Nation Formation and Legitimacy

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Nation Formation and Legitimacy International Journal of Academic Multidisciplinary Research (IJAMR) ISSN: 2643-9670 Vol. 4, Issue 6, June – 2020, Pages: 52-58 Nation Formation and Legitimacy: The Case of Ethiopia Getachew Melese Belay University of International Business and Economics School of International Relation, Beijing Email Address: [email protected], cell phone+8618513001139/+251944252379 Abstract: This paper attempted to examines how nation formation of Ethiopian undergone and legitimate under the Empire, Military and EPRDF regimes. Accordingly, the paper argues that there are changes and continuities in nation formation of Ethiopian under Empire, military and EPRDF regimes. The study used secondary source of data; collected from books, journal articles, published and unpublished materials, governmental and non-governmental organization reports and remarks, magazines and web sources. To substantiate and supplement the secondary data, the paper also used primary data collected through few key informant interviews. Given the data gathered are qualitative, the study employed qualitative data analysis techniques. The finding of the study revealed that the legitimacy of every regime has their own explanation during monarchy it was that most of the population believed in Jesus Christ so that belief was that king came from God and accept that is divine rule and also the church was doing that. When we come to the recent even if the Derg regime has done land reform but has some defects one not seriously (radically) implemented throughout the country and farmers were not able to use their product. But special after 1991 it was radical land reform and other like democracy, multi-party system and decentralization also contributed for the government to be legitimate. Keywords: Ethiopia, nation formation, legitimacy, Empire Regime, Military Regime, EPRDF Regime, 1. INTRODUCTION: Orthodox, which accounts for approximately 43% of the Ethiopia is the oldest independent country in Africa and population. Islam is also widely practiced, accounting for one of the oldest in the world. What are believed to be the around 33% of the population; while the remaining percent oldest remains of a human ancestor ever found, which is largely made up by other Christian denominations have been dated as being some five million years old, were (CSA, 2007)3. discovered in the Awash Valley in Ethiopia. This beats the However, there are always changes and continuities of discovery of “Lucy”, a 3.2 million year old skeleton, who nation formation /building/under different regimes to be was unearthed in the same area in 1974. The Greek legitimate. Thus, the objective of this study is to examine historian Herodotus, of the fifth century BC, describes how the nation formation of Ethiopian in the consecutive ancient Ethiopia in his writings, while the Bible’s Old regime undergone and legitimate. In terms of Testament records the Queen of Sheba’s visit to Jerusalem methodology, the study employed the qualitative research where “she proved Solomon with hard questions”. Matters methodology and narrative research design was employed clearly went further than that because legend asserts that to achieve the objective of the study. Accordingly, the King Menelik – the founder of the Ethiopian Empire – was study used a secondary source of data; collected from the son of the Queen and Solomon (https://africa- books, journal articles, published and unpublished facts.org/facts-about-ethiopia/)1 materials and archives. To substantiate the secondary data, primary data was also collected via few key informant Ethiopia is a Horn of Africa nation located in the heart of interviews from key actors and pertinent experts. Given East Africa. It shares its borders with six other countries - the data gathered are qualitative; the study also employed Eritrea to the north, Djibouti to the northeast, Somalia to the qualitative technique of data analysis. the east, Kenya to the south, South Sudan to the west and Sudan to the northwest. Ethiopia is slightly less than twice 2. NATION FORMATION BEFORE 1991 the size of Texas, with a total area of 426,372 square In the process of Ethiopian Nation formation, the central miles/ 1,104,300 square kilometers’. According to the power – from emperor Tewodros to the present CIA World Factbook2, Ethiopia's population was estimated government run by the Ethiopian People Revolutionary at 102,374,044 in July 2016. The largest ethnic group in and Democratic Front (EPRDF) led by Dr. Abiye Ahmed ( the country is the Oromo people, who account for 34.4% peace noble winner of 2019) - shows a certain degree of of the population. continuity in the attempt of controlling a vast and instable The official national language of Ethiopia is Amharic, territory by the means of: (i) a structure of administrative although it is the most widely spoken. The Oromo belongs and bureaucratic control, through which