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Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Human Services Copyright 1992 International, Inc.

Adultcentrism in Practice With Children

Christopher G. Petr

ABSTRACT: is the tendency of to view children and their problems from a biased, per• spective, thus creating barriers to effective practice with children. The author (1) examines the roots of 's adultcentrism in history and developmental theory, (2) discusses how adultcentrism influences practice, and (3) consid• ers ways in which practitioners can combat adultcentrism in practice.

HE SOCIAL WORK PROFESSION has a long• defined, adultcentrism is the tendency of adults T standing commitment to and to view children and thdr problems from a improvement in the quality of life of children. biased, adult perspective (Goode, 1986). This But practice with children is a complex and does not typically stem from some blatant, demanding undertaking. A factor that compli- pernicious, or even conscious intent. Adultcen• cates work with children is the simple fact that trism is subtle and, although the analogy is not their perspectives are very different from those of perfect, it can be understood as being similar to the adult practitioners who work with them. , which Sumner (1906) originally Children are not adults—they have a different defined as "a view of things in which one's own world view, different ways of communicating, group is the center of everything, and all others different status and power, and different . are scaled and rated to it." With respect to chil• Sensitive practitioners have long recognized dren and adults, adultcentric bias is evident these differences and sought creative ways to when we measure children by adult standards, bridge the gaps. The task is akin to that of bridg• when we fail to suspend our assumptions about ing cultural, racial, or differences. Effec• them, when we decline to see the world from tive practice with different ethnic their point of view. The negative consequences requires vigilant monitoring of potential ethno• of adultcentrism can be the same as those of eth• centric bias and ; similarly, the poten• nocentrism: miscommunication (with children), tial for must be confronted in situations inaccurate judgments (about children's intents of gender difference. and ), misuse of power (to limit chil- The purpose of this article is to elucidate potential bias in work with children. The premise is that practitioners' effectiveness can be Christopher G. Petr is Assistant Professor, of undermined by adultcentrism, a complex set of Social Welfare, University of Kansas, Lawrence, attitudes, values, and behaviors that can skew Kansas. This article was adapted from a paper present• practitioners' relationships with children and ed at the Annual Program Meeting of the Council on thus negatively affect their work. Simply Social Work Education, March 1990, Reno, Nevada.

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dren's self-determination), and undermining dren's Defense Fund, a national advocacy orga• strengths and competencies. nization, and the Children's Rights Report, a It may be difficult to endorse readily the monthly newsletter of the American Civil Lib• idea that our relationships with children are erties Union. subject to adultcentric bias, because most Clearly, progress has been made and our adults have children's best interests at heart society is generally less adultcentric and more and genuinely think of themselves and society child centered than ever before in history. as being child-centered. In fact, contemporary Although the is in many ways a manifestations of adultcentrism are often nebu• child-centered society, critics point out many lous and elusive, especially when compared contradictions and areas for continued with the drastic adultcentrism that has charac• improvement. For example, the United States terized adult-child relationships in Western is one of a handful of that have European tradition. Long ago, children were refused to ratify the United Nation's Conven• regarded as little more than chattel whose pur• tion on the Rights of the Child ("Child rights," pose was to aid their parents and adult society. 1990). Only 33% of the families responding to Economic and emotional dependency on a recent national survey stated that society adults was discouraged at early ages. A short places a great deal of value on children (Gallup life expectancy and harsh economic conditions , 1988). Our mortality rate mandated that children grow up fast and ranks 19th in the world, and reports of child become absorbed into adult life and activities abuse between 1979 and 1986 increased by as soon as possible, even at six or seven years of 66% (Children's Defense Fund, 1990). The age (Aries, 1962; Kadushin, 1980). Beginning United States has become the first society in in the 17th century, however, notions about history in which children are the poorest group childhood began to change. This shift was due in the population (Phillips, 1990). The fact not to changes in demographic conditions or a that an organization such as the Children's reduction in child mortality but rather to the Defense Fund exists is, paradoxically, an indict• growing influence of Christianity on attitudes ment of our society's disregard of children; if we and customs (Aries, 1962). As Christianity truly valued children, society would not need began to emphasize the moral aspect of religion such an organization. Many experts might argue above its sacred aspects, attention was focused that Benedict's (1934) commentary on Ameri• on the importance of children's education. can adult-child relationships made more than Thus, gradually, "it was recognized that the 50 years ago still applies today: child was not ready for life, and that he had to be subjected to a special treatment, a sort of Our children are not individuals whose rights quarantine, before he was allowed to join the and tastes are casually respected from infancy, adults" (Aries, 1962, p. 412). as they are in some primitive societies, but special responsibilities, like our possessions, to By the late 19th century, education and which we succumb or in which we glory, as social welfare programs began to consider the the case may be. They are fundamentally unique developmental aspects of childhood. extensions of our own egos and give special Child welfare policies and programs to protect opportunity for the display of authority (p. 245). and care for needy and delinquent flour• ished, in the early 1900s, including child labor , juvenile courts, and child-guidance clinics Social work is not immune to these societal (Trattner, 1974). The study of childhood began contradictions and ambivalences. Whereas in earnest in the late 1800s; by the middle of social work has been vigilant in detecting and the 20th century, many sophisticated theories combating ethnocentrism and sexism, it has not about child development had evolved. In more adequately addressed adultcentric attitudes and recent years, the legal and of chil• tendencies among social work and the dren have been recognized by the United larger society. For example, current Council on Nations, and a "children's rights" movement is Social Work Education accreditation standards in place, as exemplified in the work of the Chil• mandate specifically that the curriculum provide

