Good Governance with Checks and Balances in Ethiopia* Getachew
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“I DON’T KNOW IF THEY REALIZED I WAS A PERSON” RAPE AND OTHER SEXUAL VIOLENCE IN THE CONFLICT IN TIGRAY, ETHIOPIA Amnesty International is a movement of 10 million people which mobilizes the humanity in everyone and campaigns for change so we can all enjoy our human rights. Our vision is of a world where those in power keep their promises, respect international law and are held to account. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and individual donations. We believe that acting in solidarity and compassion with people everywhere can change our societies for the better. © Amnesty International 2021 Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons Cover photo: © Amnesty International (Illustrator: Nala Haileselassie) (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2021 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: AFR 25/4569/2021 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 5 2. METHODOLOGY 8 3. BACKGROUND 9 4. SEXUAL VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN AND GIRLS IN TIGRAY 12 GANG RAPE, INCLUDING OF PREGNANT WOMEN 12 SEXUAL SLAVERY 14 SADISTIC BRUTALITY ACCOMPANYING RAPE 16 BEATINGS, INSULTS, THREATS, HUMILIATION 17 WOMEN SEXUALLY ASSAULTED WHILE TRYING TO FLEE THE COUNTRY 18 5. -
National Situation Analysis of Children and Women in Ethiopia
Ministry of Finance For every child Whoever she is. Wherever he lives. Every child deserves a childhood. A future. A fair chance. That’s why UNICEF is there. For each and every child. Working day in and day out. In more than 190 countries and territories. Reaching the hardest to reach. The furthest from help. The most excluded. It’s why we stay to the end. And never give up. National Situation Analysis of Children and Women in Ethiopia Cover photo © UNICEF Ethiopia/2017/Martha Tadesse Ministry of Finance Ministry of Finance The United Nations Children’s Fund P.O.Box: 1037 Or 1905, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia P.O.Box 1169, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Telephone: +251 11 155 2015 Telephone: +251 11 518 4000 Fax: +251 11 155 5189 Fax: +251 11 551 1628 Website: www.mofed.gov.et Website: www.unicef.org/ethiopia Ministry of Finance National Situation Analysis of Children and Women in Ethiopia National Situation Analysis of Children and Women in Ethiopia FOREWORD The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia is on the cusp of transformational changes that could ii solidify its place as a leader on the African continent and an important actor in the global landscape. As the second most-populous country in Africa, and a country that has demonstrated resilience in the face of recurrent hazards, Ethiopia can be a country model for inclusive development that is sustainable, equity-focused and risk-informed. In pursuit of the Sustainable Development Goals of the United Nations Agenda 2030, the African Union’s Agenda 2063 and Ethiopia’s own current national development agenda, the Second Five- Year Growth and Transformation Plan 2015/2016-2019/2020 (GTP II), there must be broad-scale commitment across country stakeholders to leave no one behind. -
1 a Week in the Horn 11.05.2018 Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's First
A Week in the Horn 11.05.2018 Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s first visit to Kenya Chairman of China’s National People’s Congress Standing Committee visits Ethiopia President Ismail Omar Guelleh of Djibouti in Kenya UN says peace process in South Sudan at a critical point… Conference on the illegal Charcoal Trade in Mogadishu …and numbers affected by flooding in Somalia continue to rise Ethiopia’s Role in UN Peacekeeping Operations Africa and the African Union The “Track and trace for access to safe medicines conference” opened in Addis Ababa on Tuesday (May 8). Organized by GS1, the global supply chain standards organization, in partnership with the Ethiopian Food, Medicine and Healthcare Administration and Control Authority (EFMHACA), the conference brought together 150 regulatory bodies and international organizations to discuss fighting the spread of fake drugs and the need to secure the healthcare supply chain in Africa. A new report from UNCTAD, “East African Community Regional Integration: Trade and Gender Implications” analyses the impact of regional integration on women's employment and quality of life in the five East African Community countries of Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, United Republic of Tanzania and Uganda. It emphasized “the need to proactively promote gender equality policies,” and calls on these countries to put better policies in place to address gender inequalities and bring women further into the workforce. Among its recommendations are closing the education gender gap, improving skills training so women can compete more for higher-paying jobs., and creating a regional credit mechanism to support women entrepreneurs. Ethiopia Ethiopia and China enjoy longstanding and historic relations and their ties have significantly expanded during the past two decades, and as part of further elevating the strategic ties with the Ethiopia, Mr. -
