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Open Cosmopolitanism and the World Social Forum: Global Resistance, Emancipation, and the Activists’ Vision of a Better World
Globalizations, 2017 Vol. 14, No. 4, 504–518, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2016.1254413 Open Cosmopolitanism and the World Social Forum: Global Resistance, Emancipation, and the Activists’ Vision of a Better World GIUSEPPE CARUSO ∗,∗∗ ∗NHS England, Redditch, UK ∗∗Richmond Fellowship, London, UK ABSTRACT The World Social Forum (WSF) is the world’s largest activist network to date. Its global, regional, national, and thematic events have gathered since 2001 millions of participants and thousands of civil society and social movement organisations. Its cosmopolitan vision is built on resistance to the planetary domination by neo-liberal globalisation. This paper unpacks WSF’s cosmopolitan project and reflects on its vision of emancipated individuals, convivial communities, and a just planetary society in harmony with the environment. In its open organisational space, WSF’s cosmopolitan project develops while in the process of political action rather than prior to that. At the same time, power dynamics, ideological cleavages, and pragmatic concerns about organisation and strategy challenge WSF’s ability to pursue its goals. However, it is these internal tensions that make WSF’s cosmopolitan project both more difficult to achieve and more realistic than claims of universal unity among all its participants. Keywords: World Social Forum, open cosmopolitanism, global justice movement, global resistance 1. Introduction The resurgence over the past three decades of a cosmopolitan discourse is related to, on the one hand, the expansion of market-led globalisation and, on the other, the intensification of social and political mobilisation for social justice. The fall of the Berlin Wall introduced a vision of global unity predicated on the global spread of neo-liberal doctrines. -
Democratizing the Global Economy the Role of Civil Society
DEMOCRATIZING THE GLOBAL ECONOMY THE ROLE OF CIVIL SOCIETY 1 Issued June 2004 by the Centre for the Study of Globalisation and Regionalisation University of Warwick Coventry CV4 7AL, UK Tel. ++44-24-7657 2533 Fax ++44-24-7657 2548 [email protected] ISBN 0 902683 56 X (English original) ISBN 0 902683 58 6 (Arabic translation by Ola Abou Zeid) ISBN 0 902683 59 4 (French translation by Marc Mousli) ISBN 0 902683 60 8 (Portuguese translation by Sergio Flaksmana and Renato Aguiar) ISBN 0 902683 61 6 (Russian translation by Liliana Proskuryakova) ISBN 0 902683 62 4 (Spanish translation by Rosalba Icaza Garza with Marcelo Saguier) ISBN 0 902683 63 2 (Thai translation by Suntaree Kiatiprajuk) This report was prepared by Jan Aart Scholte of CSGR ([email protected]), with extensive and much-appreciated collaboration from: Ola Abou Zeid, Cairo University ([email protected]) Flávia Braga, Federal University of Rio de Janeiro ([email protected]) Christian Chavagneux, Alternatives Economiques, Paris ([email protected]) Zie Gariyo, Uganda Debt Network, Kampala ([email protected]) Elena Kochkina, Open Society Institute-Russia, Moscow ([email protected]) Kanokrat Lertchoosakul, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok ([email protected]) Liliana Proskuryakova, Europe and Central Asia Region NGO Working Group on the World Bank, St Petersburg ([email protected]) Gauri Sreenivasan, Canadian Council for International Co-operation, Ottawa ([email protected]) Naruemon Thabchumpon, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok ([email protected] or [email protected]) Carlos Vainer, Federal University of Rio de Janeiro ([email protected]) Sincere thanks also go to the several hundred civil society practitioners (listed in Appendix 3) who have contributed a wealth of ideas and experiences to this project. -
Towards Democratic Globalization: to WTO Or Not to WTO?
