<<

DRAWN BY THE LATE PREHISTORIC NATIVE MIGRATION INTO THE CENTRAL PLAINS

LAUREN W. RITTERBUSH

Popular images of the frequently for instance, are described as relying heavily portray horse-mounted Indians engaged in on bison meat for food and living a nomadic dramatic bison hunts. The importance of these lifestyle in tune with the movements of the hunts is emphasized by the oft-mentioned de­ bison. More sedentary farming societies, such pendence of the on bison. This as the , , Pawnee, Oto, and animal served as a source of not only food but Kansa, incorporated seasonal long-distance also materials for shelter, clothing, contain­ bison hunts into their annual subsistence, ers, and many other necessities of life. Pursuit which also included gardening. In each case, of the vast bison herds (combined with the multifamily groups formed bands or tribal en­ needs of the Indians' horses for pasturage) af­ tities of some size that cooperated with one fected human patterns of subsistence, mobil­ another during formal bison hunts and other ity, and settlement. The Lakota and , community activities.! Given the importance of bison to these people living on the Great Plains, it is often assumed that a similar pattern of utilization existed in prehistory. Indeed, archeological KEY WORDS: migration, bison, Central Plains, studies have shown that bison was Oneota, Central Plains tradition key to the survival of Paleoindian peoples of the Plains as early as 11,000 years ago. 2 If we Lauren W. Ritterbush is Assistant Professor of Anthropology at Kansas State University. She is an combine archeological information about this archeologist with primary research interests in very early period of prehistoric existence with prehistoric hunter-gatherer-gardeners and the processes documentation of the historic era, it seems of human adaptation to the Great Plains. plausible to interpret that focused bison hunt­ ing was the mainstay of Indian societies throughout the millennia of native occupa­ [GPQ 22(Fall 2002): 259-701 tion of the Plains.