the power of the to the Oromo language, which is the official working central government is maintained and enforced over the language of the state of Oromia. Other states `use different people within its jurisdiction; (ii) a system of extraction official working languages, including Somali, Tigrigna and distribution, through which resources are extracted and Afar. from the economy and distributed according to the priority The predominant religion in Ethiopia is Ethiopian of the government – “mostly of course for the maintenance 1 https://africa-facts.org/facts-about-ethiopia 2 CIA World Factbook 3 Central Statistical Agency, 2007 www.ijeais.org/ijamr 52 International Journal of Academic Multidisciplinary Research (IJAMR) ISSN: 2643-9670 Vol. 4, Issue 6, June – 2020, Pages: 52-58 of the state itself”4(iii) a strategy of extraversion of transforming and developing the Organization inherited external resources to utilize technical, financial, military from Haile Selassie in a more explicit structured Leninist international assistance to legitimate and reinforce the political system. central government; (iv) an ideological apparatus to The Derg strengthened the existing means of control and legitimize these practices and encourage adhesion and introduced new ones: the army, the ministry of public and support by the population. national security, the party and several mass organizations, like trade unions, the women’s and youth associations 2.1. A strong center for administrative and “through which virtually all Ethiopians were brought bureaucratic control within a common administrative framework”7. Control The distinctive variant of central power consolidation in was further ensured by the establishment throughout the Ethiopia arose from the need to control and tight together a country of organs of local administration, the county and vast territory, densely populated by different ethnic groups peasant’s associations. These institutions “add up to a and to defend it from external menace and centripetal control capacity vastly greater than anything that could movements. In fact, rather than on revenues from external have been provided by the personal networks of the old trade as the majority of the other African countries, this regime” and “unrivalled in Sub-Saharan Africa”8. power was based on surplus accumulation through direct exaction from a population living of agriculture. 2.2. Mechanisms for surplus extraction In Ethiopia, the process of political centralization and This enterprise of accumulation built on and consolidated economic accumulation followed a trajectory unique in the the dual process of centralization and territorial African continent, based on a peculiar agrarian system that expansion– almost reaching the border that we find today - led to the emergence of social classes. Thus, the modern undertaken by emperor Menelik at the end of the XIX Abyssinian empire-state, inaugurated by Tewodros II century, culminated in the creation of a new capital, Addis (1855-68) and consolidated by Menelik (1889-1913) and Ababa (1886), in a more strategic position then previous Haile Selassie (1930- 1974) has been often compared with political centers (Axum, Gonder) to control the new European feudalism and “differentiated from others in the empire originated by the acquisition of the southern continent by its greater organic linkage to society”9. provinces. In imperial Ethiopia, different land tenure systems and While the most accurate description of Menelik period mode of production were adopted. In the historical should be in term of “decentralized monarchy, rather than “Abyssinian” northern core of the Empire, the system was a centralized one”5, things changed significantly under based on “over lordship”. This society was characterized emperor Haile Selassie, with the central government by little differentiation between elite and commoner tightening its control over the state territory by the means cultures, due to the ideology of kinship between classes of a “modernization” process to build a centralized and and the possibility of upward – but downward as well – modern system of administration and bureaucracy and of social mobility. Fief lords enjoy rights granted by the the creation of a unified national army. In particular, Haile emperor, the administrator of the land (gult), not on the Selassie’s first written constitution (1931) provided the land, but only on the peasants living and working on it, legal and institutional framework for the achievement of while peasant retaining the ownership of the land his “modernizing” objective: introduction of a national according to the owner of
Recommended publications
  • The Polemics and Politics of Ethiopia's Disintegration
