For a Democratic Cosmopolitarian Movement Proposal Papers Series Papers Proposal
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Open Cosmopolitanism and the World Social Forum: Global Resistance, Emancipation, and the Activists’ Vision of a Better World
Globalizations, 2017 Vol. 14, No. 4, 504–518, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2016.1254413 Open Cosmopolitanism and the World Social Forum: Global Resistance, Emancipation, and the Activists’ Vision of a Better World GIUSEPPE CARUSO ∗,∗∗ ∗NHS England, Redditch, UK ∗∗Richmond Fellowship, London, UK ABSTRACT The World Social Forum (WSF) is the world’s largest activist network to date. Its global, regional, national, and thematic events have gathered since 2001 millions of participants and thousands of civil society and social movement organisations. Its cosmopolitan vision is built on resistance to the planetary domination by neo-liberal globalisation. This paper unpacks WSF’s cosmopolitan project and reflects on its vision of emancipated individuals, convivial communities, and a just planetary society in harmony with the environment. In its open organisational space, WSF’s cosmopolitan project develops while in the process of political action rather than prior to that. At the same time, power dynamics, ideological cleavages, and pragmatic concerns about organisation and strategy challenge WSF’s ability to pursue its goals. However, it is these internal tensions that make WSF’s cosmopolitan project both more difficult to achieve and more realistic than claims of universal unity among all its participants. Keywords: World Social Forum, open cosmopolitanism, global justice movement, global resistance 1. Introduction The resurgence over the past three decades of a cosmopolitan discourse is related to, on the one hand, the expansion of market-led globalisation and, on the other, the intensification of social and political mobilisation for social justice. The fall of the Berlin Wall introduced a vision of global unity predicated on the global spread of neo-liberal doctrines. -
Global Politics and Institutions
Global Politics and Institutions Sudhir Chella Rajan GTI Paper Series 12 3 Frontiers of a Great Transition Tellus Institute 11 Arlington Street Boston, MA 02116 Phone: 1 617 2665400 Email: [email protected] Tellus Web: http://www.tellus.org GTI Web: http://www.gtinitiative.org © Copyright 2006 by the Tellus Institute Series Editors: Orion Kriegman and Paul Raskin Manuscript Editors: Faye Camardo, Loie Hayes, Pamela Pezzati, Orion Stewart Cover Image: Stephen Bernow and Devra Ehrenberg Printed on recycled paper TheSeries Great Description Transition Initiative GTI is a global network of engaged thinkers and thoughtful activists who are committed to rigorously assessing and creatively imagining a great transition to a future of enriched lives, human solidarity, and a healthy planet. GTI’s message of hope aims to counter resignation and pessimism, and help spark a citizens movement for carrying the transition forward. This paper series elaborates the global challenge, future visions, and strategic directions. GTI Paper Series Frontiers of a Great Transition The Global Moment and its Possibilities 1. Great Transition: The Promise and Lure of the Times Ahead (Raskin, Banuri, Gallopín, Gutman, Hammond, Kates, Swart) Planetary civilization, global scenarios, and change strategies 2. The Great Transition Today: A Report From the Future (Raskin) An optimistic vision of global society in the year 2084 Institutional Transitions 3. Global Politics and Institutions (Rajan) Principles and visions for a new globalism 4. Visions of Regional Economies in a Great Transition World (Rosen and Schweickart) Reinventing economies for the twenty-first century 5. Transforming the Corporation (White) Redesigning the corporation for social purpose 6. -
Download Full Report [PDF]
When will ordinary people rise up? How a united voice of the public could transform the world First published in the United Kingdom by Share The World’s Resources June 2012 Registered office: New Bridge Street House, 30-34 New Bridge Street, London EC4V 6BJ ISBN: (Print) 978-1-907121-06-7 ISBN: (Electronic) 978-1-907121-07-4 This work is published under a Creative Commons www.creativecommons.org/ licenses/by-nc-nd/2.0/uk/ You are free to copy, display or distribute original content for non- commercial use provided that you: Attribute the author and cite Share The World’s Resources as the original source Include a link to the unique URL Do not alter, transform or add to the material Design: Studio Blackburn www.studioblackburn.com Printed on recycled paper 2 Summary Public uprisings and mass occupations have become a significant force for change on the world stage since 2011, as evidenced in the Middle East revolutions and Occupy protests across North America and Europe. This essay explores the nature of this new social actor, which can be seen as the latest expression of the ‘people’s voice’ – a phenomenon also witnessed in the peace, justice and environmental movements of recent decades. Recognising that this collected voice of engaged citizens is acutely aware of the need for world reconstruction and renewal, the question is whether the growing power of the people’s voice is sufficient to challenge the immense forces of profit, greed and control that stand in the way of transformative change. The Middle East protests and Occupy movements have many connections and similar causes, chiefly the vast social and economic inequalities that span rich and poor countries alike, but it would be over-optimistic at this stage to assume that they mark the emergence of a truly global movement of ordinary people. -
