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Civil-Military Relations: a Comparative Analysis of the Role of the Military in the Political Transformation of Post-War Turkey and Greece: 1980-1995
CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE ROLE OF THE MILITARY IN THE POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION OF POST-WAR TURKEY AND GREECE: 1980-1995 Dr. Gerassimos Karabelias Final Report submitted to North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in June 1998 1 ABSTRACT This report attempts to determine the evolution of civil-military relations in Turkey and Greece during the 1980-1995 period through an examination of the role of the military in the political transformation of both countries. Since the mid-1970s and especially after the Fall of the Berlin Wall, the struggle for spreading the winds of democracy around the globe has been the goal of all western states and particularly the United States of America. However, taking into consideration the volatility in the Balkans and in Central Asia, the military institution of Turkey and Greece which gave the impression that it withdrew in the barracks after their last intervention in 1980-83 and 1967-74 respectively, could easily be forced or even tempted to assume a greater responsibility in the conduct of each country’s domestic and foreign affairs. Only through a better understanding of its role during the 1980-95 period, we would be able to determine the feasibility of such scenarios. Using a multi-factorial model as a protection from the short- sighted results which the majority of mono-factorial approaches produce, this report starts with the analysis of the distinct role which the Armed Forces of each country have had in the historical evolution of their respective civil-military relations up to 1980 (Part One of Chapters Two and Three). -
A Model of Praetorian States
MIDDLE EAST INITIATIVE A Model of Praetorian States Yasser El-Shimy 2014-2015 Predoctoral Research Fellow Middle East Initiative, Belfer Center Harvard Kennedy School Co-Director Program on Civil-Military Relations in Arab States Carnegie Middle East Center Carnegie Endowment for International Peace MEI WORKING PAPER 2016-01 JUNE 2016 Middle East Initiative Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs Harvard Kennedy School 79 JFK Street, Cambridge, MA 02138 617-495-4087 www.belfercenter.org/MEI The Middle East Initiative at Harvard Kennedy School is dedicated to advancing public policy in the Middle East by convening the world’s foremost academic and policy experts, developing the next generation of leaders, and promoting community engagement on campus and in the region. Statements and views expressed in this working paper are solely those of the authors and do not imply endorsement by Harvard University, the Harvard Kennedy School, the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, or the Middle East Initiative. This working paper has not undergone formal review and approval. This working paper and the research presented herein were completed by the author as part of a Middle East Initiative (MEI) Research Fellowship. MEI Research Fellowships are made possible by the generosity of the Emirates Leadership Initiative at Harvard Kennedy School, a collaboration between MEI and the Center for Public Leadership at HKS, supported by the Government of the United Arab Emirates. This paper is a part of the Middle East Initiative Research Series, which presents the work of MEI Research Fellows, Harvard Faculty Research Grant Recipients, and other MEI research affiliates. -
The Perfect Dictatorship? Comparing Authoritarian Rule in South Korea and in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico1
The Perfect Dictatorship? Comparing Authoritarian Rule in South Korea and in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico1 Jorge I. Domínguez Harvard University Abstract The Perfect Dictatorship: Comparing Authoritarian Rule in South Korea and in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico What is a “perfect dictatorship”? Such a regime provokes little societal resistance at installation. Its leaders act jointly to consolidate the regime and to broaden the support coalition by agreeing upon succession rules to rotate the presidency within the authoritarian regime. They delegate policy-making authority to civilians in areas of their competence. They emphasize consultation, not open contestation, prefer cooptation to repression, eschew ideological appeals, compel social actors into regime-licensed organizations, and deactivate civil society. South Korea under Park Chung Hee is compared on these dimensions to Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico, all at a time when authoritarian regimes governed them. Prepared for delivery at the 2002 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, August 29-September 1, 2002, Boston. Panel 11-25. Copyright by the American Political Science Association. Authoritarian rule established through an act of force, such as a military coup, poses several distinct challenges to the authoritarian ruler. The first is how to install the regime, that is, how to survive past the initial moments of the overthrow of the old regime in order to establish a pattern of rule that will last. This requires reducing the need for initial repression, consolidating unity within the coup leadership group, and arranging for succession rules in order to stabilize and broaden the support coalition for the new dictator. -
Types of Government