    Main Page Commentary The Polemics and Politics of Ethiopia’s Disintegration Mukerrem Miftah December 31, 2018 Facebook Twitter Google+ Yazdır Disintegration, or more precisely secession, has been one of the most uninterruptedly recycled themes in the modern political history of Ethiopia. Different political groups, with vested interests in the country, used, redened, and channeled it through various ways under different circumstances. In the post-monarchical Ethiopia, the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), and others went to the extent of taking up arms for what they believed was in the best interests of the people whom they supposedly represent. Bear with me, I have not forgotten, and thus, ruled out Eritrea from this brainstorming exercise. The case of Eritrea can, and denitely, serve a very salient purpose shortly. From the outset, their claims were crystal-clear: a marked dissatisfaction with the existing political order in Ethiopia, and due to which, they opted for independence. Before proceeding further, however, let us raise some important questions worth asking here: Was it, and still is, a question of sine qua non importance in Ethiopia? Can historical, geographical, sociological, economic, and political infrastructures vouch for it? Can we make a relatively weighty distinction between the rhetorical, polemical or strategic deployment of “disintegration” or secession and its actuality on the ground as in the case with the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) or today’s PFDJ of Eritrea? The following paragraphs provide a preliminary engagement with these questions. The Pretexts of Disintegration Ethiopia as a country of multiple identities is a recent phenomenon.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Permanent Flux: State-Society Relations in the Horn of Africa
    THE CENTER FOR AFRICAN STUDIES PRESENTS THE 29th ANNUAL GWENDOLEN M. CARTER CONFERENCE THE POLITICS OF PERMANENT FLUX: STATE-SOCIETY RELATIONS IN THE HORN OF AFRICA MARCH 15-16, 2013 REITZ UNION ROOM 282 University of Florida, Gainesville 1 2013 GWENDOLEN M. CARTER CONFERENCE Gwendolen M. Carter This year marks the 29th year that the Center for African Studies at the University of Florida has organized annual lectures or a conference in honor of the late distinguished Africanist scholar, Gwendolen M. Carter. Gwendolen Carter devoted her career to scholarship and advocacy concerning the politics of inequality and injustice, especially in southern Africa. She also worked hard to foster the development of African Studies as an academic enterprise. She was perhaps best known for her pioneering study The Politics of Inequality: South Africa Since 1948 and the co-edited four-volume History of African Politics in South Africa: From Protest to Challenge (1972-1977). In the spirit of her career, the annual Carter lectures offers the university community and the greater public the perspectives of Africanist scholars on issues of pressing importance to the peoples and societies of Africa. Since 2004, the Center has (with the generous support of the College of Liberal Arts & Sciences) appointed a Carter Faculty Fellow to serve as convener of the conference. Dr. Terje Østebø, assistant professor of Religion and African Studies is the 2013 Carter Conference Fellow. Please check the back cover of this program for a complete list of the Carter conference themes since its inception. 2013 CARTER CONFERENCE CONVENERS Terje Østebø is an assistant professor at the Center for African Studies and the Department of Religion, University of Florida.
    [Show full text]
  • Tha Battle of Adwa.Book
    THE BATTLE OF ADWA THE BATTLE OF ADWA REFLECTIONS ON ETHIOPIA’S HISTORIC VICTORY AGAINST EUROPEAN COLONIALISM Edited by Paulos Milkias & Getachew Metaferia Contributors Richard Pankhurst Zewde Gabra-Selassie Negussay Ayele Harold Marcus Theodore M. Vestal Paulos Milkias Getachew Metaferia Maimire Mennasemay Mesfin Araya Algora Publishing New York © 2005 by Algora Publishing All Rights Reserved www.algora.com No portion of this book (beyond what is permitted by Sections 107 or 108 of the United States Copyright Act of 1976) may be reproduced by any process, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form, or by any means, without the express written permission of the publisher. ISBN: 0-87586-413-9 (softcover) ISBN: 0-87586-414-7 (hardcover) ISBN: 0-87586-415-5 (ebook) Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data — The Battle of Adwa: reflections on Ethiopia’s historic victory against European colonialism / edited by Paulos Milkias, Getachew Metaferia. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-87586-413-9 (trade paper: alk. paper) — ISBN 0-87586-414-7 (hard cover: alk. paper) — ISBN 0-87586-415-5 (ebook) 1. Adwa, Battle of, Adwa, Ethiopia, 1896. I. Milkias, Paulos. II. Metaferia, Getachew. DT387.3.B39 2005 963'.043—dc22 2005013845 Front Cover: Printed in the United States This book is dedicated to all peoples of the world who have stood up to colonial subjugation and courageously sacrificed their lives for the love of freedom and liberty ETHIOPIAN TITLES Afe-Nigus — (“Mouthpiece of the Emperor”) equivalent to the U.S. “Chief Justice.” Asiraleqa — (“Commander of 10”) Corporal, as a military title.