Global Citizenship: Plausible Fears and Necessary Dreams
June 2014 Global Citizenship: Plausible Fears and Necessary Dreams Robert Paehlke Some see global governance as necessary to protect human rights, mitigate climate disruption, reduce war, and counter rising inequality. Others fear global governance and even assume that all collective global actions, as well as global institutions like the United Nations, threaten both sovereignty and democracy. Within such contested territory, political leaders remain wary of strong global initiatives on environmental and social policy concerns—while still, on the other hand, favoring neoliberal free trade initiatives. Yet many trade treaties are in fact a form of global governance, one that undermines democracy at all levels by privileging the economic dimension of policy while excluding all others. Global citizenship and the democratization of international relations can counter public fears regarding a wide range of global policy initiatives. Such enlargement of the idea of citizenship has become an emergent possibility in the current epoch and, if expressed through a coherent global movement, can become a popular force for a Great Transition. A Great Transition Initiative Essay Global Governance on Trial UN-funded health workers providing vaccinations in Pakistan were murdered by extremists. Without the violence, but also in the grip of anti-UN paranoia, some US conservatives have denounced, of all things, bicycle paths, alleging that Agenda 21, the UN’s 1992 road map for sustainable development, would force Americans out of their cars and into big cities; others have asserted that the UN intends to take people’s guns; and Congressman Dana Rohrabacher (R-CA) has called global warming a fraud perpetrated to create a global government “to control all our lives.” Prior to becoming Canada’s Prime Minister, Stephen Harper argued that the real intent of the Kyoto Accord was global economic redistribution. -
The Global Justice and Solidarity Movement and the World Social Forum : a Backgrounder
THE GLOBAL JUSTICE AND SOLIDARITY MOVEMENT AND THE WORLD SOCIAL FORUM : A BACKGROUNDER Peter Waterman he WSF is probably best identified with the recent international wave of protest T known as the 'anti-globalisation movement'. While intimately interrelated with the latter, the WSF is just one emanation of this much more general phenomenon and process. How can these and their inter-relationship be best understood ? It is possible to make a 19th-20th century comparison, with the relationship between trade unions or labour parties on the one hand and 'the labour movement' on the other. But the labour movement, whilst obviously broader and looser than any particular institution, and having international expression, consisted largely of other, primarily national, institutions (co-operatives, women's organisations, publications). The WSF is an essentially international event (or an expanding series of such). And on the other hand, we have an essentially international movement that might not even (yet ?) recognise itself as such. So we are confronted with two new social phenomena — of the period of globalisation, that are both international and global, and that have a novel relationship with each other. The WSF — promoted by an identifiable group of Brazilian, French and other non-governmental organisations, trade unions and individuals — is itself linked organically to the more general movement. This is through an informal Forum event, known as the ‘Call of Social Movements’, which has been attended, and its regular declarations signed, by -
Die Globalisierungskritiker: Anatomie Einer Heterogenen Bewegung Raiser, Simon (Ed.); Warkalla, Björn (Ed.)
www.ssoar.info Die Globalisierungskritiker: Anatomie einer heterogenen Bewegung Raiser, Simon (Ed.); Warkalla, Björn (Ed.) Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Arbeitspapier / working paper Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Raiser, S., & Warkalla, B. (Hrsg.). (2002). Die Globalisierungskritiker: Anatomie einer heterogenen Bewegung (Arbeitspapiere des Osteuropa-Instituts der Freien Universität Berlin, Arbeitsschwerpunkt Politik, 44). Berlin: Freie Universität Berlin, Osteuropa-Institut Abt. Politik. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-440849 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use. anderweitig nutzen. Mit der Verwendung dieses Dokuments erkennen Sie die Nutzungsbedingungen an. -
No Political Voice, No Future Contribution to GTI Forum Farewell to the World Social Forum?
