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Introduction 1 the West, Civilizations and International Relations Theory

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Introduction 1 the West, Civilizations and International Relations Theory Notes Introduction 1. The thesis in Huntington’s original 1993 essay in Foreign Affairs was elaborated upon most fully in his 1996 book The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. 2. The term ‘International Relations’ in capitals will be used to refer to the academic discipline, whereas the term ‘international relations’ in lower case will be used to refer more generally to the realm of world politics. 3. See, for instance, Deudney and Ikenberry (1993/94), Fukuyama (1989) and Mahbubani (1992) and their respondents, and more recently Coker (1998), Gress (1997), and McNeill (1997a). 4. See Walker (1984a) for a discussion of universalist and pluralist dialectic in dis- cussions of culture and world politics. See also Eagleton (2000) and Parekh (2000). For discussions of the evolution of civilization as a concept, see Braudel (1980), Elias (1978), Febvre, (1973), Robinson (1969), Springborg (1993) and Williams (1983). 5. See, for example, Brown (1992; 1995; 2000), Cochrane (1999) Linklater (1998) and Morrice (2000). 6. There is one further sense in which the West appears in the OED definitions, the ‘wild West’ as in the United States. Interestingly, used in this sense, the West is represented as a territory lacking in order and civilization. Note also Springborg’s observation that in Arabic, the term the West – Gharb – also connotes darkness, the incomprehensible, a frightening place (Springborg, 1994). 7. See Gress (1997) for a discussion of contending traditions that contribute to the civilizational identity of the West. 1 The West, civilizations and International Relations theory 1. Although Gilpin does demonstrate some concern for a possible revolt against the hegemony of Western values resulting in a return to a pre-modern clash of civilization in world politics (Gilpin, 1979: 225). 2. One obvious exception here is Martin Wight who, in Systems of States (1977) considered Chinese and Hellenic states-systems in addition to his analysis of the evolution of the European states-system, on which he primarily focused. Wight’s work, which will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 5, demonstrates the broader historical focus of the British school of International Relations scholars. 3. For analysis and discussion of the various strands of liberalism, see Dunne (1997), Keohane (1989), Richardson (1995) and Zacher and Matthew (1995). 4. See, for instance, works by Ernst Haas on the possibilities of learning by states, David Mitrany on processes of integration, Karl Deutsch on transnational commu- nities and Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye on transnational actors and interdepen- dence evolving from increased interaction. See also Zacher and Matthew (1995) for a discussion of these trends in liberal international thought. 241 242 Notes 5. See, for instance, Dunne (1997), Kausikan (1993), Mahbubani (1993a), and Zakaria (1994). 6. In principle, Western theorists and states acknowledge that human rights are indivisible, with social and economic rights deemed as important as political and civil. There is, however, greater debate on the role of community over indi- vidual rights. For discussion of these issues, see, for instance, Bauer and Bell (1999), Chua (1992), Donnelly (1989; 1998), Milner and Quilty (1996), Parekh (1999), Tang (1995), Van Ness (1999), Vervoorn (1998), Yash Gai (1995). 7. See Halliday (1994) and Maclean (1988) for a discussion of historical material- ism and the limited engagement of Marxist analysis in International Relations. 8. The influence of Marx’s methodological approach on developments in the area of Critical Theory is of great to importance to recent developments in International Relations theory, but will not be discussed in detail in here. See Cox (1981) and Linklater (1996). 9. In addition to Huntington’s work, referred to above, see Jackson (1999), Linklater (1998), Lynch (2000) and Williamson and Neumann (2000). 10. See, for instance, Gilpin (1979). 11. See here William Sewell’s discussion of the treatment of culture in anthropology and cultural history. For critical anthropologists, Sewell argues, ‘culture tends to essentialize, exoticize, and stereotype those whose ways of life are being described and to naturalize their differences from white middle-class Euro- Americans.’ (Sewell, 1998: 38). 12. See, for instance, Goldstein and Keohane (1993) and Keohane (1988). See also Cox and Sjolander (1994) and Jacquin et al. (1993). 13. This is not to argue that an interest in history has been totally absent from the discipline. The most obvious example would be the work of the British school of authors. More recently it has been evident in the work of scholars drawing on the work of historical sociologists, such as Charles Tilly (1975) and in institu- tionalist approaches, such as G. John Ikenberry (2000). As noted below, strong interest in the use of history as a critical tool is most clearly evident today among constructivist scholars. 