259 260 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, FALL 2002

Upon close examination of the archeologi­ decisions to migrate and in adjusting to the cal record, however, we find that bison hunt­ Plains. There are no simple explanations of ing was not equally important to all past Plains the process of migration; rather, it is a com­ societies. During the Late Prehistoric period plex interaction of environmental and social (A.D. 1000-1500), for instance, indigenous factors. The presence of bison does not pro­ societies of the Central Plains were not heavily vide a single explanation for occupation of reliant on .3 These societies or­ the Plains. Yet, for certain Oneota peoples ganized themselves around individual house­ this variable interplayed with social structures holds and depended on the harvesting of a to influence human movements and adjust­ wide variety of locally available wild and do­ ments. Through a dynamic perspective of the mestic resources. This pattern of subsistence, past we see not only changing populations with limited interest in bison, proved success­ and adaptations but also the changing role of ful given the small-scale social organization of bison in human societies. This reminds us that these societies. A change toward more focused the common image of Plains Indians as a bison hunting developed in the Central Plains monoculture of bison hunters was neither all­ late in prehistory, not by indigenous Plains encompassing at anyone time nor pervasive populations but by groups that migrated into throughout the long period of human occupa­ the region in the thirteenth or fourteenth cen­ tion of the Plains region. tury.4 These immigrants came from the east and were likely Siouan rather than Caddo an CENTRAL PLAINS TRADITION speakers. They organized themselves in groups (villages) of linked households. Archeologists Identifying and untaveling the factors in­ refer to this cultural manifestation as the volved in migration into the Central Plains Oneota tradition.s With the entry of Oneota starts by understanding the indigenous peoples peoples into the Central Plains, indigenous who lived in this region during the early por­ households shifted their settlements, making tion of the Late Prehistoric period. Archeolo­ room for the more cohesive and potentially gists refer to these people and cultures as the aggressive population.6 Central Plains tradition (CPt). Numerous sites The exact reason for westward Oneota mi­ identified with this archeological tradition gration is difficult to discern. It appears that have been studied in , Kansas, east­ abundant bison resources played an impor­ ern Iowa, and northwestern and pro­ tant role in drawing them into the heart of vide us with valuable data for interpreting past the Plains. 7 Preexisting social structures and lifeways. The majority of CPt sites are rela­ modes ofliving allowed large-scale bison hunt­ tively small and consist of one to three lodges. ing to be successfully incorporated into the House floor plans indicate that these struc­ already mixed subsistence base of Oneota cul­ tures were commonly subrectangular with an ture.1t is this adaptation, developed prior to extended entryway. Four central and a series the introduction of the horse and contact with of smaller wall posts upheld the superstruc­ European peoples, that came to characterize ture of beams, thatch, and earth. A central many of the sedentary bison-hunting groups firepit suggests an opening in the roof for ven­ of the eastern Plains during the historic pe­ tilation. These structures were substantial riod. (nonportable) homes that required some in­ This study of prehistoric human migration vestment of labor and resources. Their design into the Central Plains provides insight into was well suited to the climatic extremes of the this region's past, its people, and the processes region. As such, these shelters likely served as of human adaptation and change. It reveals year-round home bases for CPt households. the diversity of adaptations developed by dif­ New houses were built nearby or in other lo­ ferent populations and the factors involved in calities as social situations changed or the DRAWN BY THE BISON 261 structures deteriorated or were destroyed (for that hunting was done with the bow and ar­ example, by fire).8 row. Although tools made of bison bone show These habitations are scattered along ma­ that bison were hunted, their remains are not jor and tributary stream valleys throughout abundant at CPt sites. Various explanations much of the Central Plains. On the smallest can be hypothesized for this low density. Bi­ scale, typical CPt settlements consisted of one son may have been butchered away from liv­ or two households, likely composed of close ing sites so that only meat removed from the kin. Other households were nearby in similar bone was returned to the site. The rarity of settlements along the same or neighboring CPt hunting camps does not lend support to valleys. Individual houses appear to have been this hypothesis. Environmental conditions occupied for relatively short periods of time may have resulted in low bison populations in (an estimated five to ten years). Larger sites the Central Plains at this time, limiting the containing as many as two to three dozen availability of bison. Cultural patterns may lodges have been identified, but rather than also explain the limited presence of bison re­ villages, these were localities reoccupied by a mains at CPt sites. Faunal studies indicate that series of families over an extended period of locally available resources were harvested, time. including a wide variety of large and small The location of CPt settlements along the animals.9 This finding is supported by the di­ stream valleys of the Plains provided easy ac­ versity of faunal remains at five CPt sites in cess to a wide variety of resources. Rich soils the northern Flint Hills of Kansas. 10 The oc­ allowed the natural growth of diverse wild cupants of these sites hunted the large game plants and the raising of corn, beans, squash, animals bison, , deer, and . In and sunflowers. Hoes made from bison scapu­ addition, they hunted or trapped cottontail, lae (shoulder blades) or large mussel shells , squirrel, and other mammals and birds and picks made from bison leg bones were used of the riparian forests and adjacent grasslands. to dig roots and tubers and work the soil. Af­ Aquatic resources were harvested through ter harvest, wild seeds, roots, tubers, and gar­ hunting, trapping, and collecting beaver, wa­ den produce were processed with various tools. terfowl, turtles, mussels, and possibly frogs and Deer jaws or mussel shells were used to re­ toads. Fish such as catfish, gar, and bullhead move corn kernels from the cob, while lime­ were obtained using fishhooks and possibly stone and sandstone slabs and handstones were other means. All these animals were available employed for grinding seeds and cracking nuts. in habitats located within easy walking dis­ Scapulae were also shaped into knives for cut­ tance of the occupation sites and likely in suf­ ting relatively soft materials such as squash, ficient quantities to support the limited which could then be dried for future use. Dried number of individuals occupying each habita­ produce was stored below ground in pits. Much tion. The faunal assemblage of the Hulme site of the cooking was done in ceramic vessels. in south-central Nebraska also reflects a lo­ Clay for the manufacture of these pots was cally focused and diversified subsistence base. readily available in the stream valleys, as well The most prevalent animal remains here were as in some upland areas of the region where those of pronghorn and deer. Nonetheless, residual rather than alluvial clays were present. numerous other species and types of animal The stream valleys and adjacent uplands are represented in the assemblage from this were rich in animal resources. A diet of plant upland site, among them the jackrabbit, cot­ foods collected and grown by the CPt people tontail, dog, raccoon, fox, grouse or was supplemented with meat obtained through prairie chicken, turkey, beaver, muskrat, hunting and collecting a variety of fauna. Small turtles, fish, and a variety of waterfowl. 11 The side-notched points and woodworking tools, more western CPt sites in the Medicine Creek such as shaft abraders and wrenches, indicate locality of southern Nebraska consistently 262 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, FALL 2002 contain bison remains as well as a variety of studied Late Prehistoric Oneota sites, namely other animals from nearby grassland, wood­ the Leary, Ashland, and White Rock phase land, and aquatic habitats. 12 The relative abun­ sites, are also present in eastern and southern dance of specific animal remains at each Nebraska and northern Kansas. As is typical Central Plains tradition site varies according of Oneota sites in the Midwest, many of these to the primary habitats of the surrounding western sites were villages or large base camps environment. In nearly all cases, we see the occupied over an extended period of time by a CPt pattern of a diverse (diffuse) subsistence number of households that practiced hunting, base reliant on readily available resources gathering, and gardening. This contrasts mark­ rather than on large-scale bison hunting. edly with the small farmsteads of CPt sites. Despite the generally sedentary nature of Evidence for houses is rare, suggesting that CPt cultures, movements within the region light structures of poles, bark, mats, or hides occurred on a regular basis. These movements may have been the norm. expanded around the middle of the Late Pre­ Despite some technological similarity be­ historic period. At this time many CPt settle­ tween Oneota and CPt assemblages, certain ments in the heart of the Central Plains were artifacts distinguish them. This is most evi­ abandoned, as populations shifted to other dent in ceramics. For example, potsherds from localities within or adjacent to this region. the , a western Oneota site in ex­ For instance, CPt sites in the Medicine Creek treme southeastern Nebraska, are more simi­ (southern Nebraska) and Glenwood (western lar to those at Oneota sites in the Midwest Iowa) localities appear to have been aban­ than to CPt ceramics. IS They are clearly shell­ doned during the latter portion of the thir­ tempered, with a smooth exterior surface. The teenth century. In other areas, such as extreme top or upper interior portion of the lip of these northeastern Nebraska, the CPt was present vessels was commonly decorated with notches in the fifteenth century.13 These data suggest formed by impressing a tool (or finger) into that CPt groups were migrating within the the damp clay. On some vessels a tool was also Plains, establishing new homes and social re­ trailed through the clay on the interior sur­ lations. Climatic change (drought) has tradi­ face of outflaring or outcurving rims to form a tionally been suggested as a prime mover of V -shaped design. Trailed lines, as well as these population shifts, although resource punctates, were also used to make geometric depletion (swidden model) has also been sug­ forms on the pot shoulder. Paired handles ex­ gested to be an important factor. The appear­ tending between the rim and shoulder were ance of a potentially aggressive migrant often present and were plain or decorated with population in the region starting in the late trailed lines, punctates, or other tool impres­ thirteenth or first half of the fourteenth cen­ sions. Complete jars had a hemispherical to tury could have been another major factor globular shape and occasionally an elliptical leading to the movement of CPt populations cross-section. The combination of these at­ in the region. 14 tributes is diagnostic of Oneota ceramics. Al­ though there is much variability in CPt ONEOTA IN THE PLAINS ceramics, most are tempered with sand, grit, or grog and have a roughened or incompletely Evidence for the migration of eastern smoothed-over surface. Rims may be direct or peoples into the Central Plains during the Late thickened (collared) and are straight or slightly Prehistoric period is found in the form of ar­ flaring. Decoration is largely confined to the cheological remains identified with the Oneota exterior portion of the rim (which is more archeological tradition. The Oneota tradition visible on CPt than on Oneota pots) and may is best known from sites in the Midwest (Fig. include finger pinching or incised lines. Ce­ 1). Several well-known but until now little- ramics from some southern and eastern CPt ORA WN BY THE BISON 263

