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Filipinos in Rural Hawaii Filipinos in Rural Hawaii

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Filipinos in Rural Hawaii Filipinos in Rural Hawaii Filipinos in Rural Hawaii Filipinos in Rural Hawaii ROBERT N. ANDERSON with RICHARD COLLER and REBECCA F. PESTANO Open Access edition funded by the National En- dowment for the Humanities / Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Humanities Open Book Program. Licensed under the terms of Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 Inter- national (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which permits readers to freely download and share the work in print or electronic format for non- commercial purposes, so long as credit is given to the author. Derivative works and commercial uses require permission from the publisher. For details, see https://creativecommons.org/li- censes/by-nc-nd/4.0/. The Creative Commons license described above does not apply to any material that is separately copy- righted. Open Access ISBNs: 9780824883805 (PDF) 9780824883812 (EPUB) This version created: 5 September, 2019 Please visit www.hawaiiopen.org for more Open Access works from University of Hawai‘i Press. © 1984 University of Hawaii Press All Rights Reserved Contents Preface vii 1 Historical Setting 1 2 Economic Conditions 26 3 Working Conditions 46 4 Social Characteristics 62 5 Social Relations 79 6 Alliance Systems 108 7 Courtship and Marriage 122 8 Cockfighting 151 Afterword 173 Notes 177 Index 187 Preface THE ADVENTURESOME FILIPINOS who came to Hawaii to work on the plantations typically went through their early working years with the singular goal of saving money in or- der to return to their barrio (rural neighborhood) with enough wealth to establish their social and economic security. That ambi- tion was never achieved by the Filipinos who remain in Hawaii. In many cases they decided that life in Hawaii was better than they could ever have in the Philippines, but in too many instances they have been victimized by various get-rich-quick schemes, or they have simply never earned enough beyond their needs to save the money needed to achieve their original goal of a prosperous life in the Philippines. Living conditions on the plantations in Hawaii may have been deficient by American middle-class standards, but plantation life was attractive by rural Philippine standards. Furthermore, the plantations have served as steppingstones for many of Hawaii’s citizens to move into mainstream lifestyles and very comfortable living conditions. However, many people remain in the traditional plantation camps, even though some of the plantations have closed, leaving the workers unprepared to move into other jobs or communities in Hawaii. The families who are still emotionally and socially tied to the plantation community, but who are now without a plantation economy to support them, face tremendously difficult decisions as to whether to move elsewhere for employ- ment and housing or to stay and hope for the best. By staying, they could keep the tightly knit social system and personal identities that have sustained them through decades of economic and social difficulties. By leaving to find jobs and better housing, they would viii Preface be cut off from their cherished social networks and the familiar habitat of the plantation towns. This dilemma and the absence of an easy solution were the reason the series of research projects that led to this book were conducted. The research undergirding much of this study had its roots in a multistate effort in the mid-1970s to investigate the phenome- non of social and economic “marginality.” In brief, this concept embodies a naive stereotype of a person who lacks the skills or inclination to be involved in the mainstream of society. Recurrent unemployment, poverty, alienation, and the instability of family structures were thought to be prime indicators of this phenome- non. In particular, it was thought that we might most readily be able to perceive the actual process of marginalization if we were to focus on people who were undergoing the upsetting experience of having a major industry withdraw from their community. Consequently, the portion of the study conducted in Hawaii be- gan as an examination of family strategies and reactions to the phaseout of a pineapple plantation in a rural part of the state. Four study teams in other states also launched similar investigations of rural communities where families were facing similar drastic changes in employment patterns and social structure. Very early in the Hawaii study it became apparent that our ex- pectations concerning the processes of marginalization had very little basis in fact, for the families we observed had far greater re- siliency than various social science myths had led us to believe. Although the closing of the plantations did cause incomes to de- cline and some families to move elsewhere, only a few of the families evidenced bitterness and resentment toward the company for the pullout, nor was the structure of the family drastically af- fected. In fact, the hiring of previously nonemployed women in two communities by new resort developments nearby seemed more disruptive to family structures than did the loss of employment by their husbands. As we further examined the dynamics of the families in ques- tion, we came to realize that there were large gaps in the under- standing of these people’s behavior and motives by key people in government, business, labor unions, the public at large, and the academic community. Consequently, we undertook the role of at- tempting to clarify relevant portions of the lives of the families involved so that actions taken by “outsiders” in the future would Preface ix more often be valid and useful. In the process, we examined in varying detail the lives of plantation residents on the islands of Kauai, Oahu, Molokai, and Hawaii. We also briefly investigated the living patterns of more economically successful Filipino residents of urban Oahu in order to better understand the facets of living that are uniquely rural as opposed to being uniquely Filipino. Such a study can never be complete, but the results of this research ef- fort may be useful. A people can be described in a number of ways. Their size, color, shape, and personal decoration may be of interest to some. But an economist tends to be fascinated by the flow of goods and services among people; anthropologists and sociologists are con- cerned with networks, social institutions, and social stratification. Those concerns often lead to the use of academic jargon that may be confusing to the lay reader. We have tried to avoid such jargon. However, some specialized terms are occasionally useful, because these terms are considered necessary to gain an understanding of how people have agreed to manage their complicated methods of creating and disbursing goods and services and of making the myriad decisions involved in relating to each other. A student of the interchange of goods and services soon real- izes that exchange based on market prices is not the predominant form of interchange, although it has dominated much of the dis- cussion by economists. An alternative system that may be more widely used is reciprocity, which involves a complicated system of alliances and agreements, both formal and nonformal. The rules governing such behavior may be widely understood, but they are subject to substantial alteration in response to changing circum- stances. A third prominent form of interchange is charity, which may be considered as a one-way donation performed out of love or social obligation. All of these forms of interchange are important in the daily lives of the Filipino families who have patiently and graciously provided us with their knowledge and wisdom about the various aspects of their lives. We can hope to describe these types of behavior, but we cannot hope to fully convey the warmth and kind- ness that were shown to us as we probed for ever greater detail. The uncompensated contributions of these families to this study can only be classified as acts of charity, for which we are deeply grateful. x Preface A number of research methods were employed in developing the information reported in this book. The standard literature review gleaned a fair amount of material concerning living con- ditions in the Philippines. Significant work has been undertaken in regard to other ethnic groups in Hawaii, but relatively little published material has been available that analyzes the Filipino experience in Hawaii. By virtue of their backgrounds, two of the authors brought to the study years of living experience in the Philippines and in rural Hawaii. One of the authors spent nearly a year as a resident in a rural plantation village setting and at the same time administered two data surveys of the community’s residents. This time was also devoted to “participant observation” by all three authors in community affairs, social events, and long hours of open-ended discussion with numerous individuals about their lives and hopes for the future. A number of these conversa- tions were taped in order to preserve the feelings and flavor that mere numbers cannot convey. Excerpts from the transcriptions of these tapes have been included. The initial study stages were followed by comparative surveys of another rural community and of urbanized Filipinos on Oahu. Still later surveys were conducted of residents of sugar plantation villages on the islands of Oahu and Hawaii. Altogether, the various study efforts that have provided a basis for this book took place from 1974 to 1981. The funds for this research were received through the Hawaii Agricultural Experiment Station from various state and federal sources. One of the major sources of funding was the U.S. Depart- ment of Agriculture under terms of the Rural Development Act of 1972. The Western Rural Development Center, located at Oregon State University, also provided substantial assistance in conduct- ing these studies. CHAPTER 1 Historical Setting FILIPINOS CAME TO HAWAII as a result of a chain of complex circumstances and events.
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