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Arnold J. Toynbee's Twentieth Century

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Arnold J. Toynbee's Twentieth Century ‘Time of Troubles’: Arnold J. Toynbee’s twentieth century IAN HALL* Arnold J. Toynbee (1889–1975) was synonymous with the Royal Institute of Inter- national Affairs for the first half of its history.1 He held the post of Director of Studies from 1925 to 1954, and thereafter retained an office in Chatham House until his death. Throughout that half-century he combined the roles of scholar and public intellectual, using International Affairs—along with many other outlets— to communicate the fruits and findings of his research to policy-makers and the wider community. During his 50 years at Chatham House Toynbee contributed 19 essays to the journal—which must surely be the most of any individual author— and produced his two monumental multi-volume works, the Survey of international affairs, which he penned, edited or commissioned from 1925 until 1958,2 and A study of history, which appeared in twelve volumes between 1934 and 1961.3 He also published a further 50 books and hundreds of scholarly articles during his lifetime, as well as many interviews and lesser pieces. If one includes reviews of books by others, Toynbee’s complete works amount to almost 3,000 items.4 Toynbee served his country during and after both world wars, seeking to shape policy-making as well as to study it. During the first he worked for the Foreign Office’s Political Intelligence Department, having avoided the trenches on medical grounds,5 and joined the British delegation to the Versailles Conference. He played a significant, much-debated role in Britain’s approach to the Middle East at Versailles and afterwards.6 Throughout the interwar years, Toynbee was * I am grateful to Caroline Soper for the invitation to contribute this article, to the referees for their advice, to Luca G. Castellin for sharing with me his published and unpublished work on Toynbee, and to Robert Ayson for providing swift and incisive comments on an earlier draft. 1 See esp. Andrea Bosco and Cornelia Navari, eds, Chatham House and British foreign policy, 1919–1945: the Royal Institute of International Affairs in the inter-war period (London: Lothian Foundation Press, 1994); and, notoriously, Elie Kedourie, ‘The Chatham House version’, in his The Chatham House version and other essays (Hanover and London: Brandeis University Press and University Press of New England, 1984; first publ. 1970), pp. 351–94. 2 Toynbee handed over the postwar volumes first to Coral Bell and then to others, including Geoffrey Barraclough, in the early 1950s, though he continued to work on those on the war years. The last of these was published in 1958. 3 Arnold J. Toynbee, A study of history, 12 vols (London: Oxford University Press, 1934–61). 4 See W. H. McNeill, Arnold J. Toynbee: a life (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989); and, for a full list of his work, S. Fiona Morton, ed., A bibliography of Arnold J. Toynbee (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980). 5 There is controversy about this episode. See esp. W. H. McNeill, ‘Toynbee revisited’, in Wm Roger Louis, ed., Adventures with Britannia: personalities, politics and culture in Britain (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1996), p. 177. 6 See Kedourie, ‘The Chatham House version’. International Affairs 90: 1 (2014) 23–36 © 2014 The Author(s). International Affairs © 2014 The Royal Institute of International Affairs. Published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford ox4 2dq, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA. Ian Hall prominent and influential in public life: his advice and conversation were sought by British policy-makers, at Chatham House and elsewhere, and foreign politi- cians, including Adolf Hitler, who invited a highly sceptical Toynbee to Germany for a private interview in 1936.7 In the 1920s and 1930s, traumatized by the loss of many friends and former students in the war, he became a prominent public advocate of the League of Nations. As its failure became clear, he shifted position, becoming a resolute opponent of appeasement. When war broke out once more, he rejoined the Foreign Office to conduct research on postwar reconstruction; after it ended, he returned to the role of public intellectual, his writings and lectures much in demand both within and outside Britain. Toynbee’s prominence and his idiosyncratic scholarship attracted plaudits and, inevitably, criticism. His positions on the League and then appeasement drew much fire in the 1930s, not least from E. H. Carr, who mocked Toynbee’s attach- ment to liberalism and ‘abstract conception[s] like collective security’.8 In Carr’s The twenty years’ crisis (1939), indeed, Toynbee was lampooned as the paradigmatic Utopian, capable only of shrill moralizing, soon to be consigned to the Realist’s dustbin of history, as the march of progress