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content on ethnic minorities and women but in stages (Kagan, 1984). But this concept of make no mention of children. Generic practice developmental stages subtly implies that individ• texts include little, if any, significant material on uals who have not yet achieved the end stage of practice with children (see Compton & Gal- adulthood are necessarily and by definition unde• away, 1989; Hepworth & Larsen, 1990; Johnson, veloped. In other words, children are incomplete: 1989; Morales & Sheafor, 1989; Shulman, less knowledgeable, less serious, and ultimately 1984). This situation is particularly vexing and less important than adults (Waksler, 1986). And perplexing in light of the fact that a significant if children are not fully adult, by implication they proportion of graduates are employed in child- are not fully human (Goode, 1986). related settings. Grotberg (1976) depicts this bias: Analysis and confrontation of potential adultcentric bias can help practitioners remain Children are Adults are vigilant in their determination to bridge the gaps dependent independent amoral moral between themselves and the children with egocentric sociocentric whom they work. The following sections will (1) illiterate literate explore adultcentric bias in child-development irrational rational theory, (2) discuss examples of adultcentrism in emotionally unstable emotionally stable assessments and interventions, and (3) consider unproductive productive (p. 392) ways to combat adultcentrism in practice. Although our society no longer views chil• dren as miniature adults, stage theory encour• Adultcentrism in Child- ages us to view them as small, incomplete Development Theory beings on their way to becoming adults. If all goes well, children will progress through the Most social work practitioners are knowl• various developmental stages to the valued end edgeable about the general tenets of child of becoming well-adjusted, socially productive development. Major stage theories of child adults. Thus, stage theories of development development are discussed in standard human become intertwined with the process of social• behavior texts. On the one hand, these stage ization or "acculturation" to the dominant, theories have helped adults, students, and the adult . The legitimate but perhaps general public become more sensitive to the overemphasized demands of the socialization needs and capabilities of children at different process can lead adults to define children as ages. This enhanced sensitivity has influenced vehicles for the transmission of social values countless child welfare and educational pro• (Denzin, 1977). This emphasis on the socializa• grams, as developmental theory has been used tion aspects of adult-child relationships can to enhance the quality of life for children. lead to theoretical formulations of children that However, stage theories of child develop• mirror the adult view that children are incom• ment are sometimes accorded such reverence plete beings (Mackay, 1973). that the voices of critics are not heard or appre• The second adultcentric bias in stage ciated. These critics maintain that society's sub• developmental theory is closely related to the tle, yet powerful, adultcentric are first. Beyond viewing children as incomplete, revealed in the way that we study and learn we view them as being essentially incompetent about children. They assert that two subtle, yet and incapable, because we measure their com• central, adultcentric biases are embedded in petence against our own. No matter what skill stage theories of child development: (1) that is mastered, what new knowledge is acquired, children are incomplete and (2) that children what developmental stage and milestone is are essentially incompetent. reached, that competency is only briefly cele• Considering the first bias, that children are brated before our attention turns to the next unfinished, incomplete, and in process, child- rung on the ladder toward adult proficiency. We development theory rests on the fundamental scale children according to how well they are premise that children grow, develop, and mature mastering adult abilities.