TYPES OF GOVERNMENT GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATIONS, INSTITUTIONS, AND INDIVIDUALS THAT EXERCISE POLITICAL AUTHORITY ON BEHALF OF A GROUP OF PEOPLE CITIZEN A LEGAL MEMBER OF A COUNTRY CONSTITUTION A WRITTEN PLAN OF GOVERNMENT TYPES OF GOVERNMENT Limited Unlimited In a limited government even the people !Power in the hands of one person" who make the laws have to obey them." !In unlimited governments all the power !Usually limited by constitution (plan of belongs to the ruler." government)" !There are no rules or laws that the ruler !Examples:" must obey." ! Direct Democracy" !Examples:" ! Representative Democracy" ! Totalitarianism" ! Constitutional Monarchy" ! Monarchy" ! Dictatorship" DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENTS DEMOCRACY: RULE BY THE PEOPLE lGovernment! is elected by the people POWER TO THE PEOPLE lEveryone! over a certain age is able to vote and has a say in who is elected to lead lElections! are held to determine who is in charge DIRECT DEMOCRACY “ALL VOTERS IN A COMMUNITY MEET IN ONE PLACE TO MAKE LAWS AND DECIDE WHAT ACTIONS NEED TO TAKE PLACE” !Pros: ! Every citizen has equal power in matters of government. Every citizen is involved in the decision making. ! Since all citizens are involved in decision making, there is a broad base of support and loyalty. ! Individual liberties are protected. !Cons: ! Only works when a small number of people are involved. Ability to gather all citizens in one place is necessary. ! Decision making involving all citizens is time-consuming. All citizens give in-put, debate, etc... !Examples: ! Town Hall ! Ancient Greece in Athens REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY (REPUBLIC) PEOPLE ELECT REPRESENTATIVES TO CARRY ON THE WORK OF GOVERNMENT !Pros: ! Citizens are too busy to learn about and vote on all laws, electing representatives that become experts in law making helps the process. -
Chile – : the Revenge of Incomplete Democratization
Chile –: the revenge of incomplete democratization MANUEL ANTONIO GARRETÓN Since it has been increasingly clear that Chile’s apparent consensus was an illusion and the highly praised Chilean model of ‘double transition’, to a market economy and to democracy, has been showing signs of weakness. Some diagnosed an impasse; others even failure. Intellectuals opposed to the Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia—the governing coalition formed by the Christian Democrats, Radical Party, Socialist Party and Partido por la Democracia (PPD)—had until then maintained a perplexed silence, while any potential criticism from the intellectuals close to the Concertación was silenced by the official political class, including the government and the right-wing opposition. At least two critical elements were pointed out. The context: unfinished democratization In the first place, it was questioned whether a real consensual democracy would be claimed to exist where agreement was reached on only adaptive and pragmatic matters, while the greater issues were obscured or simply excluded from debate. The big issues were plentiful and pressing: the constitutional issue, human rights, politics and the armed forces, the authoritarian enclaves (constitutional and legal norms which prevent or limit the exercise of popular sovereignty, such as nominated senators, an electoral system which gives a power of veto to a minority, quorums preventing any constitutional change, etc.), the socio-economic and redistributive model, the reduction of the leading role of the state and the weakness of decentralization, regionalization and local democratization processes, labour relations, the sustainability of the development model. While these matters remained unaddressed, there could hardly be any credible talk of consensus. -
Democracy and Autocracy Readings
Autocracy (Dictatorship) A dictatorship is a government headed by a dictator. Originally a legitimate military office in the Roman Republic, the dictator was given his powers by the Senate. The dictator had absolute power, but for a limited time. In the twentieth century, the term dictatorship has come to mean a government in which absolute power is concentrated in the hands of a dictator and sometimes his cronies. Many dictators have held the formal title of "President", but wield extraordinary, often non- constitutional or de facto powers. Dictators can come to power in a variety of different ways. They can be elected (see below), be appointed by the resident ruling party or Communist hierarchy, or inherit their position from a deceased relative. Still other modern dictators seize power in a military coup d’tat, and are supported by the military. The dictator generally controls the three state powers: legislative, executive and judicial. In a dictatorship, there is not periodical universal, free, direct and secret polling of the citizens to elect the leaders. Sometimes dictators can initially obtain power from democratic elections (like Adolf Hitler of Nazi Germany), but shortly after being elected the dictator will ban all opposing parties and cancel all future elections (see human rights). Though free elections will never occur under a dictatorship, sometimes dictators orchestrate phony elections in an attempt to grant themselves some illusion of democratic legitimacy and public support. Usually, the dictator runs for "re-election" unopposed, with voters being asked to answer a simple "yes or no" ballot on the leader's continued rule. -
Checks and Balances in New Democracies: the Role of the Judiciary in the Chilean and Mexican Transitions: a Comparative Analysis
