James SHARPLES II Sitters
Total Page：16
File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, and the Quasi-War with France
John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, and the Quasi-War with France David Loudon General University Honors Professor Robert Griffith, Faculty Advisor American University, Spring 2010 1 John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, and the Quasi-War with France Abstract This paper examines the split of the Federalist Party and subsequent election defeat in 1800 through the views of John Adams and Alexander Hamilton on the Quasi-War with France. More specifically, I will be focusing on what caused their split on the French issue. I argue that the main source of conflict between the two men was ideological differences on parties in contemporary American politics. While Adams believed that there were two parties in America and his job was to remain independent of both, Hamilton saw only one party (the Republicans), and believed that it was the goal of all “real” Americans to do whatever was needed to defeat that faction. This ideological difference between the two men resulted in their personal disdain for one another and eventually their split on the French issue. Introduction National politics in the early American republic was a very uncertain venture. The founding fathers had no historical precedents to rely upon. The kind of government created in the American constitution had never been attempted in the Western World; it was a piecemeal system designed in many ways more to gain individual state approval than for practical implementation. Furthermore, while the fathers knew they wanted opposition within their political system, they rejected political parties as evil and dangerous to the public good. This tension between the belief in opposition and the rejection of party sentiment led to confusion and high tensions during the early American republic. -
Popular Sovereignty, Slavery in the Territories, and the South, 1785-1860
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 2010 Popular sovereignty, slavery in the territories, and the South, 1785-1860 Robert Christopher Childers Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Childers, Robert Christopher, "Popular sovereignty, slavery in the territories, and the South, 1785-1860" (2010). LSU Doctoral Dissertations. 1135. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations/1135 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please [email protected]. POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY, SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORIES, AND THE SOUTH, 1785-1860 A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of History by Robert Christopher Childers B.S., B.S.E., Emporia State University, 2002 M.A., Emporia State University, 2004 May 2010 For my wife ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Writing history might seem a solitary task, but in truth it is a collaborative effort. Throughout my experience working on this project, I have engaged with fellow scholars whose help has made my work possible. Numerous archivists aided me in the search for sources. Working in the Southern Historical Collection at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill gave me access to the letters and writings of southern leaders and common people alike. -
Inventory of the Grimke Family Papers, 1678-1977, Circa 1990S
Inventory of the Grimke Family Papers, 1678-1977, circa 1990s Addlestone Library, Special Collections College of Charleston 66 George Street Charleston, SC 29424 USA http://archives.library.cofc.edu Phone: (843) 953-8016 | Fax: (843) 953-6319 Table of Contents Descriptive Summary................................................................................................................ 3 Biographical and Historical Note...............................................................................................3 Collection Overview...................................................................................................................4 Restrictions................................................................................................................................ 5 Search Terms............................................................................................................................6 Related Material........................................................................................................................ 6 Administrative Information......................................................................................................... 7 Detailed Description of the Collection.......................................................................................8 John Paul Grimke letters (generation 1)........................................................................... 8 John F. and Mary Grimke correspondence (generation 2)................................................8 -
The Stamp Act Crisis (1765)