    [Show full text]
  • Women and Warfare in Ethiopia
    ISSN 1908-6295 Women and Warfare in Ethiopia Minale Adugna Gender Issues Research Report Series - no. 13 Organization for Social Science Research in Eastern and Southern Africa Women and Warfare in Ethiopia A Case Study of Their Role During the Campaign of Adwa, 1895/96, and the Italo-Ethiopian War, 1935-41 Minale Adugna Organization for Social Science Research in Eastern and Southern Africa Gender Issues Research report Series - no. 13 CONTENTS Preface ............................................................................................................... v Acknowledgements............................................................................................ vi Abstract ............................................................................................................. 1 1. Women and War in Ethiopia: From Early Times to the Late 19th Century 1 1.1 The Role of Women in Mobilization ...................................................... 2 1.2 The Role of Women at Battlefields ........................................................ 7 2. The Role of Women during the Campaign of Adwa, 1895/96 ......................... 13 2.1 Empress Taitu and the Road to Adwa .................................................... 13 2.2 The Role of Women at the Battle of Adwa ............................................ 19 3. The Ethiopian Women and the Italio-Ethiopian War, 1935-41 ........................ 21 4. The Impact of War on the Life of Ethiopian Women ....................................... 33 References ........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Flag Politics in Ethiopia and the Ethio-American Diaspora
    Flag Politics in Ethiopia and the Ethio-American Diaspora Goshu Wolde Tefera1 African and African-American Studies Syracuse University [email protected] A. Peter Castro PhD Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs Syracuse University [email protected] Abstract Flags hold “rich symbolic and political connotations,” yet the examination of their use has been “relatively neglected in research on nationalism” (Eriksen, 2007, p. 1-2). Our study explores the transnational politics of Ethiopia’s national flag, exploring its manifestation within the Ethio- American community in the Washington, DC metropolitan area, where the largest Ethiopian diaspora population in the United States resides. We also examine the historical roots of Ethiopian flag politics within Ethiopia’s historical political economy. The country’s well-known imperial flag, containing the emblem of the Lion of Judah against green, yellow, and red stripes, emerged by the late 19th century as Ethiopia defended itself against colonial intrusion. The flying of the flag, an essentially invented tradition, was originally used to reinforce the legitimacy of Ethiopia’s imperial elite. Ultimately, however, flags—all flags—became associated with deep patriotic meaning. The tricolor stripes of the imperial of the flag became an important Pan-African and anti-colonial symbol after the country’s resistance to Italian occupation during the first part of the twentieth century. Later, a plain tricolor flag of green, yellow, and red, without the Lion of Judah, was used by the Derg—the collective of military and police forces that deposed Emperor Haile Selassie in 1974, imposing socialist rule under the leadership of Mengistu Haile Mariam, until 1991.
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalism, Self-Determination, Article 39, the Eyes Of
    Nationalism, Self-determination, Article 39, & the Eyes of International Law Adal Isaw [email protected] Article 39 of the Ethiopian Constitution stands to grant all peoples of Ethiopia the right to self- determination without any ambiguity. And by that, it has become one of the contentious Article that pervades the body politics of Ethiopia more so than any other perceivable issue of interest. Ethiopians are continuously arguing in support or against this Article, with a tenacious commitment to avoid the fragmentation of their beloved country into miniature, meaningless, and powerless states. Polemics and histrionics aside, and interestingly, the objective of the proponents and opponents of this Article is to keep Ethiopia as it's now- one country under the horizontally stripped green, yellow, and red flag. This precise objective requires a degree of nationalist tendency and commitment, and by that it's creating heated debate where the opponents stand to accuse the proponents of Article 39 as apostates-devoid of a nationalist fervor of an Ethiopian order. Nationalism shouldn’t be something more than a shared sense of dignified endeavor to love, protect, and better the lives of the many diverse people of Ethiopia. Although unfortunate at times, there may be an instance where a people from a nation of many, may choose to be left alone on their own, with or without having a cogent reason. Under such circumstance, democratic procedure rather than warring gesture should prevail. Nationalism of the desirable kind is achieved if and only if all of our unity inducing political and social engagements toward all people concerned are footed on respect and fairness.