Checks and Balances in New Democracies: The Role of the Judiciary in the Chilean and Mexican Transitions: A Comparative Analysis Nibaldo H. Galleguillos McMaster University Hamilton, Ontario Prepared for delivery at the 1997 meeting of the Latin American Studies Association, Continental Plaza Hotel, Guadalajara, Mexico April 17-19, 1997 Checks and Balances in New Democracies: The Role of the Judiciary in the Chilean and Mexican Transitions: A Comparative Analysis (Not a final draft as of yet. Comments are welcome. Can be quoted) INTRODUCTION The literature on democratic transition in Latin America has analysed several important aspects of the transition to liberal democracy, including constitutional reforms (O’Malley, 1991); electoral reforms and elections (Tagle, 1993); the roles of legislatures (Close, 1995); the development of grassroots democratic experiences (Escobar & Alvarez, 1993; Jaquette, 1994); civil-military relations (Loveman, 1978; Rouquieu, 1982; Skidmore, 1988; Stepan, 1988); the transformations experienced by the labour movement (Middlebrook, 1995; Valenzuela, 1983) ; the role of the church (Fleet, 1985), and, above all, the implications of profound neo-liberal economic transformations (Halebsky & Harris, 1995; O’Brian & Roddick, 1983; Petras & Leiva, 1994). Noticeably missing from the literature is the study and analysis of the social and political consequences of the role that the judiciary has been playing in the said democratic transition. Although constant references are made to the systematic violations of human rights (Americas Watch, 1995; Amnesty International, 1993) that characterized the dictatorial military regime of General Augusto Pinochet in Chile, as well as the repression of civil and political rights under the authoritarian Mexican political regime (U.S. Department of State 1995 and 1996 Human Rights Reports on Mexico), scholars and authors have not directly scrutinized the rationale behind the judiciary’s failure to enforce such liberal rights as the right to life, freedom of expression, freedom of association, etc. -
Good Governance with Checks and Balances in Ethiopia* Getachew
Good Governance with Checks and Balances in Ethiopia* Getachew Begashaw Paper presented at Ethiopia Forum: Challenges and Prospects for Constitutional Democracy in Ethiopia International Center, Michigan State University East Lansing, Michigan, March 22-24, 2019 1. Introduction Ethiopia, in its recent history, has gone through three government systems that included a monarchy, a military dictatorship, and a divisive ethnic federal system without participatory democracy. In each case, the continuity of the system was challenged by popular uprisings. However, thanks in part to the absence of democratic institutions and organizations to realize the aspirations of the people, each system was replaced by another that was as repressive as or more repressive than its predecessor. Furthermore, in each case, the popular movement was hijacked by forces that initially disguise their true form in progressive slogans and reforms, and eventually unveiled their dictatorial, autocratic and anti-democratic nature, once they consolidated power. Following the successful uprisings against the vicious TPLF/EPRDF regime, Ethiopia currently have a government in Ethiopia that assumed power with a promise of unity, love, national reconciliation, and democracy. However, despite the unconditional support the government enjoyed in the first few months of its formation, it is now facing considerable challenges from various groups, including its once ardent supporters as well as TPLF sympathizers. This paper explores what constitutes good governance and what has been missing in the context of the prevailing conditions in Ethiopia. Furthermore, it points out what the current government has to do in order to achieve a transparent process for free and fair elections, and to assure the existence of checks and balances between the three branches of government (legislative, judiciary and executive), the legal functioning of a vibrant civil society to monitor the rule of law, and the use of the appropriate institutions of the state and public forums to unite and harmonize the people. -
UWP 38 Final.Pdf
INSTITUTE The Grim Reaper: Extrajudicial Violence and Autocratic Rule José A. Alemán February 2021 Users Working Paper SERIES 2021:38 THE VARIETIES OF DEMOCRACY INSTITUTE Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) is a new approach to the conceptualization and measurement of democracy. It is co-hosted by the University of Gothenburg and University of Notre Dame. With a V-Dem Institute at University of Gothenburg that comprises 20 staff members, and a project team across the world with 5 Principal Investigators, 19 Project Managers, 33 Regional Managers, 134 Country Coordinators, Research Assistants, and 3200 Country Experts, the V- Dem project is one of the largest-ever data collection programs on democracy. Please address comments and/or queries for information to: V-Dem Institute Department of Political Science University of Gothenburg Sprängkullsgatan 19, Box 711 SE 40530 Gothenburg Sweden E-mail: [email protected] V-Dem Working Papers are available in electronic format at www.v-dem.net. Copyright © 2021 University of Gothenburg, V-Dem Institute. All rights reserved. Disclaimer: V-Dem does not do quality control and therefore does not endorse the content of the papers, which is the responsibility of the authors only. The Grim Reaper: Extrajudicial Violence and Autocratic Rule * José A. Alemán Professor Fordham University * I would like to acknowledge Fordham University’s support for this research through a Research Expense Program award and a Faculty Fellowship award. I would also like to thank Courteney Conrad, John Entelis, Erica Frantz, José Kaire, Graig Klein, Carl Henrik Knutsen, Enrico Antonio La Viña, Dong Wook Lee, J. Patrice McSherry, Chaitra Nagaraja, Melissa Patel, Jan H. -