Lower Central Lake Des Michigan Moines

, White" Rock sites • •

Upper Osage

O~i ~~~1~OO~iiiiiiiiiiiiiiii~2~op. Miles

FIG. 1. Localities of Oneota settlements (shaded) in the Midwest and western Oneota sites (dots) in or adjacent to the Central Plains. sites (Smoky Hill and Steed-Kisker phases) not CPt sites. Stone arrow points made and are shell-tempered, smooth surfaced, and deco­ used by Oneota peoples were commonly small, rated with geometric lines on the shoulder. unnotched, and informally manufactured These can be distinguished from Oneota wares through limited retouch of small, thin flakes. on the basis of rim form (low, rolled rim) and CPt arrow points were commonly side-notched lack of lip decoration, as well as other subtle and formed through more extensive effort. 17 characteristics. 16 These differences in settlement, housing, Other differences in artifact type, form, and and artifact forms as well as manufacturing mode of manufacture exist between Oneota processes indicate that two general cultural and CPt assemblages. For instance, heavy traditions existed in the Central Plains during grooved stone mauls, disk pipes, and, occa­ the Late Prehistoric period. The Leary, sionally, discoidals are found at Oneota, but Ashland, and White Rock phase sites all share 264 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, FALL 2002 an affiliation with the Oneota tradition and fied conclusively, a combination of social date to about A.D. 1250-1450. Their similar­ dominance and threat of warfare may have led ity to Oneota sites in the Midwest and the to the intrusion of Oneota peoples into the lack of earlier such sites in the Central Plains CPt territory. Here, indigenous (CPt) popula­ indicate that eastern immigrants entered this tions were organized as nuclear families or region in the thirteenth or fourteenth cen­ small, extended families or bands who were tury.IS likely unable to compete with the more cohe­ This movement westward coincided with sive and aggressive Oneota. Oneota expansion in various parts of the Mid­ The tribalization and aggression of Oneota west. 19 Two approaches to understanding the society may explain the process that allowed spread of the Oneota tradition emphasize the Oneota peoples to expand into the already competitive edge this society had over indig­ occupied Central Plains. This does not, how­ enous societies. David Benn believes that ever, describe the motivating factors for west­ Oneota economic production involved exten­ ward migration. Although difficult to test, it sive labor, notably for a variety of simulta­ seems reasonable that a tribal society with a neous subsistence tasks (e.g., gardening, hierarchical organization, as hypothesized by gathering, and long-distance hunting). A uni­ Benn, would be subject to internal, as well as fied labor force was necessary to maintain this external, competition.22 Internal conflict may economy. Benn postulates that a tribal form serve as a "push" factor resulting in group fis­ of social organization in which kin groups (such sioning. Fissioning may explain part of the as extended family households or clans) ob­ decision-making process of migration; how­ tained, organized, and controlled labor devel­ ever, it does not clarify why Oneota peoples oped within Oneota society. This social would desire to move westward into the Plains. structure not only manipulated labor but also What "pull" factors drew certain Oneota popu­ facilitated colonial expansion. As Benn states, lations into a region previously unoccupied by Oneota peoples? From its "heartland" o"f permanent village locales, the tribe could range over the DRAWN BY BISON former territories of Woodland bands, be­ cause the village membership was large Dale R. Henning has hypothesized that a enough to undertake extended hunts and combination of environmental and social fac­ protect the base camp.20 tors drew certain Oneota peoples westward from their traditional homelands. These in­ Although Benn refers here specifically to clude the departure of indigenous peoples from Woodland bands, the small, isolated CPt western locales, the occurrence of peaceful households would have been similarly vulner­ social and economic relations between Oneota able to larger and more cohesive social units, groups and their western neighbors, favorable such as Oneota tribal or village groups. environmental conditions, and abundant bi­ Decorative motifs on Oneota ceramics are son.23 As noted previously, CPt populations believed to reflect the hierarchical ideal of abandoned portions of the Central Plains at Oneota hegemony and may also reveal the about the same time that Oneota peoples ar­ role of warfare in Oneota expansion. Through rived. Unfortunately, limitations of radiocar­ a broad review of archeological evidence from bon and other presently available archeological the Midwest and Plains, R. Eric Hollinger in­ dating techniques do not allow the develop­ terprets warfare as an important mechanism ment of a finely tuned chronology of events in Oneota expansion into foreign territories.21 for the period relevant to this issue (ca. A. D. Although direct evidence of warfare between 1250-1450). This is apparent at the Leary site Oneota and CPt peoples has not been identi- in extreme southeastern Nebraska. ORA WN BY THE BISON 265