Ethiopia’S Standing As Strategy and Commercial One of the Fastest Growing Economies in the World
E THIOPIA: A NEW DAWN? J UNE 8, 2018 SUMMARY ABOUT ASG • As the first member of the Oromo ethnic group to serve as Prime Minister, Abiy Albright Stonebridge Group Ahmed, only 41 years old, faces the dual challenges of building national (ASG) is the premier global reconciliation while pursuing economic policies to sustain Ethiopia’s standing as strategy and commercial one of the fastest growing economies in the world. He’s off to a strong start. diplomacy firm. We help clients understand and • The new prime minister’s first efforts at reconciliation and reform appear to have successfully navigate the calmed much of the social unrest which marred the final years of the tenure of intersection of public, private, and social sectors in former Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn. The state of emergency the international markets. government had imposed in the face the unrest was lifted two months ahead of ASG’s worldwide team has schedule. served clients in more than 110 countries. • The Ethiopian government has focused on transforming the country into one of Africa’s manufacturing hubs by developing infrastructure and sector-specific ALBRIGHTSTONEBRIDGE.COM industrial parks. These industrial zones have attracted a good amount of foreign direct investment (FDI), primarily from China, India, and Turkey. U.S. companies are also present. • This month, the government announced the privatization of state-owned enterprises, including the telecommunication and airline sectors. Successful implementation of these efforts, coupled with resolution of the issue of foreign exchange shortages, would increase Ethiopia’s attractiveness as a FDI destination and boost its economic growth rate. -
Interventionism and Democratization How the Way We Promote Democracy Is Leading to Its Decline
Vilnius University European Master’s Degree in Human Rights and Democratization A.Y 2019/2020 Interventionism and Democratization How the way we promote democracy is leading to its decline Author: Cedric-Vahid Jafarpour-Davatgar Supervisor: Inga Martinkutė Abstract Democracy promotion has been a major goal of the foreign policy initiatives of the world’s leading countries and intergovernmental bodies since the fall of the Berlin wall. Despite this, in its most recent report the V-Dem Institute confirmed that after a decade of democratic decline, 2019 was the first year since 2001 where autocracies outnumber democracies. These two things are deeply interrelated by the philosophy of interventionism which has been at the core of numerous democratization policies while also contributing heavily to declining democratic standards, human rights abuses and a rise in authoritarianism. This thesis will reflect on the history of democratic rule and democracy promotion to better understand how we have arrived at this very concerning moment in political history. A historical analysis of a variety of case studies that touch upon multiple different iterations of democracy promotion through interventionism will highlight just how harmful these policies have been. The final chapter will look at the success of internal actors at spurring unprecedented levels of mobilization for democracy throughout the 2010s and how the international community can empower these movements with a collaborative approach to democracy building. Ultimately, this thesis advocates for the adoption of a more nuanced attitude towards democracy promotion that handles policy decisions on a case-by-case basis rather than the rigid universal interventionism we have seen thus far. -
Ethiopia PM Abiy Ahmed Wins 2019 Nobel Peace Prize
Ethiopia PM Abiy Ahmed wins 2019 Nobel Peace Prize https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-50013273 The 2019 Nobel Peace Prize has been awarded to Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed who made peace last year with bitter foe Eritrea. He was awarded the prize for his efforts to "achieve peace and international cooperation". Abiy Ahmed became Ethiopia's prime minister in April 2018 Mr Abiy's peace deal with Eritrea ended a 20-year military stalemate following their 1998-2000 border war. He was named as the winner of the 100th Nobel Peace Prize in Oslo, where he will receive the award in December. It is worth some nine million Swedish crowns (about £730,000; $900,000). Following the announcement, Mr Abiy said he was "humbled and thrilled". "Thank you very much. It is a prize given to Africa, given to Ethiopia and I can imagine how the rest of Africa's leaders will take it positively to work on [the] peace-building process on our continent," he added in a phone call with the secretary of the Norwegian Nobel Committee. A total of 301 candidates had been nominated for the prestigious award, including 223 individuals and 78 organisations. There had been great speculation over who would win the prize, with climate activist Greta Thunberg widely tipped as the favourite. Under the Nobel Foundation's rules, nomination shortlists are not allowed to be published for 50 years, and the organisation says any speculation ahead of the announcement is "sheer guesswork". What has Abiy Ahmed done? After becoming prime minister in April 2018, Mr Abiy introduced massive liberalising reforms to Ethiopia, shaking up what was a tightly controlled nation. -
