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Agorapicbk-17.Pdf
Excavations of the Athenian Agora Picture Book No. 17 Prepared by Mabel L. Lang Dedicated to Eugene Vanderpool o American School of Classical Studies at Athens ISBN 87661-617-1 Produced by the Meriden Gravure Company Meriden, Connecticut COVER: Bone figure of Socrates TITLE PAGE: Hemlock SOCRATES IN THE AGORA AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES AT ATHENS PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY 1978 ‘Everything combines to make our knowledge of Socrates himself a subject of Socratic irony. The only thing we know definitely about him is that we know nothing.’ -L. Brunschvicg As FAR AS we know Socrates himselfwrote nothing, yet not only were his life and words given dramatic attention in his own time in the Clouds of Ar- istophanes, but they have also become the subject of many others’ writing in the centuries since his death. Fourth-century B.C. writers who had first-hand knowledge of him composed either dialogues in which he was the dominant figure (Plato and Aeschines) or memories of his teaching and activities (Xe- nophon). Later authors down even to the present day have written numerous biographies based on these early sources and considering this most protean of philosophers from every possible point of view except perhaps the topograph- ical one which is attempted here. Instead of putting Socrates in the context of 5th-century B.C. philosophy, politics, ethics or rhetoric, we shall look to find him in the material world and physical surroundings of his favorite stamping- grounds, the Athenian Agora. Just as ‘agora’ in its original sense meant ‘gathering place’ but came in time to mean ‘market place’, so the agora itself was originally a gathering place I. -
FALL 2008 Columbia University in the City of New York Co
FALL 2008 Columbia University in the City of New York CO 435 West 116th Street, Box A-2 L UM New York, NY 10027 BI A L RETURN SERVICE REQUESTED A W S C HO O L M ag azine www.law.columbia.edu/alumni fall 2008 BREAKING THE CODE NEW FACULTY MEMBER MICHAEL GRAETZ HAS AN INNOVATIVE PLAN FOR REVAMPING AMERICA’s TAX CODE TALKINGTALKING TETELECLECOM: TIM WU CHATS WITH JEFFREY TOOBIN SCOTUS ANALYSIS FROM BLASI, BRIFFAULT, GREENAWALT, HAMBURGER, AND PERSILY Opportunity The Future of Diversity and Opportunity in Higher dean Columbia Law School Magazine David M. Schizer is published three times annually for alumni and friends of associate dean Education: A National Columbia Law School by the for development and Office of Development and alumni relations Alumni Relations. Forum on Innovation and Bruno M. Santonocito Opinions expressed in Columbia Law Collaboration executive director School Magazine do not necessarily of communications reflect the views of Columbia Law and public affairs School or Columbia University. Elizabeth Schmalz This magazine is printed December 3-5, 2008 guest editor on FSC certified paper. Matthew J.X. Malady editorial director James Vescovi assistant editor Mary Johnson Change of address information should be sent to: copy editors Lauren Pavlakovich, Columbia Law School Joy Y. Wang 435 West 116 Street, Box A-2 New York, NY 10027 During the first week in December, design and art direction Attn: Office of Alumni Relations Empire Design Studio Alumni Office university presidents, provosts, and photography 212-854-2680 Peter Freed, Robyn Twomey, Magazine Notices Eric van den Brulle, Jon Roemer 212-854-2650 academic innovators will gather for David Yellen [email protected] an historic conference focused on new printing Copyright 2008, Columbia Maar Printing Service, Inc. -
DEMOCRITUS Democritus
CHAPTER FOUR DEMOCRITUS Democritus (c. 460-396 B.C.) was a younger contemporary ofProtagoras; both were born in Abdera. 1 Although he had encyclopedic interests and was the author of many works, the 298 fragments ascribed to him in Diels-Kranz are at most all that has survived of his writings? Almost all of these fragments concern ethical matters. But despite this, Democritus has generally not been known for his moral theory. He has always, and rightly, been considered an important figure in the history of natural philosophy for his theory of atomism. Commentators on the ethical fragments have often found them to be of little or no philosophical importance3 and have sometimes questioned their authenticity. The issue of whether these fragments are authentic is not important in the context of the present study, which is only interested in these fragments insofar as they re present the views of an early Greek moral theorist concerned with the issue of the compatibility of self-interest and morality. Thus, it would make little difference here whether the fragments be attributed to Democritus or one of his contemporar ies, although my own view is that they probably should be assigned to Democri tus.4 On the other hand, it is a crucial question in the present context whether the fragments have philosophical importance. It is true, of course, that the ethical fragments are written in a style closer to the philosophically unrigorous fragments of Antiphon's On Concord than to those from On Truth. But it cannot be concluded from this fact that they are trivial. -
Why Does Plato's Laws Exist?