The Leary site contains both CPt and western Wisconsin} has been suggested to be Oneota components that have been radio­ indicative of Oneota bison hunting.26 Various carbon-dated to within the Late Prehistoric researchers have hypothesized that by A.D. period. Statistical tests reveal that the radio­ 1400 bison were so important to Oneota popu­ carbon determinations for these components lations that eastern groups, such as those in are too similar to distinguish one from the Wisconsin, were traveling westward for sea­ other. One explanation for this lack of tempo­ sonal bison huntsY An alternative hypoth­ ral variation may be that Oneota and CPt esis explaining the presence of bison bone at peoples were living together at this site. This eastern Oneota sites is that certain hones {as interpretation suggests support for Henning's well as hides and horn} arrived at these sites hypothesis that Oneota peoples were drawn through long-distance exchange. Such activ­ westward by the development of peaceful re­ ity resulted in a biased subassemblage of fau­ lations with western populations. However, nal elements not representative of assemblages archeological deposits at the Leary site likely from local or long-distance hunting for food. 28 have been mixed, thus challenging the inter­ Faunal analyses have shown that skewed fre­ pretation of contemporaneous CPt and Oneota quencies of bison elements are common at occupation. An equally plausible but compet­ Oneota sites. For example, bison scapulae are ing interpretation is that Oneota peoples im­ the most common {and sometimes the only} migrated to the Leary site soon after it was bison element present at many eastern Oneota abandoned by CPt peoples. Their activities sites. Bison scapulae recovered from these sites {such as digging storage pits} caused the re­ were often modified to form tools identified mains of both occupants of the site to be mixed. through ethnographic analogy and archeologi­ Additionally, if these two occupations were cal study as hoe blades or other digging imple­ separated from each other by a relatively short ments.29 period of time {e.g., several generations}, the Hollinger and Falk argue that the most plau­ temporal range determined through radiocar­ sible interpretation for bison elements in the bon assay of materials from those components assemblages from eastern Oneota sites is that would overlap. As a result, it is impossible to selected bison products, such as bison scapula evaluate the exact timing and form of interac­ hoes and hides, were received through ex­ tion, if any, between CPt populations and the change with more western populations rather western Oneota migrants at the Leary site.24 It than through local or long-distance hunting.3o is hoped that future archeological excavations Oneota sites in Kansas and Nebraska contain and analyses will be possible at less-disturbed an abundance and variety of bison remains,31 stratified sites and will be finely tuned to ex­ This suggests that their occupants were di­ tract detailed stratigraphic and other tempo­ rectly and heavily involved in bison hunting. ral data. There are few Oneota assemblages from out­ Changing environmental conditions, espe­ side the Plains that clearly document such cially as they affected bison populations and i~tensive bison hunting. Henning and Fishel their distribution in the Plains and Midwest, believe that other western Oneota peoples liv­ may also have affected Oneota expansion west­ ing in sites along the Plains-Midwest transi­ ward. Archeologists often note the importance tion were also extensively involved in bison of bison in Oneota societies.25 This interpre­ hunting. Henning interprets increased bison tation comes primarily from the identification numbers in this region during the Late Prehis­ of bison bone at many Oneota sites, including toric period as due to cooler and drier climatic those located as far from the Plains as eastern conditions. The presence of bison east of the Wisconsin. The presence of substantial num­ Plains is believed to have encouraged western bers of end scrapers and some bison bone at Oneota migration. 32 Fishel suggests that Oneota sites in the LaCrosse locality {south- Oneota occupants of the Dixon site in north- 266 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, FALL 2002 western Iowa traveled long distances into the plus that could be used in exchange to build Plains to hunt bison (and collect useful stone and maintain social and economic ties with material). This interpretation is based on the others. Continued zooarcheological studies of types of stone used for tools, the exotic origins bison elements and their abundance and dis­ of those materials, and the abundance and dis­ tribution in Oneota sites will provide addi­ tribution of bison bone at that site.33 Further tional data to evaluate this interpretation. environmental research is necessary to evalu­ Obstacles or barriers to migration into the ate the interpretation of increased bison num­ Plains do not appear to have existed or been bers east of the Plains during the Late insurmountable. No physical barriers are ap­ Prehistoric period. Additional carefully docu­ parent in the Central Plains. River-based travel mented and thoroughly researched archeologi­ would have been suitable on the larger streams cal examinations of western Oneota sites, such in the region, while overland transport could as Dixon, Blood Run, and others in north­ have been eased by the use of dogs as pack western Iowa, and possibly those in central animals. The frequency of canid remains at Missouri, such as the Utz site, are needed to western Oneota sites confirms that these evaluate the possibility that these Oneota were people made use of dogs. 38 As noted above, also directly involved in intensive bison hunt­ the CPt populations in the Plains at this time ing.34 lived in small, scattered settlements of few The Oneota desire for bison scapulae hoes, households. The lack of concentrated popula­ hides, and other products, despite often very tions and a broad, cohesive social organiza­ limited access to these animals, created a de­ tion would make these indigenous populations mand and thus a need for exchange of these vulnerable to a larger, tribally organized im­ items. This appears to have been the case migrant population. It is unlikely that they among Oneota populations by at least the early formed much of a barrier to Oneota migrants. fourteenth century. As noted by Ravenstein, Oneota migration westward required some economic motives are among the most impor­ adjustment to the natural and social environ­ tant factors to influence ~igration. 35 Although ment of the Plains. A mixed subsistence base this observation derives from study of indus­ of gardening, hunting, and gathering was still trial societies, there is some reason to believe possible and was maintained, but with greater that the competitive nature of tribal societies, emphasis placed on bison hunting. This is es­ such as that hypothesized for the Oneota by pecially evident in the heart of the Central Benn,36 would also drive individuals, kin, or Plains, where Oneota peoples (represented by other groups to seek means to obtain desirable remains referred to by archeologists as the goods. If the productivity of a region outside White Rock phase) focused activities on the the homeland is perceived as greater than that hunting of large numbers of bison. The high of the area presently occupied, those seeking frequency of bison bone and the limited vari­ improved economic conditions are likely to ety of other faunal remains support this con­ consider migration.37 My hypothesis is that a clusion. Many bison products were processed demand for bison products and perceived dif­ for local use, as indicated by the presence of ferential productivity between the Midwest butchering tools (e.g., chipped stone knives), and the Plains in terms of bison led certain the remains of a bone boiling pit filled with Oneota populations to migrate into the Plains crushed and low utility bones (boiled for the during the late thirteenth or early fourteenth extraction of fat), stone hammers or mauls century. Gaining direct access to bison would (used for crushing bone for marrow extrac­ have given those people with easier access to tion), and numerous hide scraping tools.39 the desired products (e.g., bison scapulae, Surplus bison products (meat, "," meat, and hides) an economic advantage and scapulae, and hides) could have been trans­ would have allowed them to accumulate a sur- ported eastward for exchange with other ORAWN BY THE BISON 267