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This is not to say that we should abandon ence has a permanent impact on a child's later stage-development theories or cease helping development of competence. In a thorough children grow and mature. But measuring chil• review of longitudinal studies that addressed this dren against the competence of adults is prob• issue, the author concluded that although early lematic in two ways. First, child-development experience can have serious negative effects, theorists have consistently underestimated the such outcomes are in no way way universal, in abilities of children at all ages. The clear trend that many studies have demonstrated that many in developmental research is to "discover" com• children make impressive recoveries. Although petencies in children that developmental the past is important, the present is itself a experts previously had not thought possible. potent force that pressures each person to adapt This is particularly true in the area of infant- and come to terms with it (Clapp, 1988). These development research, which has experienced impressive recoveries reinforce the notion that rapid growth in the past two decades. children have more strengths and competencies were traditionally assumed to be the most than we typically attribute to them. incompetent and incapable of children. Mahler, The second way in which the competence Pine, and Bergman (1975) went so far as to bias is problematic is that our stage theories are describe newborns up to three months old as so focused on the socialization and maturing pro• "autistic," believing that young infants basically cess that we fail to view children as beings with did not interact with their environments. their own knowledge, skills, and culture. We Research has shown that nothing could be fur• know about children, but do we know children? ther from the truth. For example, Stone, Smith, Just as the dominant white culture now strives to and Murphy (1973) collected scores of research view the values and knowledge of minority cul• articles documenting infant capabilities, includ• tures as being merely different from, not inferior ing neonate motor, sensory, perceptual, and to, white culture, adults need to view children as learning abilities. In a more recent text, Snow having a culture that is merely different from, (1989) states, not "less than," adult culture. However, adults seldom view children as children. We seldom even at birth infants possess remarkable abili• ties. We used to believe that babies were blind study children in their natural environments and at birth. We now know that the newborn can from their own perspective of what is important. not only see, but is capable of other sophisti• When such studies have been undertaken, the cated functions (p. 8). results have been surprising. For example, Glass- ner (1976) studied grade-school children during This tendency to underestimate children's unsupervised recess at a public school in St. competencies is documented in recent qualita• Louis. Although the main purpose of the study tive research and so-called resiliency studies. was to determine the extent of integration with• Regarding the former, a recent assessment of in the population (which he found to be qualitative research with children (Fine & quite high), an unexpected finding was the Sandstrom, 1988) concluded that these studies degree to which a separate "kid society" existed, revealed that children are more mature and complete with its own norms, , and capable than expected: subgroups. This society focused almost exclusive• ly on itself, with little or no interaction with Some studies find that children are much adults. In fact, Glassner claimed that he never more sophisticated than we have given them credit for being. They are more verbally effec• heard a child talk about teachers, classroom tive, emotionally considerate, or socially activities, parents, or home life. knowledgeable. They are more "mature" than we as "grownups" believe. We know of no study that has found that children are more "childish" than we have given them credit for Adultcentrism in Assessment (p. 72). And Intervention

The resiliency studies challenge child devel• Stage theories of child development are a opment's long-held assumption that early experi• major foundation of practice with children. The