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2017 Why Does Plato's Laws Exist? Harold Parker University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Parker, Harold, "Why Does Plato's Laws Exist?" (2017). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2515. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2515 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2515 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Why Does Plato's Laws Exist? Abstract If the ideal city described at length in Plato’s Republic is a perfect and philosophically attractive encapsulation of Plato’s political philosophy, why does Plato go on to write the Laws – which also describes an ideal city, albeit one very different from the Republic? The fundamental challenge of scholarship concerning the Laws is to supply a comprehensive account of the dialogue that explains all aspects of it while also distinguishing the Laws from the Republic in a way that does not devalue the Laws as a mere afterthought to the Republic. Past attempts at meeting this challenge, I argue, can be classified under the headings of the democratic, legal, and demiurgic approaches. Although each is prima facie plausible, each also faces its own set of problems. Furthermore, none are truly capable of explaining the Laws in its full specificity; the intricate array of customs, regulations, and practices making up the life of the city described form a complex totality not reducible to the concept of democracy, the rule of law, or demiurgy. -
Socrates and Democratic Athens: the Story of the Trial in Its Historical and Legal Contexts
Princeton/Stanford Working Papers in Classics Socrates and democratic Athens: The story of the trial in its historical and legal contexts. Version 1.0 July 2006 Josiah Ober Princeton University Abstract: Socrates was both a loyal citizen (by his own lights) and a critic of the democratic community’s way of doing things. This led to a crisis in 339 B.C. In order to understand Socrates’ and the Athenian community’s actions (as reported by Plato and Xenophon) it is necessary to understand the historical and legal contexts, the democratic state’s commitment to the notion that citizens are resonsible for the effects of their actions, and Socrates’ reasons for preferring to live in Athens rather than in states that might (by his lights) have had substantively better legal systems. Written for the Cambridge Companion to Socrates. © Josiah Ober. [email protected] Socrates and democratic Athens: The story of the trial in its historical and legal contexts. (for Cambridge Companion to Socrates) Josiah Ober, Princeton University Draft of August 2004 In 399 B.C. the Athenian citizen Socrates, son of Sophroniscus of the deme (township) Alopece, was tried by an Athenian court on the charge of impiety (asebeia). He was found guilty by a narrow majority of the empanelled judges and executed in the public prison a few days later. The trial and execution constitute the best documented events in Socrates’ life and a defining moment in the relationship between Greek philosophy and Athenian democracy. Ever since, philosophers and historians have sought to -
The Prosecution and Punishment of Animals and Lifeless Things in the Middle Ages and Modern Times
THE PROSECUTION AND PUNISHMENT OF ANIMALS AND LIFELESS THINGS IN THE MIDDLE AGES AND MODERN TIMES. The Prytaneum was the Hotel de Ville of Athens as of every Greek town. In it was the common hearth of the city, which represented the unity and vitality of the community. From its perpetual fire, colonists, like the American Indians, would carry sparks to their new homes, as a symbol of fealty to the mother city, and here in very early times the prytanis or chief- tain probably dwvelt. In the Prytaneum at Athens the statues of Eirene (Peace) and Hestia (Ilearth) stood; foreign ambassa- dors, famous citizens, athletes, and strangers were entertained there at the public expense; the laws of the great law-giver Solon were displayed within it and before his day the chief archon made it his home. One of the important features of the Prytaneum at Athens were the curious murder trials held in its immediate vicinity. Many Greek writers mention these trials, which appear to have comprehended three kinds of cases. In the first place, if a murderer was unknown or could not be found, he was never- theless tri'ed at this court.' Then inanimate things-such as stones, beams, pliece of iron, ctc.,-which had caused the death of a man by falling upon him-were put on trial at the Pry- tancuni ;2 and lastly animals, which had similarly been the cause 3 of death. Though all these trials were of a ceremonial character, they were carried on with due process of law. Thus, as in all murder trials at Athens, because of 'the religious feeling back of them that such crimes were against the gods as much as against men, they took place in the open air, that the judges might not be contaminated by the pollution supposed to exhale from the 'Aristotle, Constitulion (if :thens, 57, 4; Pollux, Vill, x2o; cf. -
The Bible in Spain - George Borrow