The Social Origins of Dictatorship Democracy and Socialist Revolution in Central America Jeffery M
THE SOCIAL ORIGINS OF DICTATORSHIP DEMOCRACY AND SOCIALIST REVOLUTION IN CENTRAL AMERICA JEFFERY M. PAIGE CSST Working CRSO Working Paper #35 Paper #405 SEPTEMBER 1989 The Social Origins of Dictatorship, Democracy and Socialist Revolution in Central America By Jeffery M. Paige University of Michigan Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association, San Francisco, California, August 8, 1989. We are all students of Barrington Moore, Jr., not only those of us on the panel like Professors Skocpol and Tilly, who had the privilege of studying directly with him, or like Professor Goldstone, with one of his students (in this case Professor Skocpol), but also those like Professors Brustein, Eckstein and myself who have been profoundly influenced by his work. It would be fair to say that Barrington Moore, Jr. created the modern study of revolution just as he contributed profoundly to the current golden age of comparative historical sociology and the revival of political sociology represented by this section. In this year of anniversaries of revolutions great and small, the French, the Chinese, the Cuban, the Nicaraguan, it is only fitting that we turn to an examination of the ideas of a man who restored the study of revolution to a central place at the core of the sociological discipline. His Social .. of D- remains the most widely accepted and influential theory not only of revolution but of the origins of democracy, authoritarianism, and revolutionary socialism El Salvador, Costa Rica, and Nicaragua, three small countries in a region that was once the most obscure corner of the sp&ish colonial empire, may seem a strange place to begin an . -
Military Authoritarianism and Political Change in Uruguay by Howard Handelman
19781No. 26 South America Military Authoritarianism and Political Change in Uruguay by Howard Handelman The militarization of Uruguayan politics represents a sharp break with the nation's d~mocraticpast. Despite economic iation and signs of disagreement within ~drmedforces, there is no reason to sxpect an early return to civilian rule. [HH-1-78] ISSN 01 61 -0724 The American Universities Field INSTITUTIONAL MEMBERS Staff, Inc., founded in 1951, is a non- American profit, membership corporation of University of Alabama American educational institutions. It The Asia Society universities- em~lovsa full-time staff of foreign Aspen Institute for Humanistic area specialists who write from Studies abroad and make periodic visits to Brown University Field Staff member institutions. AUFS serves Dartrnouth College the public through its seminar pro- Indiana University grams, films, and wide-ranging pub- Institute for the Study of World lications on significant develop- Politics ments in foreign societies. University of Kansas Michigan State University Ramapo College of New Jersey University of Pittsburgh University of Wisconsin AUFS Reports are a continuing Associates of the Field Staff are series on international affairs and chosen for their ability to cut across major global issues of our time. the boundaries of the academic dis- Reports have for almost three ciplines in order to study societies in decades reached a group of their totality, and for their skill in col- readers- both academic and non- lecting, reporting, and evaluating academic-who find them a useful data. They combine long residence source of firsthand observation of abroad with scholarly studies relat- political, economic, and social trends ing to their geographic areas of in foreign countries. -
Federalism and the Subnational Separation of Powers, a Host of Empirical Questions and Research Problems Arise
Federalism and the Subnational Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/publius/article-abstract/35/2/245/1875220 by University of Pennsylvania Libraries user on 18 September 2018 Separation of Powers Maxwell A. Cameron University of British Columbia Tulia G. Falleti University of Pennsylvania Most of the literature on federalism has emphasized the relationship between national and subnational governments but overlooked the organization of subnational powers. Likewise, the debate on the separation of powers in presidential and parliamentary systems has neglected the role of federalism in bolstering the separation of powers. We argue that a federal polity is a constitutional arrangement that creates executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government in its constituent units. This definition is applied to all countries that are classified as federations, federacies, or unions to show that it yields a more homogeneous set of cases for comparison. Finally, we review the implications of our definition through an analysis of Latin American federations and highlight the institutional mechanisms that either promote or hinder the separation of powers and democracy. ‘‘ The twentieth century will open the age of federations, or else humanity will undergo another purgatory of a thousand years.’’1 This prediction by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon appears to have come true: 40 percent of the world’s population lives in countries that can be considered or claim to be federal.2 As Edward Gibson says, ‘‘We live in an increasingly federalized world.’’3 In the mid-nineteenth century, Proudhon defined federalism as a social doctrine, a philosophy, and a global view of society, that is, an ism like liberalism or socialism.