Civil-Military Relations: a Comparative Analysis of the Role of the Military in the Political Transformation of Post-War Turkey and Greece: 1980-1995
CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE ROLE OF THE MILITARY IN THE POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION OF POST-WAR TURKEY AND GREECE: 1980-1995 Dr. Gerassimos Karabelias Final Report submitted to North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in June 1998 1 ABSTRACT This report attempts to determine the evolution of civil-military relations in Turkey and Greece during the 1980-1995 period through an examination of the role of the military in the political transformation of both countries. Since the mid-1970s and especially after the Fall of the Berlin Wall, the struggle for spreading the winds of democracy around the globe has been the goal of all western states and particularly the United States of America. However, taking into consideration the volatility in the Balkans and in Central Asia, the military institution of Turkey and Greece which gave the impression that it withdrew in the barracks after their last intervention in 1980-83 and 1967-74 respectively, could easily be forced or even tempted to assume a greater responsibility in the conduct of each country’s domestic and foreign affairs. Only through a better understanding of its role during the 1980-95 period, we would be able to determine the feasibility of such scenarios. Using a multi-factorial model as a protection from the short- sighted results which the majority of mono-factorial approaches produce, this report starts with the analysis of the distinct role which the Armed Forces of each country have had in the historical evolution of their respective civil-military relations up to 1980 (Part One of Chapters Two and Three). -
Russia's Role in the Horn of Africa
Russia Foreign Policy Papers “E O” R’ R H A SAMUEL RAMANI FOREIGN POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE • RUSSIA FOREIGN POLICY PAPERS 1 All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Author: Samuel Ramani The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Foreign Policy Research Institute, a non-partisan organization that seeks to publish well-argued, policy- oriented articles on American foreign policy and national security priorities. Eurasia Program Leadership Director: Chris Miller Deputy Director: Maia Otarashvili Editing: Thomas J. Shattuck Design: Natalia Kopytnik © 2020 by the Foreign Policy Research Institute July 2020 OUR MISSION The Foreign Policy Research Institute is dedicated to producing the highest quality scholarship and nonpartisan policy analysis focused on crucial foreign policy and national security challenges facing the United States. We educate those who make and influence policy, as well as the public at large, through the lens of history, geography, and culture. Offering Ideas In an increasingly polarized world, we pride ourselves on our tradition of nonpartisan scholarship. We count among our ranks over 100 affiliated scholars located throughout the nation and the world who appear regularly in national and international media, testify on Capitol Hill, and are consulted by U.S. government agencies. Educating the American Public FPRI was founded on the premise that an informed and educated citizenry is paramount for the U.S. -
Nation Formation and Legitimacy
International Journal of Academic Multidisciplinary Research (IJAMR) ISSN: 2643-9670 Vol. 4, Issue 6, June – 2020, Pages: 52-58 Nation Formation and Legitimacy: The Case of Ethiopia Getachew Melese Belay University of International Business and Economics School of International Relation, Beijing Email Address: [email protected], cell phone+8618513001139/+251944252379 Abstract: This paper attempted to examines how nation formation of Ethiopian undergone and legitimate under the Empire, Military and EPRDF regimes. Accordingly, the paper argues that there are changes and continuities in nation formation of Ethiopian under Empire, military and EPRDF regimes. The study used secondary source of data; collected from books, journal articles, published and unpublished materials, governmental and non-governmental organization reports and remarks, magazines and web sources. To substantiate and supplement the secondary data, the paper also used primary data collected through few key informant interviews. Given the data gathered are qualitative, the study employed qualitative data analysis techniques. The finding of the study revealed that the legitimacy of every regime has their own explanation during monarchy it was that most of the population believed in Jesus Christ so that belief was that king came from God and accept that is divine rule and also the church was doing that. When we come to the recent even if the Derg regime has done land reform but has some defects one not seriously (radically) implemented throughout the country and farmers were not able to use their product. But special after 1991 it was radical land reform and other like democracy, multi-party system and decentralization also contributed for the government to be legitimate. -
The Polemics and Politics of Ethiopia's Disintegration