moved on towards a bright—albeit totalitarian—future.9 In the 1950s, Toynbee faced even fiercer assaults, especially after the publication of volumes 7–10 of his A study of history.10 Fellow historians lined up to denounce his historical method as a ‘sham’ and to dismiss his ‘laws’ of civilizational growth and decay.11 They lamented his reliance on secondary sources—including many that were decades out of date—and the patchiness of his knowledge about certain places and periods.12 His critics’ greatest ire, however, was reserved for his attitude to the West and his new-found religiosity.13 In the 1930s, Toynbee’s gentle warning that western civilization might not represent the high point of human achievement was reason- ably well received.14 In the 1950s the same argument, complete with reminders of the horrors inflicted on non-western peoples by European imperialism, was not so well met.15 Toynbee was denounced by conservatives and some liberals as an 7 McNeill, Arnold J. Toynbee, p. 172. Toynbee’s recollections of the interview were typed up and passed on to the then Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden. See the transcript, dated 13 March 1936, in Toynbee MS 76, Bodleian Library, Oxford. 8 Carr, review of Toynbee, Survey of International Affairs, 1935 in International Affairs 16: 2, 1937, p. 281. 9 E. H. Carr, The twenty years’ crisis: an introduction to the study of international relations, 1st edn (London: Macmillan, 1939), pp. 53, 82n. 2, 100–101, 103, 142. 10 Toynbee replied at length to his many critics in A study of history, vol. 12 (London: Oxford University Press, 1961), but his peers were unconvinced. Among today’s historians, as Michael Lang recently observed, Toynbee is ‘regarded like an embarrassing uncle at a house party’: ‘Globalization and global history in Toynbee’, Journal of World History 22: 4, 2011, pp. 747–83. 11 Maurice Cowling, Religion and the public doctrine in modern England, I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), p. 20. On Toynbee’s ‘laws’, see Pieter Geyl, ‘Toynbee’s system of civilizations’, in M. F. Ashley Montagu, ed., Toynbee and history: critical essays and reviews (Boston, MA: Porter Sargent, 1956), pp. 39–72. 12 See, for example, Wayne Eltree, ‘Toynbee’s treatment of Chinese history’, in Montagu, ed., Toynbee and history, pp. 243–72. 13 Ian Hall, ‘The “Toynbee convector”: the rise and fall of Arnold J. Toynbee’s anti-imperial mission to the West’, The European Legacy 17: 4, 2012, pp. 455–69. 14 For a representative review, see Geoffrey Hudson, ‘Professor Toynbee and Western civilisation’,The Criterion, xv, October 1935–July 1936, collected edn (London: Faber & Faber, 1967), pp. 441–54. 15 Ian Hall, Dilemmas of decline: British intellectuals and world politics, 1945–75 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2012), pp. 131–51. 24 International Affairs 90: 1, 2014 Copyright © 2014 The Author(s). International Affairs © 2014 The Royal Institute of International Affairs. ‘Time of Troubles’ out-and-out liar and crypto-communist, bent on undermining the West as it faced the twin threats of the Soviet Union and anti-colonial revolution.16 The fact that he couched his arguments in religious language did nothing to help: his proph- esying, for many of his critics, was no more desirable than his near-treachery. The aggressive secularists who dominated postwar British academia—among them A. J. P. Taylor and Hugh Trevor-Roper—took turns to ridicule Toynbee’s supposed ‘mish-mash’ religion and his belief that it could solve the problems of the world.17 This tarnishing of Toynbee’s image has had unfortunate effects. Above all, it has distracted the attention of later scholars from his extraordinary contribu- tion to the study of international affairs and his role as a public intellectual.18 His interpretation of the causes of crisis in the international relations of the ‘short’ twentieth century—that tumultuous and bloody interval between 1914 and 1989 which he called a ‘Time of Troubles’—shaped the ideas of a series of important thinkers on both sides of the Atlantic and, latterly, in the rest of the world.19 This article analyses that interpretation, its origins and its evolution in Toynbee’s thought. It argues that while the form and much of the content of his work were highly personal, and unfriendly to the latter-day reader, he deserves due recogni- tion from historians of international thought as one of the twentieth century’s foremost British contributors to public debate about the world politics of his time. Foundations My generation was almost the last in England to be given an education in the Greek and Latin languages and literature that remained faithful to the strictest fifteenth century standards.20 Toynbee’s international thought is best conceived of as an attempt to interpret the contemporary world through the lens of the Greek and Roman classics and a parallel, simultaneous attempt to look beyond it.
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