Towards Democratic Globalization: To WTO or not to WTO? Jan Nederveen Pieterse No one is calling for an end to trade or trade rules. But what will those rules be, and who will write them? (Lori Wallach, 2004: 71) In his paper on ‘Economic globalization and institutions of global governance’, Keith Griffin (2003) adopts a welcome forward-looking focus. Griffin is committed to symmetric and democratic globalization and presents policies towards implementing this; I will comment on his argument and then focus on the WTO. According to Griffin, ‘greater globalization, not less, is desirable’ (2003: 793). Here the question is of course what kind of globalization or on what terms? In welcoming ‘greater liberalization, not less’ (ibid.: 792) Griffin is on a similar track as Paul Krugman, Jagdish Bhagwati, Megnad Desai and others. In basic terms this is an obvious case. Developing countries lose about US$ 100 billion a year due to export subsidies and trade barriers in developed countries. Tariff barriers against manufactured goods from the developing world are, on average, four times higher than those against products from the industrialized world and the poorest nations face higher tariffs than less poor nations (Oxfam, 2002; World Bank, 2002). ‘Trade not aid’ has long been the guiding motto. But obvious as the case may be, the question again is not ‘trade or liberalization, or not’, but ‘trade and liberalization on what terms?’. Griffin objects to trends towards protectionism, in particular restrictions on the movement of unskilled labour and the regime of intellectual property rights, and proposes ‘to create a rule-based system of global economic govern- ance as it applies to international trade’ (ibid.: 797). -
The Hyperglobalization of Trade and Its Future
Working Paper Series WP 13-6 JULY 2013 The Hyperglobalization of Trade and Its Future Arvind Subramanian and Martin Kessler Abstract Th is paper describes seven salient features of trade integration in the 21st century: Trade integration has been more rapid than ever (hyperglobalization); it is dematerialized, with the growing importance of services trade; it is democratic, because openness has been embraced widely; it is criss-crossing because similar goods and investment fl ows now go from South to North as well as the reverse; it has witnessed the emergence of a mega-trader (China), the fi rst since Imperial Britain; it has involved the proliferation of regional and preferential trade agreements and is on the cusp of mega-region- alism as the world's largest traders pursue such agreements with each other; and it is impeded by the continued existence of high barriers to trade in services. Going forward, the trading system will have to tackle three fundamental challenges: In developed countries, the domestic support for globalization needs to be sustained in the face of economic weakness and the reduced ability to maintain social insurance mechanisms. Second, China has become the world’s largest trader and a major benefi ciary of the current rules of the game. It will be called upon to shoulder more of the responsibilities of maintaining an open system. Th e third challenge will be to prevent the rise of mega-regionalism from leading to discrimi- nation and becoming a source of trade confl icts. We suggest a way forward—including new areas of cooperation such as taxes—to maintain the open multilateral trading system and ensure that it benefi ts all countries. -
Quality Improvement of Indonesian University in the Face Of
I S S N 2 3 2 1 - 1091 V o l u m e 1 0 N u m b e r 4 Journal of Social Sciences Research Quality Improvement of Indonesian University in The Face of Globalization Niniek Fariaty Lantara Indonesian Moslem University of Makassar Urip Sumoharjo Km 5 – Makassar Indonesia Corresponding author: [email protected] ABSTRACT This article shed light on sustainable quality improvement of Indonesian universities by embracing autonomous principle as the propulsion for a more dynamic and accountable system in order to back up a reliable autonomy with accreditation to assure the quality of graduate students, and self evaluation to guarantee an apt decision making based on empirical data and information. Therefore, it is vital to reassess university vision and mission of teaching, researching, and community service, especially in the face of a more democratic globalization era sustained with science and technological development. Government, universities, and other research institutions, together with industrial sector, are highly potential to form a synergistic triangle to jointly handle internalization transfer and strategic technological development to enhance productivity and national competitiveness sustainably. Autonomy is a right or authority provided by the authorized party or government, while academic freedom is a kind of freedom owned by academicians in performing their duty and their functional activity, namely education and scientific research. The development of University accountability is meant to make the best use of university resources for activities sustaining the stated goals. Keywords: Education, University, Globalization, Quality Improvement Academic Discipline And Sub-Disciplines Management education SUBJECT CLASSIFICATION Management TYPE (METHOD/APPROACH) Literary Analysis; Survey/Interview INTRODUCTION Every citizen is entitled with the right to obtain a decent education equally with excellence and equity between access and achievement. -
On Global Citizenship: James Tully in Dialogue. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2014