October 2019 No Political Voice, No Future Contribution to GTI Forum Farewell to the World Social Forum? Francine Mestrum So much has been said already about the World Social Forum, its past and its future, its successes and its failures. There is certainly no consensus about any of these. There is a past with many successes and some major failures. Whether there is a future will depend on what our objectives are. The world has changed since 2001, the year the WSF premiered. Looking back, while thinking of a possible future, I wonder if our major mistake has been that we have never clarified what exactly we wanted. “Another world is possible”—certainly, it still is, but for whom and from what perspective? It was an excellent slogan, but it allowed us to never say how “other,” how different, and in what way, that new world would be. As Roberto Savio says, the direct impetus for the WSF was an outcry against neoliberalism, structural adjustment, the austerity policies of the international organizations, and the financialization of the economy. There was still some hope that, ten years after the end of the Cold War, there was a possibility for peace, for better international relations, for global governance, for progress and development. In the early Forums, according to my research, the demands for real system change were, in fact, rare.1 There was very little talk of anti-capitalism, socialism, or revolutionary strategies. The radical alternatives discussed focused on social relations, participation, and a solidarity economy beyond markets. There was very little anti-globalization, but more alter-globalization with demands for a fair global order, based on the United Nations as opposed to the World Trade Organization, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund. -
The Contemporary Global Social Movements Emergent Proposals, Connectivity and Development Implications
The Contemporary Global Social Movements Emergent Proposals, Connectivity and Development Implications Kléber B. Ghimire Civil Society and Social Movements United Nations Programme Paper Number 19 Research Institute August 2005 for Social Development This United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) Programme Paper has been produced with the support of the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC). UNRISD also thanks the governments of Denmark, Finland, Mexico, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom for their core funding. Copyright © UNRISD. Short extracts from this publication may be reproduced unaltered without authorization on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation, application should be made to UNRISD, Palais des Nations, 1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland. UNRISD welcomes such applications. The designations employed in UNRISD publications, which are in conformity with United Nations practice, and the presentation of material therein do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of UNRISD con- cerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The responsibility for opinions expressed rests solely with the author(s), and publication does not constitute endorse- ment by UNRISD. ISSN 1020-8178 Contents Acronyms ii Acknowledgements ii Summary/Résumé/Resumen iii Summary iii Résumé iv Resumen v Introduction 1 Nature, Diversity and Connectivity -
Globalization and the Emergence of the World Social Forums
01_Smith_Ch1.qxd 4/2/07 3:46 PM Page 1 Chapter One GLOBALIZATION AND THE EMERGENCE OF THE WORLD SOCIAL FORUMS n the 1970s and 1980s, protests against the lending policies of Ithe International Monetary Fund (IMF) emerged in the global south. By the late 1990s, tens of thousands of protesters were gathering wherever the world’s political and economic elite met, raising criticisms of global economic policies and calling for more just and equitable economic policies. As the numbers of protesters grew, so did the violence with which governments responded. Governments spent millions and arrested hundreds of nonviolent protesters to ensure their meetings could take place. Italian police killed Carlo Giuliani, a twenty-three-year-old pro- tester, at the meeting of the Group of 8 (G8) in Genoa in 2001, dramatizing for activists in the global north the brutal repression against activists that is common in the global south.The size of police mobilizations against these overwhelmingly nonviolent protests was unprecedented in Western democracies, and it sig- naled the declining legitimacy of the system of economic glob- alization promoted by the world’s most powerful governments. After years of such protests against the world’s most powerful economic institutions—the World Bank,International Monetary 1 01_Smith_Ch1.qxd 4/2/07 3:46 PM Page 2 2CHAPTER ONE Fund, the World Trade Organization (WTO), and the G8—a team of Latin American and French activists launched the first World Social Forum (WSF) in January 2001. Over just a few short years, the WSF has become the largest political gathering in modern history and a major focal point of global efforts to promote an alternative vision of global integra- tion. -
Media Discourses on the World Social Forums:Towards Comparative Analyses 1