Click Print on your browser to print the article. Close this window to return to the ANB Online. Adams, John (19 Oct. 1735-4 July 1826), second president of the United States, diplomat, and political theorist, was born in Braintree (now Quincy), Massachusetts, the son of John Adams (1691-1760), a shoemaker, selectman, and deacon, and Susanna Boylston. He claimed as a young man to have indulged in "a constant dissipation among amusements," such as swimming, fishing, and especially shooting, and wished to be a farmer. However, his father insisted that he follow in the footsteps of his uncle Joseph Adams, attend Harvard College, and become a clergyman. John consented, applied himself to his studies, and developed a passion for learning but refused to become a minister. He felt little love for "frigid John Calvin" and the rigid moral standards expected of New England Congregationalist ministers. John Adams. After a painting by Gilbert Stuart. Adams was also ambitious to make more of a figure than could Courtesy of the Library of Congress (LC- USZ62-13002 DLC). be expected in the local pulpits. So despite the disadvantages of becoming a lawyer, "fumbling and racking amidst the rubbish of writs . pleas, ejectments" and often fomenting "more quarrels than he composes," enriching "himself at the expense of impoverishing others more honest and deserving," Adams fixed on the law as an avenue to "glory" through obtaining "the more important offices of the State." Even in his youth, Adams was aware he possessed a "vanity," which he sought to sublimate in public service: "Reputation ought to be the perpetual subject of my thoughts, and the aim of my behaviour." Adams began reading law with attorney James Putnam in Worcester immediately after graduation from Harvard College in 1755. -
Dolley Madison
Life Story Dolley Madison 1768–1849 expulsion from Quaker Meeting, and his wife took in boarders to make ends meet . Perhaps pressured by her father, who died shortly after, Dolley, at 22, married Quaker lawyer John Todd, whom she had once rejected . Her 11-year- old sister, Anna, lived with them . The Todds’ first son, called Payne, was born in 1791, and a second son, William, followed in 1793 . In the late summer of that year, yellow fever hit Philadelphia, and before cold weather ended the epidemic, Dolley lost four members of her family: her father-in-law, her mother-in-law, and then, on the same October day, her husband and three-month-old William . She wrote a half-finished sentence in a letter: “I am now so unwell that I can’t . ”. James Sharples Sr ., Dolley Madison, ca . 1796–1797 . Pastel on paper . Independence National Historic Park, Philadelphia . Added to her grief, Dolley faced an financial strain at the same time . Fifty extremely difficult situation . She was years later, she would face them again . a widow caring for her small son and her young sister . Men were considered Dolley’s mother went to live with a responsible for their female relatives; it was married daughter, and Dolley, Payne, one of the social side effects of coverture and Anna moved back to the family (see Resource 1) . But all the men who might home . Philadelphia was then the nation’s have cared for Dolley were gone . Her temporary capital and most sophisticated husband had left her some money in his city . -
Sample Pages
Introduction and Study Guide This is the first edition of Speakers of the House of Representatives 1789 - 2009. With infor- mation that has never before been gathered into one volume, it not only includes detailed biographies of the 53 men and woman who have served as Speaker, but offers a wealth of supportive material that combines for a complete picture of the Speakers and the speaker- ship - the history, the power, and the changes. With detailed content, thoughtful arrangement, and several “user guide” elements, Speakers of the House of Representatives is designed for multiple levels of study. CONTENT Speaker Biographies This major portion of the work - comprises 54 detailed biographies that average 7 pages long. This section is arranged chronologically, beginning with the first Speaker — Frederick Muhlenberg, who began his term in 1789 - and ending with the current Speaker - Nancy Pelosi, who was elected in 2007 as the first female Speaker of the House. Each biography starts off with an image of the Speaker and dates of service, and thoughtfully categorized into logical subsections that guide the reader through the details: Personal History; Early Years in Congress; The Vote; Acceptance Speech; Legacy as Speaker; After Leaving the Speakership. Each biography is strengthened by direct quotations — easily identified in italics — of the Speaker, or influential colleagues of the time. In addition, scattered throughout the bio- graphical section are unique, original graphics - from autographs to personal letters - that not only give the reader an inside look at the Speaker, but also at the times during which he served. Biographies also include Further Reading, and cross references to Primary Docu- ments that appear later in the book. -
Adams and Jefferson : Personal Politics in the Early Republic