THE BIBLE IN SPAIN - GEORGE BORROW AUTHOR'S PREFACE It is very seldom that the preface of a work is read; indeed, of late years, most books have been sent into the world without any. I deem it, however, advisable to write a preface, and to this I humbly call the attention of the courteous reader, as its perusal will not a little tend to the proper understanding and appreciation of these volumes. The work now offered to the public, and which is styled THE BIBLE IN SPAIN, consists of a narrative of what occurred to me during a residence in that country, to which I was sent by the Bible Society, as its agent for the purpose of printing and circulating the Scriptures. It comprehends, however, certain journeys and adventures in Portugal, and leaves me at last in "the land of the Corahai," to which region, after having undergone considerable buffeting in Spain, I found it expedient to retire for a season. It is very probable that had I visited Spain from mere curiosity, or with a view of passing a year or two agreeably, I should never have attempted to give any detailed account of my proceedings, or of what I heard and saw. I am no tourist, no writer of books of travels; but I went there on a somewhat remarkable errand, which necessarily led me into strange situations and positions, involved me in difficulties and perplexities, and brought me into contact with people of all descriptions and grades; so that, upon the whole, I flatter myself that a narrative of such a pilgrimage may not be wholly uninteresting to the public, more especially as the subject is not trite; for though various books have been published about Spain, I believe that the present is the only one in existence which treats of missionary labour in that country. -
Remembering Music in Early Greece
REMEMBERING MUSIC IN EARLY GREECE JOHN C. FRANKLIN This paper contemplates various ways that the ancient Greeks preserved information about their musical past. Emphasis is given to the earlier periods and the transition from oral/aural tradition, when self-reflective professional poetry was the primary means of remembering music, to literacy, when festival inscriptions and written poetry could first capture information in at least roughly datable contexts. But the continuing interplay of the oral/aural and written modes during the Archaic and Classical periods also had an impact on the historical record, which from ca. 400 onwards is represented by historiographical fragments. The sources, methods, and motives of these early treatises are also examined, with special attention to Hellanicus of Lesbos and Glaucus of Rhegion. The essay concludes with a few brief comments on Peripatetic historiography and a selective catalogue of music-historiographical titles from the fifth and fourth centuries. INTRODUCTION Greek authors often refer to earlier music.1 Sometimes these details are of first importance for the modern historiography of ancient 1 Editions and translations of classical authors may be found by consulting the article for each in The Oxford Classical Dictionary3. Journal 1 2 JOHN C. FRANKLIN Greek music. Uniquely valuable, for instance, is Herodotus’ allusion to an Argive musical efflorescence in the late sixth century,2 nowhere else explicitly attested (3.131–2). In other cases we learn less about real musical history than an author’s own biases and predilections. Thus Plato describes Egypt as a never-never- land where no innovation was ever permitted in music; it is hard to know whether Plato fabricated this statement out of nothing to support his conservative and ideal society, or is drawing, towards the same end, upon a more widely held impression—obviously superficial—of a foreign, distant culture (Laws 656e–657f). -
The Philosophic Life and Socratic Fatherhood in the Apology, the Crito, and the Phaedo
Gib´on vol. IX (2011) pp. 35{50 c 2012 Ateneo de Naga University Regular Research Article ISSN 1655-7247 The Philosophic Life and Socratic Fatherhood in the Apology, the Crito, and the Phaedo Federico Jos´eT. Lagdameo Department of Philosophy Ateneo de Naga University Abstract Plato's depiction and defense of philosophy were linked to his de- piction and defense of Socrates' own life. Notably in the Early Dialogues which gave accounts of Socrates' trial and execution, Plato portrayed his mentor's life as the philosophic life which one ought to aspire for. Yet, Socrates' admission in the Apology and the Crito's reproof that the former had neglected his oikon or his household presented an image of Socrates that suggested that the paradigm of the philosophic life had been in fact remiss by being an absent father who failed to care for his own children. I indicate that this image of Socrates engendered questions and criticisms against the life devoted to philosophy, especially from those belonging to a family-centered cultural milieu such as the Philippines. I show that Socrates's fatherhood is one that prioritizes the care of the political community over that of his own family. Keywords: Plato, trial of Socrates, Early Dialogues, fatherhood, philo- sophic life From Plato we receive the notion that philosophy is not merely an activity, that it is not merely something that a man does. Philos- ophy is an ethos in which one's actions are derived ultimately from the soul's virtue. Philosophy, in other words, is a kind of life that is lived. -