Oneota groups. The Leary site, situated along a tradition of intensive bison hunting. Re­ the eastern edge of the Plains and very near formed Caddo an cultures of the Protohistoric the Missouri River, a major transportation and Historic periods, such as the Pawnee and artery of the region, may have served as a re­ Wichita, organized into bands and villages that gional exchange center for these and other cooperated for long-distance bison hunts.42 products, as hypothesized by Henning.40 I have Although these historic groups are well known initiated research designed to evaluate this for their focus on bison hunting, it was the hypothesis through the identification of ex­ adjustment of eastern migrants that set the otic materials in the Leary site and other stage for changing adaptations and the well­ Oneota assemblages, the place of origin of known tradition of bison hunting in the Plains. those materials, and the distribution of con­ temporaneous non-Oneota assemblages that NOTES contain Oneota traits (indicative of direct or indirect interaction). 41 I wish to acknowledge the contributions of Dale Henning and R. Eric Hollinger to the development of this paper. They willingly shared their ideas and The migration of Oneota peoples into the data through published and unpublished manu­ Plains during the latter portion of the Late scripts and stimulating conversation. I have had Prehistoric period coincided with the estab­ further conversations on the many issues and analy­ lishment of an economy heavily dependent ses related to my ongoing research into Plains on bison hunting. However, this also occurred Oneota and migration with Brad Logan, who has directly and indirectly encouraged me in my re­ in combination with more "traditional" means search and provided a sounding board for my of subsistence, including gardening and gath­ thoughts and interpretations. Ideas of these indi­ ering. This adaptation differed from that of viduals are evident in this thesis, as is true of all the indigenous populations in the region at research that builds on existing ideas and data to that time. The native economy of the Central derive a more thorough understanding of our hu­ man past. Plains prior to arrival of Oneota migrants was I thank the organizers of the Great Plains Mi­ dependent on a wide variety of locally avail­ gration Symposium for pulling together a success­ able resources that could be harvested easily ful meeting that provided an interesting and by individuals within self-supporting house­ enjoyable outlet for interdisciplinary exchange. holds. Large-scale bison hunting was not pos­ Two anonymous reviewers and the editor of the Great Plains Quarterly provided useful insight into sible without coordinated social effort, a trait better means for presenting this archeologically not common to their household-based social based research to the audience of the GPQ. organization. The more-extended social ties of Oneota groups, on the other hand, were 1. Robert H. Lowie, Indians of the Plains (New adapted to the completion of multiple labor­ York: American Museum ofN atural History, 1954); George Bird Grinnell, The Cheyenne Indians: Their intensive tasks, including extensive bison History and Ways of Life (1923; reprint, Lincoln: hunting. This, combined with a demand for University of Nebraska Press, 1972); John H. bison products such as scapulae hoes, hides, Moore, The Cheyenne Nation: A Social and Demo­ and meat, both allowed and encouraged cer­ graphic History (Lincoln: University of Nebraska tain Oneota populations to move into the Press, 1987); Preston Holder, The Hoe and the Horse on the Plains: A Study of Cultural Development among Plains where bison were abundant. These mi­ North American Indians (Lincoln: University of grations westward likely led to displacement Nebraska Press, 1970); Roy W. Meyer, The Village of the indigenous CPt households and the es­ Indians of the Upper Missouri: The , tablishment of an economy that included in­ , and (Lincoln: UniverSity of Ne­ tensive bison hunting. This adaptation came braska Press, 1977); Alfred W. Browers, Hidatsa Social and Ceremonial Organization (1963; reprint, to characterize later native societies of the Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1992); Gene Plains. Siouan populations of the Central Weltfish, The Lost Universe: Pawnee Life and Cul­ Plains, such as the Oto and Kansa, maintained ture (1965; reprint, Lincoln: University of Nebraska 268 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, FALL 2002