    [Show full text]
  • The Polemics and Politics of Ethiopia's Disintegration
    The Polemics and Politics of Ethiopia’s Disintegration Mukerrem MiftahI Disintegration, or more precisely secession, has been one of the most uninterruptedly recycled themes in the modern political history of Ethiopia. Different political groups, with vested interests in the country, used, redefined, and channeled it through various ways under different circumstances. In the post-monarchical Ethiopia, the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), and others went to the extent of taking up arms for what they believed was in the best interests of the people whom they supposedly represent. Bear with me, I have not forgotten, and thus, ruled out Eritrea from this brainstorming exercise. The case of Eritrea can, and definitely, serve a very salient purpose shortly. From the outset, their claims were crystal-clear: a marked dissatisfaction with the existing political order in Ethiopia, and due to which, they opted for independence. Before proceeding further, however, let us raise some important questions worth asking here: Was it, and still is, a question of sine qua non importance in Ethiopia? Can historical, geographical, sociological, economic, and political infrastructures vouch for it? Can we make a relatively weighty distinction between the rhetorical, polemical or strategic deployment of “disintegration” or secession and its actuality on the ground as in the case with the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) or today’s PFDJ of Eritrea? The following paragraphs provide a preliminary engagement with these questions. The Pretexts of Disintegration Ethiopia as a country of multiple identities is a recent phenomenon. Historically, different political groups, hailing from the different parts of today’s Ethiopia, attempted to create a strong political unit in-and-around today’s Ethiopia.
    [Show full text]
  • Good Governance with Checks and Balances in Ethiopia* Getachew
    Good Governance with Checks and Balances in Ethiopia* Getachew Begashaw Paper presented at Ethiopia Forum: Challenges and Prospects for Constitutional Democracy in Ethiopia International Center, Michigan State University East Lansing, Michigan, March 22-24, 2019 1. Introduction Ethiopia, in its recent history, has gone through three government systems that included a monarchy, a military dictatorship, and a divisive ethnic federal system without participatory democracy. In each case, the continuity of the system was challenged by popular uprisings. However, thanks in part to the absence of democratic institutions and organizations to realize the aspirations of the people, each system was replaced by another that was as repressive as or more repressive than its predecessor. Furthermore, in each case, the popular movement was hijacked by forces that initially disguise their true form in progressive slogans and reforms, and eventually unveiled their dictatorial, autocratic and anti-democratic nature, once they consolidated power. Following the successful uprisings against the vicious TPLF/EPRDF regime, Ethiopia currently have a government in Ethiopia that assumed power with a promise of unity, love, national reconciliation, and democracy. However, despite the unconditional support the government enjoyed in the first few months of its formation, it is now facing considerable challenges from various groups, including its once ardent supporters as well as TPLF sympathizers. This paper explores what constitutes good governance and what has been missing in the context of the prevailing conditions in Ethiopia. Furthermore, it points out what the current government has to do in order to achieve a transparent process for free and fair elections, and to assure the existence of checks and balances between the three branches of government (legislative, judiciary and executive), the legal functioning of a vibrant civil society to monitor the rule of law, and the use of the appropriate institutions of the state and public forums to unite and harmonize the people.
    [Show full text]
  • The Discursive Construction of Identity: the Case of Oromo in Ethiopia
    i The Department of International Environment and Development Studies, Noragric, is the international gateway for the Norwegian University of Life Sciences (NMBU). Eight departments, associated research institutions and the Norwegian College of Veterinary Medicine in Oslo. Established in 1986, Noragric’s contribution to international development lies in the interface between research, education (Bachelor, Master and PhD programmes) and assignments. The Noragric Master thesis are the final theses submitted by students in order to fulfil the requirements under the Noragric Master programme “International Environmental Studies”, “International Development Studies” and “International Relations”. The findings in this thesis do not necessarily reflect the views of Noragric. Extracts from this publication may only be reproduced after prior consultation with the author and on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation contact Noragric. © Yosef Tadesse Ayele, May 2016 [email protected] Noragric, Department of International Environment and Development Studies P.O. Box 5003 N-1432 Ås Norway Tel.: +47 64 96 52 00 Fax: +47 64 96 52 01 Internet: http://www.nmbu.no/noragric ii Declaration I, Yosef Tadesse Ayele, declare that this thesis is a result of my research investigations and findings. Sources of information other than my own have been acknowledged and a reference list has been appended. This work has not been previously submitted to any other university for award of any type of academic degree. Signature……………………………….. Date: iii Abstract Identity politics in Ethiopia is not a recent phenomenon. It has been one of the major mobilizing factor in the entire modern history. However, the institutionalization and the establishment of the issue in the policy and legal documents of the nation has started in 1991 when the current government: EPRDF, came to power.