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adultcentric aspects of stage theory are intensi• In a humorous yet scathingly perceptive fied in assessments as a result of professionals' parody of child assessment called "The Etiology ongoing tension between being a "helper" while and Treatment of Childhood," Smoller (1986) also representing the larger society's interest in exposes this tendency. Although written as social control and socialization (Pincus & Mina- satire, Smoller shows how stage-development han, 1973; Specht, 1988). Social workers engage theory's adultcentric themes of incompleteness children in various settings, including residential and incompetence intertwine with a socializa• institutions, mental centers, , tion agenda to produce an adultcentric case court , child protection, foster plan. Smoller states that the "clinical features of care, and adoption agencies. In many of these childhood" include congenital onset, dwarfism, settings, the social worker is something of a emotional lability and immaturity, knowledge "socialization expert." The professional is asked deficits, and legume anorexia. The causes of by the parent, teacher, or court system to diag• childhood include the psychological-based theo• nose the child, then "shape up" and "correct" ry of "learned childishness," which postulates the child—in effect, to socialize the child to that individuals who are treated like children adult society's standards. This agenda can mag• eventually give up and become children. Despite nify the effects of adultcentrism so that social intensive treatment, many victims of childhood workers must be constantly vigilant in combat• remain children. Smoller presents the following ing the subtle adultcentric agendas of their case as "typical." agency contexts. Billy J., age 8, was brought to treatment by his parents. Billy's affliction was painfully obvious. He stood only 4'3" high and weighed a scant 70 therapy models, although widely pounds, despite the fact that he ate voraciously. Billy presented a variety of troubling symptoms. diverse in orientation, generally share a His voice was noticeably high for a man. He dis• systems orientation that can lead to played legume anorexia and, according to his devaluation of children's perceptions. parents, often refused to bathe. His intellectual functioning was also below normal—he had lit• tle general knowledge and could barely write a In child assessments, judging structured sentence. Social skills were also defi• cient. He often spoke inappropriately and exhib• normal childhood behaviors as abnormal and ited "whining behavior." His sexual experience pathological is a danger. In the child and adoles• was non-existent. Indeed, Billy considered cent section of the Diagnostic and Statistical Man• women "icky." ual of Mental Disorders (American Psychiatric His parents reported that the condition had been present from birth, improving gradu• Association, 1987), one finds many diagnostic ally after he was placed in a school at age 5. indicators that could be applied to almost any The diagnosis was "primary childhood." After child. For example, the criteria for oppositional years of painstaking treatment, Billy improved disorder can be viewed as describing normal gradually. At age 11, his height and weight . A child must exhibit at least five of have increased, his social skills are broader, and he is now functional enough to hold down a nine behaviors, including "often argues with "paper route" (p. 9). adults" and "often touchy or easily annoyed by others." What normal adolescent isn't touchy When intervening with children, practi• and doesn't argue? Although the manual does tioners must pay particular attention to issues of state that the behavior must be exhibited "more defining the client, self-determination, and frequently than most people of the same mental social control. Is the client the child, the par• age," no guidelines are provided about how ent, or the teacher? What are the ethical and "most people" behave. Thus, a child can be practical limits to self-determination in work diagnosed with any number of mental disorders with children? How much social control of chil• for exhibiting normal behaviors more frequently dren is warranted? Although these issues are than one professional thinks is average for the extant across all practice methodologies, behav• child's mental age. Might not some professionals ior modification and illustrate be diagnosing childhood itself? such issues particularly well.