Press, 1977); William E. Unrau, The Kansa Indians: 10. Lauren W. Ritterbush and Brad Logan, A History of the Wind People, 1673-1873 (Norman: "Analysis of Three Smoky Hill Variant Sites in University of Press, 1971). North-Central Kansas: The Schultz Archaeologi­ 2. Jack L. Hofman and Russell W. Graham, "The cal Project, Phase II" (University of Kansas Mu­ Paleo-Indian Cultures of the Great Plains," in Ar­ seum of Anthropology, Project Report Series no. chaeology on the Great Plains, ed. W. Raymond Wood 78, 1992), pp. 16-21; Marie E. Brown, "Cultural (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1998), pp. Behavior as Reflected in the Vertebrate Faunal 87 -139; George C. Frison, Julie F. Francis, and James Assemblages of Three Smoky Hill Sites" (master's C. Miller, Prehistoric Hunters of the High Plains, 2d thesis, University of Kansas, 1982), pp. 19-39; Larry ed. (New York: Academic Press, 1991). J. Schmits et aI., "Archaeological and Historical 3. John R. Bozell, "Culture, Environment, and Investigations at Tuttle Creek Lake, Eastern Kan­ Bison Populations on the Late Prehisroric and Early sas," Environmental Systems Analysis, Inc., Publica­ Historic Central Plains," Plains Anthropologist 40, tions in Anthropology no. 3 (1987), p. 123; Terry L. no. 152 (1995): 145-64. Steinacher, "The Moll Creek Site (14CY102)" 4. Brad Logan, "Phasing in White Rock: Ar­ (manuscript on file with author, 1975), pp. 104-6. chaeological Investigation of the White Rock and 11. John R. Bozell, "Fauna from the Hulme Site Warne Sites, Lovewell Reservoir, Jewell County, and Comments on Central Plains Tradition Sub­ Kansas, 1994-1995" (University of Kansas Museum sistence Variability," Plains Anthropologist 36, no. of Anthropology, Project Report Series no. 90, 136 (1991): 229-53. 1995); Brad Logan, "Oneota Far West: The White 12. Bozell, ibid.; Carl R. Falk, "Faunal Remains," Rock Phase," The Wisconsin Archeologist 79, no. 2 in Two House Sites in the Central Plains: An Experi­ (1998): 248-67; Brad Logan, "The Fat of the Land: ment in Archaeology, ed. W. Raymond Wood, Plains White Rock Phase Bison Hunting and Grease Pro­ Anthropologist Memoir 6 (1969): 44-51, 80-81, 102; duction," Plains Anthropologist 43, no. 166 (1998): Marvin F. Kivett and George S. Metcalf, "The Pre­ 349-66; Lauren W. Ritterbush and Brad Logan, historic People of the Medicine Creek Reservoir, ('Late Prehistoric Oneota Population Movement Frontier County, Nebraska: An Experiment in into the Central Plains," Plains Anthropologist 45, Mechanized Archaeology (1946-1948)," Plains no. 173 (2000): 257 -n. Anthropologist Memoir 30 (1997): 213; Steinacher 5. Dale R. Henning, "The Oneota Tradition," and Carlson, "Central Plains Tradition" (note 8 in Archaeology on the Great Plains, ed. W. Raymond above), p. 246. Wood (Lawrence: University. Press of Kansas, 1998), 13. Donald J. Blakeslee, "Modeling the Aban­ pp.345-414. donment of the Central Plains: Radiocarbon Dates 6. A traditional archeological interpretation has and the Origin of the Initial Coalescent," in Pre­ been that the indigenous Central Plains tradition history and Human Ecology of the Western (CPt) populations abandoned the Central Plains, and Northern Plains, ed. Joseph A. Tiffany, Plains moving northeastward to become involved in cul­ Anthropologist Memoir 27 (1993): 199-214; Will­ tural changes associated with the Coalescent tradi­ iam T. Billeck, "Time and Space in the Glenwood tion. Although the latter is apparent, not all CPt Locality: The Nebraska Phase in Western Iowa" populations may have been involved in this pro­ (Ph.D. diss., University of Missouri, 1993); Donald cess, and the Central Plains were likely not truly J. Blakeslee, "An Introduction to St. Helena Ar­ abandoned. We await further data and analysis to chaeology," in St. Helena Archaeology: New Data, reach a more finely tuned interpretation of CPt Fresh Interpretations, ed. Donald J. Blakeslee, Re­ movement within and out of the Central Plains. prints in Anthropology (Lincoln, Nebr.: J & L 7. Dale R. Henning, "Oneota: The Western Reprint Company, 1988), p. 10. Manifestations," The Wisconsin Archeologist 79, no. 14. Reid A. Bryson and David A. Baerreis, "In­ 2 (1998): 238-47. troduction and Project Summary," in Climatic 8. Numerous archeological site reports and spe­ Change and the Mill Creek Culture of Iowa, ed. Dale cialized studies document and describe the general R. Henning, Journal of the Iowa Archeological Soci­ lifeways of the CPt peoples across this region. A ety 15 (1968): 1-34; Blakeslee, "Modeling the recent summary of the Central Plains tradition and Abandonment" (note 13 above); Logan, "Oneota additional citations can be found in Terry L. Far West" (note 4 above). Steinacher and Gayle F. Carlson, "The Central 15. A. T. Hill and Waldo R. Wedel, "Excava­ Plains Tradition," in Archaeology on the Great Plains, tions at the Leary Indian Village and Burial Site, ed. W. Raymond Wood (Lawrence: University Press Richardson County, Nebraska," Nebraska History of Kansas, 1998), pp. 235-68. Magazine 17,no.1 (1936): 1-73; CharlesR. Keyes, 9. Bozell, "Culture, Environment, and Bison Review of Excavations at the Leary Indian Village and Populations" (note 3 above); Steinacher and Burial Site, Richardson County, Nebraska, by A.T. Hill Carlson, ibid. and W. R. Wedel (1936), American Antiquity 3 ORA WN BY THE BISON 269