d ADAMS AND JEFFERSON: Personal Politics in the Early Republic John Connor The deterioration of the friendship between John Adams and Thomas Jefferson remains a controversial subject among his torians. The two men were once the best of friends, spending personal time with each other’s family, and enjoying a profes sional collaboration that would become famous—drafting the Declaration of Independence. Furthermore, they freely ac knowledged their mutual fondness. In 1784, Adams wrote that his colleague Thomas Jefferson was “an old friend with whom I have often had occasion to labor at many a knotty problem and in whose ability and steadiness I always found great cause to confide.”1 Jefferson wrote similar words of praise to his friend James Madison: “[Adams] is profound in his views, and accurate in his judgments. He is so amiable, that I pronounce you will love him if ever you become acquainted with him.”2 But despite this initial close friendship, by the 1790s Adams called Jefferson “weak, confused, uninformed, and ignorant.”3 At the same time, Jefferson called Adams actions as President “the most grotesque scene in the tragiccomedy of govern ment.”4 What led these two men who once worked so closely together to turn from close friends to bitter enemies in only ten years? How their friendship dissolved has been discussed by Stephen Kurtz, Stanley Elkins, and Eric McKitrick, who em 58 phasize certain events in the Adams Presidency as precise mo ments in which the two men parted ways.5 Noble Cunningham Jr., points to the passage of the Alien and Sedition Act and the creation of a Standing Army as the point at which the two men’s differences became irreconcilable.6 Recent scholarship by James Sharp argues that a dinner conversation held before Adams was even elected led to their disbanding.7 A second school of thought, led by Merrill Peterson, Dumas Malone, and John Ferling, links the divide not so much to a particular event but to the actions of a third party, often Alexander Hamilton. -
The First and the Second
The First and the Second ____________________________ Kah Kin Ho APPROVED: ____________________________ Alin Fumurescu, Ph.D. Committee Chair ___________________________ Jeremy D. Bailey, Ph.D. __________________________ Jeffrey Church, Ph.D. ________________________________ Antonio D. Tillis, Ph.D. Dean, College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences Department of Hispanic Studies The Second and the First, An Examination into the Formation of the First Official Political Parties Under John Adams Kah Kin Ho Current as of 1 May, 2020 2 Introduction A simple inquiry into the cannon of early American history would reveal that most of the scholarly work done on the presidency of John Adams has mostly been about two things. The first, are the problems associated with his “characteristic stubbornness” and his tendencies to be politically isolated (Mayville, 2016, pg. 128; Ryerson, 2016, pg. 350). The second, is more preoccupied with his handling of foreign relations, since Adams was seemingly more interested in those issues than the presidents before and after him (DeConde, 1966, pg. 7; Elkin and McKitrick, 1993, pg. 529). But very few have attempted to examine the correlation between the two, or even the consequences the two collectively considered would have domestically. In the following essay, I will attempt to do so. By linking the two, I will try to show that because of these two particularities, he ultimately will— however unintentionally— contribute substantially to the development of political parties and populism. In regard to his personality, it is often thought that he was much too ambitious and self- righteous to have been an ideal president in the first place. -
H. Doc. 108-222
FOURTH CONGRESS MARCH 4, 1795, TO MARCH 3, 1797 FIRST SESSION—December 7, 1795, to June 1, 1796 SECOND SESSION—December 5, 1796, to March 3, 1797 SPECIAL SESSION OF THE SENATE—June 8, 1795, to June 26, 1795 VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES—JOHN ADAMS, of Massachusetts PRESIDENT PRO TEMPORE OF THE SENATE—HENRY TAZEWELL, 1 of Virginia; SAMUEL LIVERMORE, 2 of New Hampshire; WILLIAM BINGHAM, 3 of Pennsylvania SECRETARY OF THE SENATE—SAMUEL A. OTIS, of Massachusetts DOORKEEPER OF THE SENATE—JAMES MATHERS, of New York SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES—JONATHAN DAYTON, 4 of New Jersey CLERK OF THE HOUSE—JOHN BECKLEY, 5 of Virginia SERGEANT AT ARMS OF THE HOUSE—JOSEPH WHEATON, of Rhode Island DOORKEEPER OF THE HOUSE—THOMAS CLAXTON CONNECTICUT GEORGIA Richard Potts 17 18 SENATORS SENATORS John Eager Howard Oliver Ellsworth 6 James Gunn REPRESENTATIVES James Hillhouse 7 James Jackson 14 8 Jonathan Trumbull George Walton 15 Gabriel Christie 9 Uriah Tracy Josiah Tattnall 16 Jeremiah Crabb 19 REPRESENTATIVES AT LARGE 20 REPRESENTATIVES AT LARGE William Craik Joshua Coit 21 Abraham Baldwin Gabriel Duvall Chauncey Goodrich Richard Sprigg, Jr. 22 Roger Griswold John Milledge George Dent James Hillhouse 10 James Davenport 11 KENTUCKY William Hindman Nathaniel Smith SENATORS Samuel Smith Zephaniah Swift John Brown Thomas Sprigg 12 Uriah Tracy Humphrey Marshall William Vans Murray Samuel Whittlesey Dana 13 REPRESENTATIVES DELAWARE Christopher Greenup MASSACHUSETTS SENATORS Alexander D. Orr John Vining SENATORS Henry Latimer MARYLAND Caleb Strong 23 REPRESENTATIVE AT LARGE SENATORS Theodore Sedgwick 24 John Patten John Henry George Cabot 25 1 Elected December 7, 1795. -