Chthonic Restitutions: Madness and Oblivion
Chthonic Restitutions: Madness and Oblivion Javier Berzal de Dios Abstract This essay theorizes madness as a chthonic emplacement to dishevel existentially insufcient and detached interpretations of disorder. Refecting on Nietzsche’s emphasis on poetry over systematic thought, I take up Lorca and Baudelaire’s visceral language on death and the earthly to revisit chthonic myths as expressing an underworld uncontrollable sphere beyond systematicity. Written from the phenomenologically precarious position of my own mental illness, this essay develops a sincere rhetoric to approach the chthonic from within rather than at sterilized distance. This positioning retains the indexicality of the intense and disorganized as a critical facet, in turn exploring the nuances of the experience without discursive reductions or romantic musings, from the ground down. Cassandra: ototototoi popoi da. – Aeschylus, Agamemnon 1072 Following the social turn of the 1960s, administrators and teachers of academic discourse began to replace “reason” and “rationality” with “critically,” or “critical thinking,” as their highest aim; however, the presumption of a rational subject remained stable. – Margaret Price, Mad at School 39 Am I mad now? In truth, the question of madness calls forth to a future memory: will I have been mad? Or really: how mad will I think I had been? Lucidity is anachronistic, an ex post facto verdict, casting out to madness what thought itself on mark… Madness itself voices the lan- guage of truth—this madness of mine—an eternally rational utterance, charts and graphs at hand. I picture philosophers terribly sane, so much they take for granted, so restrained and hygienic their connections… so reliable a language. -
Platonic Love in a Colorado Courtroom: Martha Nussbaum, John Finnis, and Plato's Laws in Evans V
Articles Platonic Love in a Colorado Courtroom: Martha Nussbaum, John Finnis, and Plato's Laws in Evans v. Romer Randall Baldwin Clark* I. RELEVANT FOR FIFTEEN MINUTES-OR THIRTY CENTURIES? To the ridicule of the highbrow popular press' and the surprise of classical scholars,2 Plato's Laws,3 a work which was mocked, even in * University of Virginia School of Law, Class of 2002. Ph.D., University of Chicago, 1998. Research Associate, Dartmouth College Department of Government, 1997-99. Author, THE LAW MOST BEAUTIFUL AND BEST: MEDICAL ARGUMENT AND MAGICAL RHETORIC IN PLATO'S LAWS (Rowman & Littlefield - Lexington Books, forthcoming 2001). This article has benefited from the comments of many friends, colleagues, and teachers. For their assistance, I would like to thank Danielle Allen, Larry Arnhart, Richard 0. Brooks, Robert A. Burt, Allison D. Clark, Andrew P. Clark, Elizabeth A. Clark, Glenn W. Clark, Matthew Crawford, Richard Dougherty, Martha A. Field, Shawntel R. Fugate, Martin P. Golding, L. Kent Greenawalt, A.E. Dick Howard, Leon R. Kass, Matthew Kutcher, Melissa S. Lane, Mark J. Lutz, Roger D. Masters, Lynn Mather, Angelia K. Means, Ted H. Miller, S. Sarah Monoson, David Peritz, Richard A. Posner, Christopher Rohrbacher, Ariel C. Silver, Nathan Tarcov, Bradley A. Thayer, Elizabeth E. Theran, Paul Ulrich, Eduardo A. Velasquez, Lloyd L. Weinreb, Martin D. Yaffe, and the members of my edit team at the Yale Journal of Law & the Humanities. I only regret that I was unable to address all of their criticisms. Particularly profound appreciation is owed to my friend and colleague, James B. Murphy, whose queries helped me conceive this work and whose encouragement brought it to light: aneu gar phil6n oudeis heloit' an zen. -
The Life of Socrates
— — THE LIFE OF SOCRATES/ BY WILLIAM ELLERY LEONARD. '"PI IE Athenian of whom I speak was born, according to tradition, 1 a half-hour's walk from the walls of the city, in the deme, or precinct, Alopeke, birthplace too of Thucydides and of Aristides. Here amid olive- and fruit-trees, vegetable gardens and wayside plants, in view of Mount Hymettus, was the house of Sophroniscus, the artisan stone-cutter, and of his practical helpmeet Phaenarete, a midwife. Thus the parents v/ere plain people, both earning their own bread at old racial occupations that combined cleverness of head and of hand ; thus, also, it was the folk-stock, it was the common womb of humanity, out of which have issued so many of the powerful ones of the earth, that furnished the bone and brain of Socrates. The father seems to have lived only long enough to lead the child to the public sacrifices ; the mother married again, and we hear of a half-brother in the household. Great men tend to lose their human nature in the aftertimes. They become symbols of forces and ideals, being absorbed into a train of thought on historic cause and efifect—as factors in our judgments rather than as faces for our imaginations. But we need the touch of the hand and the sound of the voice. The great man must walk by our side if we are to walk well. The affair can be managed ; it is not a question of the dissevering years altogether a contemporary is not a matter of time, except etymologically : it depends upon us.