Media discourses on the World Social Forums Media discourses on the World Social Forums:Towards comparative analyses 1 Jan Ekecrantz 2* The reflections to be presented in this and a parallel article by Maia and Castro are based on ongoing studies of Brazilian, Swedish and Russian and Chinese media materials dealing with the World Social Forums (WSF) in 2001-2004. The overriding question in this paper concerns the ways mainstream media of very different societies have re-constructed the global and local issues addressed by the Forums. Of the four market-oriented economies, Communist China and Post-Socialist Russia stand out as being almost silent about the WSF, favouring economic globalization - seemingly at odds with cultural globalization. In Brazil and Sweden the dominant media harbour contradictory discourses reflecting different political positions visavi the WSF. World Social Forums – dominant media – cultural globalization As reflexões aqui presentes, assim como o artigo de Maia e Castro publicado nesta revista, encontram-se baseados em uma investigação em curso sobre o material divulgado pela mídia brasileira, sueca, russa e chinesa sobre as edições do Fórum Social Mundial (FSM) de 2001 a 2004. Este artigo explora, como questão principal, os modos pelos quais a chamada grande mídia de sociedades bastante diferentes reconstruíram os tópicos locais e globais suscitados pelos Fóruns. Das quatro economias orientadas pelo mercado, a China comunista e a Rússia pós- socialista mantêm um silêncio quase completo sobre o FSM, favorecendo a globalização econômica, e, aparentemente, afastando-se da globalização cultural. No Brasil e na Suécia, a mídia dominante encampa discursos contraditórios refletindo posições políticas diferentes sobre o FSM. -
The World Economic Forum – a Partner in Shaping History
The World Economic Forum A Partner in Shaping History The First 40 Years 1971 - 2010 The World Economic Forum A Partner in Shaping History The First 40 Years 1971 - 2010 © 2009 World Economic Forum All rights reserved No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying or recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system. World Economic Forum 91-93 route de la Capite CH-1223 Cologny/Geneva Switzerland Tel.: +41 (0)22 869 1212 Fax +41 (0)22 786 2744 e-mail: [email protected] www.weforum.org Photographs by swiss image.ch, Pascal Imsand and Richard Kalvar/Magnum ISBN-10: 92-95044-30-4 ISBN-13: 978-92-95044-30-2 “Until one is committed, there is hesitancy, the chance to draw back, always ineffective, concerning all acts of initiative (and creation). There is one elementary truth the ignorance of which kills countless ideas and splendid plans: that the moment one definitely commits oneself, then providence moves too. All sorts of things occur to help one that would never otherwise have occurred. A whole stream of events issues from the decision, raising in one’s favour all manner of unforeseen incidents and meetings and material assistance which no man could have dreamed would have come his way. Whatever you can do or dream you can, begin it. Boldness has genius, power and magic in it. Begin it now.” Goethe CONTENTS Foreword 1 Acknowledgements 3 1971 – The First Year 5 1972 – The Triumph of an Idea 13 1973 – The Davos Manifesto 15 1974 – In the Midst of Recession 19 -
“Cosmopolitan Or Colonial? the World Social Forum As „Contact Zone‟”1
1 “Cosmopolitan or Colonial? The World Social Forum as „Contact Zone‟”1 by Janet Conway ([email protected]) Biographical note: Janet Conway is Canada Research Chair in Social Justice at Brock University in St. Catharines, Ontario, Canada. Her area of specialization is social movements and globalization. She has been engaged in research on the World Social Forum since 2002 and is currently writing a book on this subject. Abstract: Although the impressive diversity of the World Social Forum is regularly noted, there has been little analytical work done on the degree to which the praxis of the WSF is enabling communicability across previously unbridged difference and how relations of power, particularly the coloniality of power, shape these interactions. Based on extensive participant-observation and interviewing at the WSF, this article analyzes the WSF as a „contact zone‟ that, in different facets of its complex praxis, is both cosmopolitan and colonial. The author employs the differing conceptions of the contact zone, drawing on the work of Boaventura de Sousa Santos and Mary Louise Pratt, in dialogue with notions of coloniality and colonial difference arising from Latin American studies to illumine the analysis. Key words: coloniality of knowledge/power; contact zone; World Social Forum Introduction Since its appearance in 2001, the World Social Forum has become the preeminent site for the encounter, transformation, and agglomeration of movement knowledges arising from subaltern struggles rooted in specific social and geographical locations/identities. Although the impressive diversity of the WSF is regularly noted, there has been little analytical work done on the degree to which the praxis of the WSF is enabling communication across previously unbridged difference -- beyond co-presence in the open space -- and how relations of power, and particularly the coloniality of power shape these interactions.