(1938): 290-93. More extensive and detailed analy­ 22. Benn, "Hawks, Serpents, and Bird-Men" sis of the Leary site ceramics is underway by the (note 20 above). author (manuscript in preparation). 23. Henning, "Oneota: Western Manifestations" 16. Published and unpublished reports too nu­ (note 7 above), p. 239. merous to cite here provide descriptions of ceram­ 24. Ritterbush, "Leary Site Revisited" (note 18 ics from many different Oneota sites. A recent above). overview, including a summary of ceramic traits of 25. Henning, "Oneota Tradition" (note 5 above); the Oneota tradition, is presented in Henning, Henning, "Western Oneota" (note 19 above). "Oneota Tradition" (note 5 above). Likewise, a 26. Guy E. Gibbon and Kenneth M. Ames, Ar­ summary of CPt ceramic traits is presented by chaeology of Prehistoric Native America: An Encyclo­ Steinacher and Cadson, "Central Plains Tradition" pedia (New York: Garland, 1998); David F. (note 8 above). A brief comparison of ceramic and Overstreet, "Oneota Prehistory and History," The other traits of the CPt and the White Rock phase Wisconsin Archeologist 78, no. 1-2 (1997): 250-96; of the Oneota tradition is given by Ritterbush and G. Richard Peske, "Winnebago Cultural Adapta­ Logan, "Late Prehistoric Oneota Population Move­ tion to the Fox River Waterway," The Wisconsin ment" (note 4 above), pp. 259-62. Archeologist 52, no. 2 (1971): 66; Robert F. Boszhardt 17. Ritterbush and Logan, ibid.; Isaku Owada and Joelle McCarthy, "Oneota End Scrapers and and Lauren W. Ritterbush, "Changes in Late Pre­ Experiments in Hide Dressing: An Analysis from historic Arrowpoint Technology in North-Central the La Crosse Locality," Midcontinental Journal of Kansas" (paper presented at the 21st Annual Flint Archaeology 24, no. 2 (1999): 177-99; Robert F. Hills Archaeological Conference, Lawrence, Kans., Boszhardt, "Turquoise, Rasps, Heartlines: The 1999). Oneota Bison Pull," in Mounds, Modoc, and 18. Ritterbush and Logan, ibid.; Lauren W. Mesoamerica: Papers in Honor of Melvin L. Fowler, Ritterbush, "Leary Site Revisited: Oneota and Cen­ ed. Steven R. Ahler, Illinois State Museum Scien­ tral Plains Tradition Occupation along the Lower tific Papers (Springfield: Illinois State Museum, Missouri," Plains Anthropologist 47, no. 182 (2002): 2000), pp. 361-73. 249-62; Robert E. Pepped, "Ashland Archeologi­ 27. Constance M. Arzigian et al., "Summary of cal District, Cass and Saunders Counties, Nebraska, the Pammel Creek Site Analysis and a Proposed National Register Nomination" (on file with the Oneota Seasonal Round," The Wisconsin Archeolo­ Nebraska State Historical Society, Lincoln, 2000); gist 70, no. 1-2 (1989): 278; Boszhardt and Robert E. Pepped, "Reassessment of the Ashland McCarthy, ibid.; Overstreet, ibid.; Robert F. Sasso, Site (25CCl) Complex, Cass and Saunders Coun­ "La Crosse Region Oneota Adaptations: Changing ties, Nebraska," in Survey and Testing Investigations Late Prehistoric Subsistence and Settlement Pat­ for a National Register District Nomination, vol. 1, terns in the Upper Mississippi Valley," The Wiscon­ ed. J. Blackmar and J. Swigart (Lincoln: Nebraska sin Archeologist 74, no. 1 (1993): 324-69. State Historical Society Archeological Survey Re­ 28. R. Eric Hollinger and Carl Falk, "Reassessing port, 2000); Logan, "Oneota Far West" (note 4 Late Prehistoric Patterns of Bison Exploitation in the above), pp. 249-51. Midwest" (paper presented at the 54th Annual Plains 19. Dale R. Henning, "The Western Oneota: Conference, Iowa City, 1996); Peske, "Winnebago Evolution and Interrelationships" (paper presented Cultural Adaptation" (note 26 above), pp. 66-67. at the 57th Annual Plains Anthropological Con­ 29. Jodie A. O'Gorman, "The Tremaine Site ference, Falls, S.Dak., 1999); R. Eric Complex: Oneota Occupation in the La Crosse Lo­ Hollinger, "Oneota Population Movements: Ag­ cality, Wisconsin," vol. 1: "The OT Site (47 Lc- gressive Territorial Expansions and Contractions" 262) ," Archaeology Research Series no. 1, Museum (paper presented at the 66th Annual Meeting of Archaeology Program, State Historical Society of the Society for American Archaeology, New Or­ Wisconsin, 1993; Overstreet, "Oneota Prehistory leans, 200l); Richard L. Fishel, ed., "Bison Hunt­ and History" (note 26 above); Peske, "Winnebago ers of the Western Prairies: Archaeological Cultural Adaptation" (note 26 above), pp. 66-67; Investigations at the Dixon Site (13WD8), James L. Theler, "The Pammel Creek Site Faunal Woodbury County, Iowa," (University ofIowa, Of­ Remains," The Wisconsin Archeologist 70, no. 1-2 fice of the State Archaeologist Report 21, 1999), (1989): 157-242; James L. Theler, "Oneota Faunal pp. 117-18. Remains from Seven Sites in the La Crosse, Wis­ 20. David W. Benn, "Hawks, Serpents, and Bird­ consin, Area," The Wisconsin Archeologist 75, no. 3- Men: Emergence of the Oneota Mode of Produc­ 4 (1994): 343-92; James L. Theler, "An Analysis of tion," Plains Anthropologist 34, no. 125 (1989): Selected Animal Remains from the Gundersen Site 233-60, quote from p. 254, emphasis in original. (4 7Lc394), LaCrosse County, Wisconsin," in The 21. Hollinger, "Oneota Population Movements" Gundersen Site: An Oneota Village and Cemetery in (note 19 above). LaCrosse, Wisconsin, by Constance M. Arzigian, 270 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, FALL 2002