    [Show full text]
  • State and Religion in the Constitution and Politics of Ethiopia
    STATE AND RELIGION IN THE CONSTITUTION AND POLITICS OF ETHIOPIA MARTA TORCINI CORAZZA I. HISTORICAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL ROOTS OF THE ETHIOPIAN STATE 1. Origin of the Ethiopian State The constitutional history of Ethiopia has very ancient roots, and just as ancient is the importance of religion in the political and constitutional context of the Country. We have to consider that, unlike most countries around the world, Europe included, a State called “Ethiopia” exists since the VI century B.C., although with many changes in boundaries due to historical vicissitudes. In addition, the State, unlike all African countries, has remained almost untouched by colonisation, excluding the short period of the Italian occupation between 1935 and 1941. Thanks to these particular vicissitudes, relations between State and Church followed an autonomous way, free from foreign influences, creating for centuries a strong alliance for power1. Until 1931, Ethiopia had no written Constitution. During the centuries, three sacred books signed the public life of Ethiopia through their religious and administrative provisions and the histories they tell: the Fetha Nagast, a collection of laws and provisions for religious and civil life, the Kebra Nagast, which mostly influenced the constitutional process with the “Solomonic Legend”, and the most recent Serate Mengist. However, none of them was a Constitution in a modern sense, i.e. a homogeneous body of rules concerning State structure and organisation, and citizens’ fundamental rights and duties. 1 For a larger analysis of the relationships between State and Church in Ethiopia dur- ing the eleventh – sixteenth centuries see: TADDESSE TAMRAT, Church and State in Ethiopia, 1270-1527, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972.
    [Show full text]
  • Ethiopia: a Real New Dawn?
    Reports Ethiopia: A Real New Dawn? *Thembisa Fakude Al Jazeera Centre for Studies Tel: +974-40158384 [email protected] 26 August 2019 http://studies.aljazeera.n Ethiopia's New Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed [Getty] The new reforms of Ethiopia since the political shift in 2018 have captured the imagination of several political analysts since Abiy Ahmed assumed the premiership in February 2018. For instance, Global Risk Insights has maintained he has the power “to create peace within his borders as well as with neighboring countries, bring about equality and representation, foster economic growth, and create a model for other developing markets and nations to follow.” (1) Other foreign observers have argued his appointment gives “some hope for peace, continuity and stability both in Ethiopia and the wider region,” as asserts Professor Ann Fitz-Gerald of Cranfield University in the United Kingdom.(2) One of the turning points in Ethiopia’s new foreign policy was Abiy’s standing next to long-time Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki on the Ethiopian-Eritrean border, along with military personnel in September 2018, to herald the Ethiopian New Year by “demolishing the trenches along our border.” He also vowed his country’s defence forces along the border with Eritrea would be “gathered to camps to ease tension that was often extreme. The same will be done from the Eritrean side.” (3) In this paper, Thembisa Fakude researcher at Aljazeera Centre for Studies (AJCS) will assess the accomplishments of Abiy’s government since taking office and juxtapose them with certain urgent sociopolitical challenges the country faces. He will also probe into the impact of internal and external insurgencies and the challenges of gratifying meeting the Oromos’ expectations.
    [Show full text]
  • Ethnic Federalism and Authoritarian Survival in Ethiopia
    Georgia State University ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University Political Science Dissertations Department of Political Science 12-14-2017 Ethnic Federalism and Authoritarian Survival in Ethiopia Yohannes Gedamu Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/political_science_diss Recommended Citation Gedamu, Yohannes, "Ethnic Federalism and Authoritarian Survival in Ethiopia." Dissertation, Georgia State University, 2017. https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/political_science_diss/45 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of Political Science at ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ETHNIC FEDERALISM AND AUTHORITARIAN SURVIVAL IN ETHIOPIA By YOHANNES GEDAMU Under the Direction of Carrie Manning, PhD ABSTRACT After the fall of the military regime (the Dergue) in Ethiopia, that had ruled for seventeen years, the EPRDF (Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front) coalition and some former liberation fronts took control of the state and the systemic political transformation of the country. The impact they made on the state stability, political and economic questions however, invite fur- ther investigation. Considering the historical preludes, understanding today’s political landscape and lingering political and economic questions, this dissertation examines an institutional solution introduced by EPRDF led government in Ethiopia, i.e. Ethnic Federalism. The post-1991 politics and EPRDF’s coalition however, are highly dominated by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) with a political base of roughly six percent of the total population. Nonetheless, the coali- tion, while challenged by fractured coalitions of political opposition and intra-party struggles, re- mains stable and in control.
    [Show full text]