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Behavior therapy is a powerful and often the best interests of one family member, at the effective methodology that is taught in many same time, countervailing those of another schools of social work (Association for the member" (p. 303). When agendas clash, family Advancement of Behavior Therapy, 1981). Yet it workers understandably can become confused remains controversial with respect to issues of about who is the client. Because children are less control and its impact on children's self-directed verbal and less powerful in the family hierarchy behavior. Its supporters emphasize its commit• than are parents, the problem definition and ment to empiricism and measurable outcomes treatment plan can be overly influenced by the (Thyer, 1989), whereas critics question its adults, unless the practitioner moves strongly to emphasis on social control (Schrag, 1978) and incorporate and empower the children. Al• other ethical issues (Stolz, 1978). Although a though this issue has recently begun to be comprehensive review of the controversy is addressed (see The Family Therapy Networker, beyond the scope of this article, social work's 1991), family systems theories have not typically commitment to self-determination and client- identified this issue or encouraged therapists to centered practice requires that professionals be seek out, validate, or legitimize the child's per• aware of the adultcentric potential of behavior spective (Hoffman, 1981). theory and its application. In summary, the danger in practice with In a recent national study of supposedly children is to overidentify with the goals and exemplary school programs for children with point of view of the adults. This danger is inten• behavioral and emotional disorders, the authors sified by the agency context, which often em• identified a "troubling pattern" they called "the phasizes social control, and by practice meth• curriculum of control" (Knitzer, Steinberg, & odologies, which implicitly legitimize the adult Fleisch, 1990): point of view. Children have relatively little power in the world; adults exercise their power The curriculum emphasis is often on behavioral over children in families and in agencies. Thus, first, learning, if at all, second. practitioners working with children must be vig• Central to many of the classrooms we visited was a great concern with behavioral point sys• ilant in combating adultcentric forces. tems. Yet often, these seemed largely designed to help maintain silence in the classroom, not to teach children how better to manage their Recommendations for anger, or impulses (p. xii). Combating Adultcentrism

In a review of outcome research on behavior The following paragraphs offer specific sug• therapy with children, Graziano and Bythell gestions on ways in which practitioners can (1983) questioned whether the modality is avoid adultcentric views. Although some of client centered or more focused on adult agendas these suggestions may not be new to experi• of socialization and social control. Even when enced practitioners, they nevertheless serve as behavioral changes occurred, they questioned useful reminders, while orienting beginning whether those changes were of personal or clini• practitioners to some guiding principles for cal significance for the youth involved. By way child-centered work. of example, they cited programs for quiet chil• First, practitioners need to take time to learn dren, whom adults decide are socially withdrawn about and value children as children. A powerful and in need of behavioral intervention without way to combat any bias is to enter, to the extent consideration of whether their quietness was possible, the world of the other. In work with problematic for the child. children, this means suspending our usual Family therapy models, although widely adult-child interactions long enough to observe diverse in orientation, generally share a systems children as they are in their natural settings such orientation that can lead to devaluation of chil• as playgrounds, backyards, video parlors, and dren's perceptions. As Johnson (1986) points out malls. What are children like when they are not in her critique of family therapy, "a fairly obvious responding to adults? What is important to them dilemma is that some interventions may foster in their own world? By routinely taking the time