Tully, James. "On Global Citizenship." On Global Citizenship: James Tully in Dialogue. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2014. 3–100. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 30 Sep. 2021. <http:// dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781472544827.ch-001>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 30 September 2021, 10:32 UTC. Copyright © James Tully 2014. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 1 On Global Citizenship J a m e s T u l l y 1. Introduction: Global citizenship as negotiated practices ‘Global citizenship’ has emerged as the locus of struggles on the ground and of refl ection and contestation in theory.1 Th is is scarcely surprising. Many of the central and most enduring struggles in the history of politics have taken place in and over the language of citizenship and the activities and institutions into which it is woven. One could say that the hopes and dreams and fears and xenophobia of centuries of individual and collective political actors are expressed in the overlapping and confl icting histories of the uses of the language of citizenship, the forms of life in which they have been employed and the locales in which they take place. Th is motley ensemble of contested languages, activities and institutions constitutes the inherited fi eld of citizenship today.2 1 For an introduction to this broad fi eld see H. Anheier, M. Glasius, M. Kaldor and F. Holland, eds, Global Civil Society 2004–2005 , London: Sage, 2004; L. -
The Global Justice and Solidarity Movement and the World Social Forum : a Backgrounder
THE GLOBAL JUSTICE AND SOLIDARITY MOVEMENT AND THE WORLD SOCIAL FORUM : A BACKGROUNDER Peter Waterman he WSF is probably best identified with the recent international wave of protest T known as the 'anti-globalisation movement'. While intimately interrelated with the latter, the WSF is just one emanation of this much more general phenomenon and process. How can these and their inter-relationship be best understood ? It is possible to make a 19th-20th century comparison, with the relationship between trade unions or labour parties on the one hand and 'the labour movement' on the other. But the labour movement, whilst obviously broader and looser than any particular institution, and having international expression, consisted largely of other, primarily national, institutions (co-operatives, women's organisations, publications). The WSF is an essentially international event (or an expanding series of such). And on the other hand, we have an essentially international movement that might not even (yet ?) recognise itself as such. So we are confronted with two new social phenomena — of the period of globalisation, that are both international and global, and that have a novel relationship with each other. The WSF — promoted by an identifiable group of Brazilian, French and other non-governmental organisations, trade unions and individuals — is itself linked organically to the more general movement. This is through an informal Forum event, known as the ‘Call of Social Movements’, which has been attended, and its regular declarations signed, by -
For a Democratic Cosmopolitarian Movement Proposal Papers Series Papers Proposal
Social Movement and World Governance For a democratic cosmopolitarian movement Proposal Papers Series Papers Proposal Jean Rossiaud November 2012 Proposal Papers The Forum for a new World Governance encourages the development and circulation of a series of Proposal Papers. The papers present the most relevant proposals for generating the breakthroughs and changes necessary for building a new, fairer and more sustainable world governance. The Proposal Papers are published in different languages and cover five broad categories of world governance: - Environment and management of the planet - The economy and globalization - Politics, state structures and institutions - Peace, security and armed conflicts - Knowledge, science, education and the information and communication society. Forum for a new World Governance November 2012 www.world-governance.org Graphic design: Elsa Lescure Cover image: mounted from a photograph of Cooperativa Sub (Argentina) English translation: Philippa Bowe Smith & Giles Smith http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.fr This Proposal Paper is available under a Creative Commons License allowing users to use, reproduce and circulate it on condition that they mention the title, authors and Forum for a new World Governance. Social Movement and World Governance For a democratic cosmopolitarian movement Jean Rossiaud November 2012 I would like to express my heartfelt thanks to the FnWG, especially Gustavo Marin, whose benevolent tenacity was only equalled by his uncompromising analysis of my ideas. I would also like to thank Arnaud Blin and Fabienne Fischer for their ever-helpful remarks and suggestions. “And here we can feel that we are approaching a significant revolution (so significant that it may not take place), the revolution relating to the great paradigm of Western science (and, consequentially, of metaphysics, sometimes the negative image of science, sometimes its counterpart) […]. -
The American Led Globalization As the Main
The American led Globalization as the Main Obstacle to the Development of Titulo Democracy in the Arab World and Africa Sharawy, Helmy - Autor/a Autor(es) Globalization of the periphery: The challenges of transnational migration for local En: development in Central America Buenos Aires Lugar CLACSO, Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales Editorial/Editor 2008 Fecha Sur-Sur Colección Globalización alternativa; Cooperación Sur-Sur; Democracia; Instituciones financieras Temas internacionales; Régimen político; Imperialismo; Hegemonía mundial; Medio Oriente; Países Árabes; África; Capítulo de Libro Tipo de documento http://bibliotecavirtual.clacso.org.ar/clacso/sur-sur/20100707032958/06shar.pdf URL Reconocimiento-No comercial-Sin obras derivadas 2.0 Genérica Licencia http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.0/deed.es Segui buscando en la Red de Bibliotecas Virtuales de CLACSO http://biblioteca.clacso.edu.ar Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales (CLACSO) Conselho Latino-americano de Ciências Sociais (CLACSO) Latin American Council of Social Sciences (CLACSO) www.clacso.edu.ar Sharawy, Helmy. The american led globalization as the main obstacle to the development of democracy in the arab world and Africa. En publicación: Globalization and the Washington Consensus: its influence on democracy and development in the south. Gladys Lechini (editor). Buenos Aires : CLACSO, Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales, 2008. ISBN 978-987-1183-91-3 Disponible en: http://bibliotecavirtual.clacso.org.ar/ar/libros/sursur/lech/06shar.pdf -
No Political Voice, No Future Contribution to GTI Forum Farewell to the World Social Forum?