Robert F. Boszhardt, Holly P. Halverson, and James 35. E. G. Ravenstein, "The Laws of Migration," L. Theler, Journal of the Iowa Archeological Society Journal of the Royal Statistical Society 52 (1889): 41 (1994): 38-52; and others. 286, as cited in Everett S. Lee, "A Theory of Mi­ 30. Hollinger and Falk, "Reassessing Late Pre­ gration," Demography 3 (1966): 48. historic Patterns" (note 28 above). 36. Benn, "Hawks, Serpents, and Bird-Men" 31. Logan, "Oneota Far West" and "Fat of the (note 20 above). Land" (both note 4 above); Hill and Wedel, "Exca­ 37. David W. Anthony, "Migration in Archeol­ vations at the Leary Indian Village" (note 15 ogy: The Baby and the Bathwater," American An­ above). thropologist 92, no. 4 (1990): 895-914. 32. Henning, "Oneota: Western Manifestations" 38. Logan, "Phasing in White Rock" (note 4 (note 7 above); Bryson and Baerreis, "Introduction above); Fishel, "Bison Hunters" (note 19 above); and Project Summary" (note 14 above); David S. Harvey, "Oneota Culture in Northwestern Iowa" Baerreis and Reid A. Bryson, "Climatic Episodes (note 34 above). and the Dating of Mississippian Cultures," The Wis­ 39. Logan, "Phasing in White Rock," "Oneota consin Archeologist 46 (1965): 203-20; Reid A. Far West," and "Fat of the Land" (all note 4 above). Bryson, David A. Baerreis, and Wayne M. 40. Dale R. Henning, "Oneota Evolution and Wendland, "The Character of Late-Glacial and Interactions: A Perspective from the Wever Ter­ Post-Glacial Climatic Change," in Pleistocene and race, Southeast Iowa," in Oneota Archaeology: Past, Recent Environments of the Central Great Plains, ed. Present, and Future, ed. W. Green (University of W. Dort Jr. and J. K. Jones Jr. (Lawrence: Univer­ Iowa, Office of the State Archaeologist Report 20, sity of Kansas Press, 1970); Wayne M. Wendland, 1995), pp. 65-88, p. 83; Henning, "Oneota Tradi­ "Holocene Man in : The Ecological tion" (note 5 above), p. 394. Setting and Climatic Background," Plains Anthro­ 41. Lauren W. Ritterbush, "Western Oneota pologist 23, no. 82 (1978): 273-87. Contact across the Plains" (paper presented at the 33. Fishel, "Bison Hunters" (note 19 above). 60th Annual Plains Anthropological Conference, 34. Amy E. Harvey, "Oneota Culture in North­ Oklahoma City, 2002). western Iowa" (University of Iowa, Office of the 42. William Whitman, "The Oto," Columbia State Archaeologist Report 12, 1979); Fishel, "Bi­ University Contributions to Anthropology 28 (1937): son Hunters" (note 19 above); Robert T. Bray, "The 1-132; F. NoraH, Bourgmont, Explorer of the Mis­ Utz Site: An Oneota Village in Central Missouri," souri, 1698-1725 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska The Missouri Archaeologist 52 (1991): 1-146; Dale Press, 1988); William E. Unrau, The Kansa Indians: R. Henning, "Development :rod Interrelationships of A History of the Wind People, 1673-1873 (Norman: Oneota Culture in the Lower Missouri River Valley," University of Oklahoma Press, 1971); Weltfish, The Missouri Archaeologist 32 (1970): 1-180. The Lost Universe (note 1 above).