): 2,9 Population age >64 (%): 14 Population density (hab/km2): 105 Total fertility rate (births per woman): 1.64 Urban population (%): 60 Life expectancy at birth. Men/Women (years): 77/80 Average annual population growth rate (%): -0.2 Infant mortality rate (per 1,000 born alive): 8 Economy GDP & Debt Economic Sectors GDP (millions $): 15,059 Agriculture, value added (% of GDP): 18.4 GDP per capita ($, PPP): 13,327 Industry, value added (% of GDP): 21.3 GDP growth (%): 4.1 Services, value added (% of GDP): 47.9 Public Debt (% of GDP): 69.9 Labour market Public Deficit (% of GDP): -1.6 Labour participation rate, female (%): 46.8 External Debt (millions $): 10,122 Unemployment rate (%): 12.3 Inflation Rate (%): 2.0 Youth unemployment rate (%): 28.6 FDI Employment in: -
Reform from Crisis: How Tunisia Can Use Covid-19 As an Opportunity
POLICY BRIEF REFORM FROM CRISIS: HOW TUNISIA CAN USE COVID-19 AS AN OPPORTUNITY Thierry Brésillon and Hamza Meddeb June 2020 SUMMARY Tunisia’s 2019 elections produced a vote against the establishment and a fragmented political landscape in which it was challenging to form a government. Parliament is deeply divided and lacks a clear foundation for stable and efficient policymaking, while the new president has neither political experience nor a party to implement his agenda. The 2019 elections may have finally ended the transactional power-sharing agreement forged by Ennahda and representatives of the old regime, which long ignored major socio- economic challenges. The government must build on its successful response to the covid-19 pandemic to create a compromise that shares the burden of economic reform between major political actors and interest groups. If it fails to do so, the resulting rise in economic and social tension could empower anti- democratic forces and destabilise Tunisia. The European Union should actively help the Tunisian government take the path of reform by launching a strategic dialogue to rethink their priorities and identify their common interests. Introduction Tunisia’s most recent presidential and parliamentary elections, held in September and October 2019, were major milestones in its democratisation process. The rise of anti-party figures and radical movements reminded Tunisia’s political elites that deep socio-economic inequality and corruption continue to destabilise the country’s fragile political system. The fragmentation of the political landscape shows that the consensus in place since 2014 – which created stability by ending political polarisation – has reached its limits.