October 2019 No Political Voice, No Future Contribution to GTI Forum Farewell to the World Social Forum? Francine Mestrum So much has been said already about the World Social Forum, its past and its future, its successes and its failures. There is certainly no consensus about any of these. There is a past with many successes and some major failures. Whether there is a future will depend on what our objectives are. The world has changed since 2001, the year the WSF premiered. Looking back, while thinking of a possible future, I wonder if our major mistake has been that we have never clarified what exactly we wanted. “Another world is possible”—certainly, it still is, but for whom and from what perspective? It was an excellent slogan, but it allowed us to never say how “other,” how different, and in what way, that new world would be. As Roberto Savio says, the direct impetus for the WSF was an outcry against neoliberalism, structural adjustment, the austerity policies of the international organizations, and the financialization of the economy. There was still some hope that, ten years after the end of the Cold War, there was a possibility for peace, for better international relations, for global governance, for progress and development. In the early Forums, according to my research, the demands for real system change were, in fact, rare.1 There was very little talk of anti-capitalism, socialism, or revolutionary strategies. The radical alternatives discussed focused on social relations, participation, and a solidarity economy beyond markets. There was very little anti-globalization, but more alter-globalization with demands for a fair global order, based on the United Nations as opposed to the World Trade Organization, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund. -
Globalization and the Emergence of the World Social Forums
01_Smith_Ch1.qxd 4/2/07 3:46 PM Page 1 Chapter One GLOBALIZATION AND THE EMERGENCE OF THE WORLD SOCIAL FORUMS n the 1970s and 1980s, protests against the lending policies of Ithe International Monetary Fund (IMF) emerged in the global south. By the late 1990s, tens of thousands of protesters were gathering wherever the world’s political and economic elite met, raising criticisms of global economic policies and calling for more just and equitable economic policies. As the numbers of protesters grew, so did the violence with which governments responded. Governments spent millions and arrested hundreds of nonviolent protesters to ensure their meetings could take place. Italian police killed Carlo Giuliani, a twenty-three-year-old pro- tester, at the meeting of the Group of 8 (G8) in Genoa in 2001, dramatizing for activists in the global north the brutal repression against activists that is common in the global south.The size of police mobilizations against these overwhelmingly nonviolent protests was unprecedented in Western democracies, and it sig- naled the declining legitimacy of the system of economic glob- alization promoted by the world’s most powerful governments. After years of such protests against the world’s most powerful economic institutions—the World Bank,International Monetary 1 01_Smith_Ch1.qxd 4/2/07 3:46 PM Page 2 2CHAPTER ONE Fund, the World Trade Organization (WTO), and the G8—a team of Latin American and French activists launched the first World Social Forum (WSF) in January 2001. Over just a few short years, the WSF has become the largest political gathering in modern history and a major focal point of global efforts to promote an alternative vision of global integra- tion. -
Media Discourses on the World Social Forums:Towards Comparative Analyses 1
Media discourses on the World Social Forums Media discourses on the World Social Forums:Towards comparative analyses 1 Jan Ekecrantz 2* The reflections to be presented in this and a parallel article by Maia and Castro are based on ongoing studies of Brazilian, Swedish and Russian and Chinese media materials dealing with the World Social Forums (WSF) in 2001-2004. The overriding question in this paper concerns the ways mainstream media of very different societies have re-constructed the global and local issues addressed by the Forums. Of the four market-oriented economies, Communist China and Post-Socialist Russia stand out as being almost silent about the WSF, favouring economic globalization - seemingly at odds with cultural globalization. In Brazil and Sweden the dominant media harbour contradictory discourses reflecting different political positions visavi the WSF. World Social Forums – dominant media – cultural globalization As reflexões aqui presentes, assim como o artigo de Maia e Castro publicado nesta revista, encontram-se baseados em uma investigação em curso sobre o material divulgado pela mídia brasileira, sueca, russa e chinesa sobre as edições do Fórum Social Mundial (FSM) de 2001 a 2004. Este artigo explora, como questão principal, os modos pelos quais a chamada grande mídia de sociedades bastante diferentes reconstruíram os tópicos locais e globais suscitados pelos Fóruns. Das quatro economias orientadas pelo mercado, a China comunista e a Rússia pós- socialista mantêm um silêncio quase completo sobre o FSM, favorecendo a globalização econômica, e, aparentemente, afastando-se da globalização cultural. No Brasil e na Suécia, a mídia dominante encampa discursos contraditórios refletindo posições políticas diferentes sobre o FSM.