14. See for example, Bierstecker and Weber (1996), Hall (1999), Rae (forthcoming), Reus-Smit (1998), Ruggie (1998), Weldes (1999). 15. For a discussion of the expansion of international society, see Bull and Watson (1984), Gong (1984) and Watson (1992). 16. See, for example Katzenstein (1996), Krause and Renwick (1996), Lapid and Kratcochwil (1996), Neumann (1998), Reus-Smit (1998), Ruggie (1998), Shapiro and Alker (1996), Weldes (1999). 17. See, for example, the work of Kier (1996) on the organizational cultures of the British and French military, or the work of Barnett (1996; 1999) or Katzenstein (1996) on the role of culture in foreign policy. 2 Towards a framework for conceptualizing the West 1. This is not to argue that these forces were not important influences during the Cold War, but that their impact often tended to be overshadowed or absorbed into the ideologically structured system. See, for instance, essays in Alker and Shapiro (1996), Krause and Renwick (1996), Linklater and Macmillan (1995) for discussions of some of the challenges to concepts of community and identity. 2. Neumann (1996) identifies four main strands in social theorizing on collective identity. They vary in their conception of the constitution and relationship Notes 243 between self and other, but the process of differentiation and conceptualizing an other is central to all. 3. See also Bernard McGrane’s (1989) discussion of the shifting grounds on which the West differentiated itself from the other. In the sixteenth century, the other was distinguished on the basis of religion; the revolution in scientific and human- ist thought then saw the other as chiefly constituted by their degree of enlighten- ment or ignorance; in the nineteenth century, the criteria of differentiation shifted to degrees of evolution and progress. 4. For instance, ethnic, racial and religious identities may become paramount in dividing communities that had previously coexisted with heterogeneity when other forms of political identity held primacy, such as in Rwanda in 1994 or during the Bosnian conflict of the 1990s. This is not to deny the prior presence of difference, but difference then did not lead to the violent exclusion of the other from the polity. See Campbell (1998b), Gourevitch (1998), Ignatieff (1997). 5. For discussion of further examples in which the deployment of history, or myth, has been a critical element in the escalation of violence and the fragmentation of community, see Peter Gourevitch’s account of Rwanda, or Noel Malcolm’s discus- sion of the history of Kosovo (1999). See also Ignatieff (1997) and Rae (forthcom- ing). As Lawson has pointed out, the political deployment of culture in processes of differentiation can lead to a reductionist, static representation of cultures as incommensurable (Lawson, 1996). 6. The term institutions is used here in the sense in which it was defined by Hedley Bull as ‘a set of habits or practices shaped towards the realisation of a common goal’ (Bull, 1977a: 74). 3 Faust in the twilight: conceptions of the West in Oswald Spengler 1. The first volume of The Decline of the West was completed in 1917; the second, although substantially drafted, was not published until 1922. A revised and definitive version of Volume 1 was published in 1923. 2. The capitalization of Culture and Civilization is used in this chapter to conform to Spengler’s usage of the terms, as translated by Atkinson. 3. Dannhauser describes Hegel as Spengler’s ‘silent enemy’ (Dannhauser, 1995: 123). 4. In the 1923 Preface of The Decline, Spengler acknowledged those scholars ‘to whom I owe practically everything: Goethe and Nietzsche: Goethe gave me method, Nietzsche the questioning faculty’ (Decline: xxxi; Dannhauser, 1995: 127). 5. In the Decline of the West, Spengler identifies eight High Cultures: the Egyptian, Indian, Chinese, Classical or Hellenic, Magian or Arabian, Mexican, Western and Russian. 6. The edition referred to in this chapter is the abridged edition of The Decline of the West listed in the bibliography except in the cases where the actual volume number is cited. 7. The concept of Kultur, Elias argued, refers essentially to intellectual, artistic and philosophical facts. It relates more to the achievements or accomplishments of an individual. In broader terms, he argued that Zivilization tends to emphasize common qualities between human beings and minimize differences. In contrast, the concept of Kultur stresses the particular identities of groups. Elias noted that the term Kultur took on a new meaning in Germany in 1919 and the preceding years, partly because a war was waged against Germany in the name of civiliza- tion. Spengler’s use of this distinction reflects his attachment to the term Kultur 244 Notes which Elias saw as part of Germany’s rebuilding of it’s self-image in the postwar world (Elias, 1978: 5–8). 8. A morphological approach may be defined as the application to history of the biologist’s concept of living form (Decline: 72). 9. Spengler depicts Hellenic, Magian and Western Civilizations as three distinct Cultures. Magian culture is a term devised by Spengler to delineate a culture of the southern Mediterranean and Arabic worlds that combined elements of Judaism, Byzantium and Islam.
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