The President Pro Tempore of the Senate: History and Authority of the Office
Order Code RL30960 The President Pro Tempore of the Senate: History and Authority of the Office Updated April 2, 2008 Christopher M. Davis Analyst in American National Government Government and Finance Division The President Pro Tempore of the Senate History and Authority of the Office Summary The U.S. Constitution establishes the office of the President pro tempore of the Senate to preside over the Senate in the Vice President’s absence. Since 1947, the President pro tempore has stood third in line to succeed to the presidency, after the Vice President and the Speaker of the House. Although the President pro tempore’s powers are limited and not comparable to those of the Speaker of the House, as the chamber’s presiding officer, he is authorized to perform certain duties. For example, he may decide points of order (subject to appeal) and enforce decorum in the Senate chamber and galleries. Early in the nation’s history, some Presidents pro tempore appointed Senators to standing committees. While they no longer do so, election to the office is considered one of the highest honors bestowed by the Senate, and Presidents pro tempore are traditionally accorded a somewhat larger salary and allowances for staff. Eighty-seven different Senators have served as President pro tempore. Sixty- one served prior to 1900, when Vice Presidents routinely presided over the chamber and Presidents pro tempore were elected to serve only for limited periods when the Vice President was absent or ill, or the office was vacated. Frequently, several different Presidents pro tempore were chosen in a single congressional session, “on the basis of their personal characteristics, popularity, and reliability.” (See Robert C. -
Presidents Pro Tempore of the United States Senate Since 1789
PRO TEM Presidents Pro Tempore of the United States Senate since 1789 4 OIL Presidents Pro Tempore of the United States Senate since 1789 With a preface by Senator Robert C. Byrd, President pro tempore Prepared by the Senate Historical Office under the direction of Nancy Erickson, Secretary of the Senate U. S. Government Printing Office Washington, D.C. 110th Congress, 2d Session Senate Publication 110-18 U.S. Government Printing Office Washington: 2008 COPYRIGHTED MATERIALS Many of the photographs and images in this volume are protected by copyright. Those have been used here with the consent of their respective owners. No republication of copyrighted material may be made without permission in writing from the copyright holder. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data United States. Congress. Senate. Pro tern : presidents pro tempore of the United States Senate since 1789 / prepared by the Senate Historical Office ; under the direction of Nancy Erickson, Secretary of the Senate. p. cm. Includes index. ISBN 978-0-16-079984-6 1. United States. Congress. Senate--Presiding officers. 2. United States. Congress. Senate--History. I. Erickson, Nancy. II. United States. Congress. Senate. Historical Office. III. Title. JK1226.U55 2008 328.73092'2--dc22 2008004722 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512-1800; DC area (202) 512-1800 Fax: (202) 512-2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402-0001 ISBN 978-0-16-079984-6 Table of Contents Foreword ................... ................... 3 20. Samuel Smith (MD), 1805-1807, 1808, 1828, 1829-1831 21. John Milledge (GA), 1809 .................. -
Quaker Petition on Slavery
Copyright OUP 2013 AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONALISM VOLUME I: STRUCTURES OF GOVERNMENT Howard Gillman • Mark A. Graber • Keith E. Whittington Supplementary Material Chapter 4 The Early National Era – Powers of the National Government Quaker Petition on Slavery (1790)1 3 On February 11, 1790, during the second session of the first Congress, Representative Thomas Fitzsimons of Pennsylvania presented to the House an “Address of the people called Quakers,” which urged Congress1 to abolish the slave trade. The Quakers (and allies such as Benjamin Franklin) had petitioned the Continental Congress to abolish the slave trade in 1783, but Congress had failed to respond at that time, in part because it had no meaningful power over the subject. The situation was different under the new Constitution. While Congress0 was expressly forbidden in Article I, section 9 from prohibiting the slave trade before 1808, there were still many questions about whether the federal government had other powers that might be used to regulate or curtail 2the slave trade. A similar petition had been presented to the New York state legislature, but New York put it off, contending that the federal government had exclusive authority over the matter. The Quaker petition triggered extensive debate in the House of Representatives over the federal government’s authority over slavery. The debates are noteworthy for a variety of reasons, not the least of whichP is James Madison’s remark that Congress may have the authority to regulate “the introduction of [slaves] into the new States to be formed out of the Western Territory”—an issue that would be at the core of the Supreme Court’s infamous Dred Scott opinion in 1857.