Confronting Gerontocracy the Youthful Character of the Egyptian Revolution

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Confronting Gerontocracy the Youthful Character of the Egyptian Revolution Sina Birkholz Confronting Gerontocracy The Youthful Character of the Egyptian Revolution Working Paper No. 9 | March 2013 www.polsoz.fu-berlin.de/vorderer-orient 2 Sina Birkholz: Confronting Gerontocracy Working Paper No. 9 | March 2013 3 Working Papers for Middle Eastern and North African Politics Confronting Gerontocracy This Working Paper Series is edited by the Center for Middle Eastern and North African Politics The Youthful Character of the Egyptian Revolution at the Freie Universität Berlin. It presents original research about the social, political, cultural and economic transformations in the region and beyond. It features contributions in area Sina Birkholz studies, comparative politics, gender studies and peace and conflict studies, thus representing a broad variety of critical and empirically founded fresh insights on current issues in these fields. Abstract Downloads From day one, the Egyptian uprising in 2011 has been called a “youth revolution”. While young The Working Papers are available online at www.polsoz.fu-berlin.de/vorderer-orient/wp. educated Egyptians indeed were at the forefront of the protests on January 25, an exclusively age- You can order your print copy at [email protected] centred perspective is insufficient for grasping the meaning of the events. Rather than focusing purely on a specific age group I conceive of “youthfulness” as a broader social construct. In this © 2013 by the author(s): Sina Birkholz paper, I explore in what way we can consider the Egyptian revolution to be a youthful revolution, and argue that a focus on both youth and youthfulness offers an important conceptual access Birkholz, Sina (2013), Confronting Gerontocracy – The Youthful Character of the Egyptian Revolution,Working Paper No. 9 | March 2013, point to understanding the ongoing social, political and cultural transformations in Egypt. In Center for North African and Middle Eastern Politics, Freie Universität Berlin, Berlin, March 2013. order to make sense of the developments, we need to be aware of the most important youth- ISSN (Print) : 2192-7499 related (structural) causes, triggers, and demands. The gerontocratic regime and its symbolism ISSN (Internet) : 2193-0775 explain why youth advanced to a category of political conflict. Finally, also the largely negative image of youth that prevailed in Egypt, as well as young people‘s role and situation need be taken into account for analysing not only the dynamics of the 18 days in Tahrir but also the ongoing Center for Middle Eastern and North African Politics struggle for power and identity in Egypt. Fachbereich Politik- und Sozialwissenschaften Otto-Suhr-Institute for Political Science Freie Universität Berlin Ihnestr. 22 About the author 14195 Berlin Germany Sina Birkholz studied Political Science and International Relations at Augsburg University, Phone: +49(0) 30 838 56640 Germany and the University of St Andrews, Scotland. She has been living in Cairo, Egypt for Fax: +49(0) 30 838 56637 extended periods of time since 2008. Sina is currently working as a researcher at the Institute for Email: [email protected] Interdisciplinary Research on Conflict and Violence IKG, Bielefeld University. Within the project “Violence Research and Development” she coordinates cooperation with Egyptian universities and scholars, and supervises a research line on police violence. Sina has been writing recently about narrative identity, women, youth and political change in Egypt. 4 Sina Birkholz: Confronting Gerontocracy Working Paper No. 9 | March 2013 5 Table of Contents 1. Two years after the “youth” revolution – the difficulties of writing about a revo- 3.5.4 Was “Tahrir” nothing but a huge marketing success? 32 lution that is “ongoing” 6 3.5.5 The global cultural repertoire of contemporary revolution making 34 2. “Youth is just a word” – explorations of the category youth in general and in 3.5.6 The (younger) people demand the fall of the (old) regime – the Egyptian context 8 political categories in an autocratic gerontocracy 36 2.1 Various definitions and connotations of youth 8 3.6 The Revolution two years after – some tentative hypotheses on 2.1.1 Youth as a transitional phase 9 the outcome 39 2.1.2 Youthfulness and a youthful habitus 9 3.6.1 More respect for youth? Changing inter-generational relationships? 