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to get outside and beyond our usual modes of Thirdly, practitioners can operationalize the interaction, we gain insight not only into their cardinal social work value of self-determination by worlds, but into our own subtle biases. Through involving a child more fully in the decisions made the process, we may even rediscover the playful, by practitioners and other adults that directly affect childlike parts of ourselves. his or her life (Bush & Gordon, 1982). This does A second way in which practitioners can not mean that practitioners should blindly allow empower children and avoid adultcentrism is rou• children to be totally self-determined. As with tinely to conduct individual interviews with chil• adults, self-determination needs to be limited with dren, even when the presenting problem and theo• respect to the client's capacity and respect for oth• retical orientation of the practitioner and agency ers' rights. But practitioners should diligently and favor a family systems approach. In this way, the routinely include children's perspectives and wishes child's perspective is included in the assessment in the decision-making process. and intervention, assuming that the practitioner is There are at least four valid reasons to do so. skilled in communicating with children. Thor• First, in many circumstances, children have inter• ough discussion of how to interview children is ests that are appreciably different from those of beyond the scope of this article, but it should be their adult caretakers (Melton, 1982). Examples noted that one does not interview children in the of conflict of interests include parents or classic sense. Our adult verbal communication guardians admitting their children to mental hos• style does not mesh with a child's preference for pitals, placement decisions in child welfare, and communicating through , metaphor, drawing, divorce custody. Second, ethical considerations and physical activity. If we insist that a young stemming from the value of respecting children child sit quietly and talk with us about a problem, and equalizing power differentials compel us to even if we do so individually, we may not obtain pay attention to children's views. In so doing, we much valuable information. communicate confidence in their strengths and ability to solve problems. Third, solicitation of children's views can enhance their satisfaction with the ultimate decision. For example, foster One does not interview children in the children who had a voice in their placement classic sense* Our adult verbal reported significantly greater satisfaction with communication style does not mesh with a their placements than did those who had no f childs preference for communicating input (Bush & Gordon, 1982). Finally, children's through play, metaphor, drawing, and views and preferences can inform public policy. physical activity* For example, whereas adults have long been ambivalent about the role of institutions in the care of children (Petr & Spano, 1990), children Intrafamilial sexual abuse is one of the few unequivocally prefer noninstitutional placements family problem areas for which an individual inter• (Bush, 1980). Contrary to the predominant view with the child is recommended in the litera• adult, professional view that most foster children ture. It is widely recognized that children will not want to be adopted, perhaps as many as 50% of generally reveal incidents of incest in a family con• foster children do not want to be adopted under text—the prohibitions are just too strong (Sgroi, any condition (Bush & Gordon, 1982). 1982). But might this be the case for many other The final recommendation is that practition• problems as well? Why do we so often assume that ers support changes in social work research and children will provide us with their perspective and education. In the research arena, studies on the opinions about school problems, and drug effectiveness of programs often fail to include the use, their parents' behavior, and other issues during perspective of the children who are directly affect• family meetings? If time is set aside for individual ed. Recent studies of adoption that focused on interviews with the child, not only will new infor• data obtained from social workers, parents, and mation be obtained but the child's investment in records are a case in point (Barth, 1988; Kagan & goals and problem definition will enhance his or Reid, 1986; Reid, Kagan, Kaminsky, & Helmer, her participation and in therapy. 1987). Although these studies yielded important

414 Adultcentrism Petr

information about adoption prac tices, the results theories, along the lines articulated in this arti• would have been enriched, perhaps even cle. Stern (1985) and Gergen (1983) offer changed, if the researchers had included the opin• frameworks for exposing practitioners to nontra- ions and perspectives of children themselves. In ditional development theories, which emphasize their review of permanency-planning research, the power of the individual as an autonomous, Barth and Berry (1987) acknowledge this short• active agent. This emphasis is also found in coming in research and argue that data about much of the general systems literature and has children's satisfaction should be incorporated into strong implications for the worker-client rela• permanency-planning research as one of the indi• tionship (Petr, 1988). Classes and texts need to cators of the suitability of placement. Practition• address the specific issues in working with chil• ers should support utilization of both quantitative dren as a special population, similar to the way and qualitative methodologies (Cook & in which ethnic minorities are considered Reichardt, 1979) in research designs. Although unique populations. The content of this material many ethical and logistical barriers must be over• should include (1) specific ways to communicate come before engaging in qualitative methods such with and understand the language of children; as participant observation with children (Fine & (2) a clear acknowledgment of and confronta• Sandstrom, 1988), these approaches can be pow• tion with the socialization and social-control erful weapons against adultcentrism because of aspects of work with children as these issues are the emphasis placed on immersing oneself in the manifest in various practice settings and world of the subject in order to know and under• methodologies as well as the implications of stand that world better. these issues with regard to self-determination Practitioners can support changes in educa• and , and (3) specific exercises tional curriculum that address these issues in and activities that thrust students into the world research classes. In other areas of the cuniculum, of children (playgrounds, video parlors, day-care content on child-development theory should centers) so that they can better know, not just include a critique of the adultcentric bias of stage know about, children.

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