Main Page Commentary The Polemics and Politics of Ethiopia’s Disintegration Mukerrem Miftah December 31, 2018 Facebook Twitter Google+ Yazdır Disintegration, or more precisely secession, has been one of the most uninterruptedly recycled themes in the modern political history of Ethiopia. Different political groups, with vested interests in the country, used, redened, and channeled it through various ways under different circumstances. In the post-monarchical Ethiopia, the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), and others went to the extent of taking up arms for what they believed was in the best interests of the people whom they supposedly represent. Bear with me, I have not forgotten, and thus, ruled out Eritrea from this brainstorming exercise. The case of Eritrea can, and denitely, serve a very salient purpose shortly. From the outset, their claims were crystal-clear: a marked dissatisfaction with the existing political order in Ethiopia, and due to which, they opted for independence. Before proceeding further, however, let us raise some important questions worth asking here: Was it, and still is, a question of sine qua non importance in Ethiopia? Can historical, geographical, sociological, economic, and political infrastructures vouch for it? Can we make a relatively weighty distinction between the rhetorical, polemical or strategic deployment of “disintegration” or secession and its actuality on the ground as in the case with the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) or today’s PFDJ of Eritrea? The following paragraphs provide a preliminary engagement with these questions. The Pretexts of Disintegration Ethiopia as a country of multiple identities is a recent phenomenon. -
A Model of Praetorian States
MIDDLE EAST INITIATIVE A Model of Praetorian States Yasser El-Shimy 2014-2015 Predoctoral Research Fellow Middle East Initiative, Belfer Center Harvard Kennedy School Co-Director Program on Civil-Military Relations in Arab States Carnegie Middle East Center Carnegie Endowment for International Peace MEI WORKING PAPER 2016-01 JUNE 2016 Middle East Initiative Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs Harvard Kennedy School 79 JFK Street, Cambridge, MA 02138 617-495-4087 www.belfercenter.org/MEI The Middle East Initiative at Harvard Kennedy School is dedicated to advancing public policy in the Middle East by convening the world’s foremost academic and policy experts, developing the next generation of leaders, and promoting community engagement on campus and in the region. Statements and views expressed in this working paper are solely those of the authors and do not imply endorsement by Harvard University, the Harvard Kennedy School, the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, or the Middle East Initiative. This working paper has not undergone formal review and approval. This working paper and the research presented herein were completed by the author as part of a Middle East Initiative (MEI) Research Fellowship. MEI Research Fellowships are made possible by the generosity of the Emirates Leadership Initiative at Harvard Kennedy School, a collaboration between MEI and the Center for Public Leadership at HKS, supported by the Government of the United Arab Emirates. This paper is a part of the Middle East Initiative Research Series, which presents the work of MEI Research Fellows, Harvard Faculty Research Grant Recipients, and other MEI research affiliates. -
The Perfect Dictatorship? Comparing Authoritarian Rule in South Korea and in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico1
The Perfect Dictatorship? Comparing Authoritarian Rule in South Korea and in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico1 Jorge I. Domínguez Harvard University Abstract The Perfect Dictatorship: Comparing Authoritarian Rule in South Korea and in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico What is a “perfect dictatorship”? Such a regime provokes little societal resistance at installation. Its leaders act jointly to consolidate the regime and to broaden the support coalition by agreeing upon succession rules to rotate the presidency within the authoritarian regime. They delegate policy-making authority to civilians in areas of their competence. They emphasize consultation, not open contestation, prefer cooptation to repression, eschew ideological appeals, compel social actors into regime-licensed organizations, and deactivate civil society. South Korea under Park Chung Hee is compared on these dimensions to Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico, all at a time when authoritarian regimes governed them. Prepared for delivery at the 2002 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, August 29-September 1, 2002, Boston. Panel 11-25. Copyright by the American Political Science Association. Authoritarian rule established through an act of force, such as a military coup, poses several distinct challenges to the authoritarian ruler. The first is how to install the regime, that is, how to survive past the initial moments of the overthrow of the old regime in order to establish a pattern of rule that will last. This requires reducing the need for initial repression, consolidating unity within the coup leadership group, and arranging for succession rules in order to stabilize and broaden the support coalition for the new dictator.