40 2.1.3 The potential of youth as a collective actor and as a resource 11 3.6.2 An overall sense of empowerment and ownership 41 2.2 Perceptions of youth in Egypt: youth as baltagiyya and victims of 3.6.3 The revolution failed to bring about youth’s inclusion in globalisation 12 the political process 42 3. The Egyptian Revolution – and its relation to youth 15 4. The changing face of a failed revolution 47 3.1 The question of participation and the question of youthfulness 15 Bibliography 50 3.2 Talking about a revolution – drawing boundaries and fixing terminology 16 Picture Sources 57 3.3 The structural causes and their effect on youth 18 3.3.1 Economic grievances and the phenomenon of waithood 19 3.3.2 A dictator’s educational system 20 3.3.3 The patriarchal order of society and politics: grievances in a closed system 21 3.3.4 Indignation in face of injustice and disrespect for human dignity 23 3.3.5 Young in Egypt – being stuck without a future 24 3.4 The triggers of January 25 – Gamal Mubarak, Khaled Said, and Tunisia 25 3.4.1 Gamal’s inheritance, the 2010 electoral fraud and Mubarak’s immortality 26 3.4.2 The death of Khaled Said – busting the myth of the baltagi 27 3.5 The youthful character of the Egyptian revolution: united, spontaneous, creative and ethical 29 3.5.1 New Protest strategies and new media 29 3.5.2 New dreams and visions 30 3.5.3 New values and regained dignity 31 6 Sina Birkholz: Confronting Gerontocracy Working Paper No. 9 | March 2013 7 1. Two years after the “youth” revolution – the difficulties of world” became the face of the Egyptian revolution8 and “the rebirth of the ‘true’ ibn al balad Egyptian, trapped for decades by a genie in an old lantern and now finally set writing about a revolution that is “ongoing” free by the country’s youth, became the headline to the success story of the uprising” (Hafez 2012: 40). Various scholars, authors and political commentators soon adopted this narrative. And in most cases, the label “youth revolution” rests on the perception Even though it might be too early to “explain” the Egyptian revolution1 which is still that it was mainly people from a specific age group that instigated the protests on a moving target (Bayat 2011a; Elyachar 2012), certain narrations have become well- January 25, 2011 and in the following days. In some texts, though, a slightly different established and find consensus among academics, activists, journalists2, and my other notion is indicated - but rarely elaborated in detail. Khamis and Vaughn for example (young) interlocutors3. It is largely undoubted that previous protests, (worker) strikes, state that “long-time dictator Hosni Mubarak was forced to step down under pres- and the formation of protest movements provided the grounds for the uprising on sure from a popular, youthful, and peaceful revolution” (Khamis/Vaughn 2011: 1, my January 25. Some attribute major importance to the workers’ strikes (since 2006) in emphasis; see Rushdy 2011). Yet, it remains unclear: What does this actually mean – a Mahalla, an industrial city south of Cairo, and the ensuing foundation of the April 6 “youthful” revolution? Youth Movement; others emphasize the emergence of political protest and the Kefaya Movement in the wake of the Intifada, the Iraq-War and various Israeli offensives; and It is this latter question that I want to address in this paper. I am not primarily lastly also the silent protests in the aftermath of Khaled Said’s death, called for by concerned with the age-centred perspective, for reasons that will become increasingly the Facebook page “Kullina4 Khaled Said”5, are considered a prelude to the uprising. clear in the next chapters. Rather than focusing purely on a specific age group I want It is also treated as a fait accompli that young (bilingual) people were the ones who to conceive of “youthfulness” as a broader social construct. I explore in what way we “started” the revolution (i.e., who where behind much of the mobilisation efforts and can consider the Egyptian revolution to be a youthful revolution, and argue that even the most numerous group to start the marches on January 25)6, yet, soon people from though a focus on youth and youthfulness is not the only valid perspective, it offers all walks of lives and professions joined. Without this broad-based support Mubarak one important conceptual access point to understanding the events. could not have been forced out. There is also consensus that the internet, in particular social media, played a role in the mobilisation and organisation of the protests, and its later dynamics. So did the role of international media and the regime’s response. The structure of this paper Any approach to this research question needs to be grounded in some understand- “The Youth Revolution” – headline of the Egyptian uprising ing of the local context and in a thorough reflection of analytical concepts in the first place. The next chapter therefore is devoted to some reflections on the category While these interpretations have been developed and established in the aftermath of “youth”, both in general and in the specific Egyptian context. The purpose is not to the uprising, a narrower reading had been almost hegemonic in the heat of the battle, find an unambiguous definition of “youth” but to sensitise the reader for the com- during the 18 Days in Tahrir7: the reading that we were observing a “youth revolution”.
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