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Poland (Mainly) Chooses Stability and Continuity: the October 2011 Polish Parliamentary Election
Poland (mainly) chooses stability and continuity: The October 2011 Polish parliamentary election Aleks Szczerbiak [email protected] University of Sussex SEI Working Paper No. 129 1 The Sussex European Institute publishes Working Papers (ISSN 1350-4649) to make research results, accounts of work-in-progress and background information available to those concerned with contemporary European issues. The Institute does not express opinions of its own; the views expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the author. The Sussex European Institute, founded in Autumn 1992, is a research and graduate teaching centre of the University of Sussex, specialising in studies of contemporary Europe, particularly in the social sciences and contemporary history. The SEI has a developing research programme which defines Europe broadly and seeks to draw on the contributions of a range of disciplines to the understanding of contemporary Europe. The SEI draws on the expertise of many faculty members from the University, as well as on those of its own staff and visiting fellows. In addition, the SEI provides one-year MA courses in Contemporary European Studies and European Politics and opportunities for MPhil and DPhil research degrees. http://www.sussex.ac.uk/sei/ First published in March 2012 by the Sussex European Institute University of Sussex, Falmer, Brighton BN1 9RG Tel: 01273 678578 Fax: 01273 678571 E-mail: [email protected] © Sussex European Institute Ordering Details The price of this Working Paper is £5.00 plus postage and packing. Orders should be sent to the Sussex European Institute, University of Sussex, Falmer, Brighton BN1 9RG. -
Slovakia's Righteous Among the Nations
Slovakia’s Righteous among the Nations Gila Fatran Slovak-Jewish relations, an important factor in the rescue of Jews during the Holocaust, were influenced in no small part by events that took place in the latter third of the 19th century. That century saw the national awakening of oppressed nations. The Slovak nation, ruled by the Hungarians for 1,000 years, was struggling at the time for its national existence. The creation of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy led in 1867 to the granting of equal civil rights to the Jews in the empire in the assumption that they would assimilate nationally and culturally into the state. At the same time the Hungarian leaders stepped up their suppression of the Slovak nation. The integration of the Jews into the developing economic and cultural life and the continued improvement in their situation alongside the suppression of the aspirations of the Slovaks, were used by the political and church representatives of the Slovak nation to fan the flames of Jew-hatred and to blame the Jews for the difficult lot of the Slovak People. During this period many Slovak publications also addressed the existence of a “Jewish Question” in a negative sense: blaming the Jews for all of the Slovak society’s ills. During this era, one of the central reasons behind the rise of Slovak antisemitism was the economic factor. At the same time, the slogan “Svoj k svojmu,” which, freely translated, means “Buy only from your own people,” registered a series of “successes” in neighboring countries. However, when nationalists, using this motto, launched a campaign to persuade Slovaks to boycott Jewish-owned shops, their efforts proved unsuccessful. -
Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012
Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 1 Module 4: Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012 Country: Czech Republic Date of Election: 25th and 26th October 2013 Prepared by: Lukáš Linek Date of Preparation: 23rd February 2016 NOTES TO COLLABORATORS: . The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project. The information may be filled out by yourself, or by an expert or experts of your choice. Your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (e.g., electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and may be made available on the CSES website. Answers should be as of the date of the election being studied. Where brackets [ ] appear, collaborators should answer by placing an “X” within the appropriate bracket or brackets. For example: [X] . If more space is needed to answer any question, please lengthen the document as necessary. Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1a. Type of Election [X] Parliamentary/Legislative [ ] Parliamentary/Legislative and Presidential [ ] Presidential [ ] Other; please specify: __________ 1b. If the type of election in Question 1a included Parliamentary/Legislative, was the election for the Upper House, Lower House, or both? [ ] Upper House [X] Lower House [ ] Both [ ] Other; please specify: __________ Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 2 Module 4: Macro Report 2a. What was the party of the president prior to the most recent election, regardless of whether the election was presidential? Party of Citizens Rights-Zemannites (SPO-Z). -
VOLUME 1 • NUMBER 1 • 2018 Aims and Scope
VOLUME 1 • NUMBER 1 • 2018 Aims and Scope Critical Romani Studies is an international, interdisciplinary, peer-reviewed journal, providing a forum for activist-scholars to critically examine racial oppressions, different forms of exclusion, inequalities, and human rights abuses Editors of Roma. Without compromising academic standards of evidence collection and analysis, the Journal seeks to create a platform to critically engage with Maria Bogdan academic knowledge production, and generate critical academic and policy Central European University knowledge targeting – amongst others – scholars, activists, and policy-makers. Jekatyerina Dunajeva Pázmány Péter Catholic University Scholarly expertise is a tool, rather than the end, for critical analysis of social phenomena affecting Roma, contributing to the fight for social justice. The Journal Tímea Junghaus especially welcomes the cross-fertilization of Romani studies with the fields of European Roma Institute for Arts and Culture critical race studies, gender and sexuality studies, critical policy studies, diaspora studies, colonial studies, postcolonial studies, and studies of decolonization. Angéla Kóczé Central European University The Journal actively solicits papers from critically-minded young Romani Iulius Rostas (editor-in-chief) scholars who have historically experienced significant barriers in engaging Central European University with academic knowledge production. The Journal considers only previously unpublished manuscripts which present original, high-quality research. The Márton Rövid (managing editor) Journal is committed to the principle of open access, so articles are available free Central European University of charge. All published articles undergo rigorous peer review, based on initial Marek Szilvasi (review editor) editorial screening and refereeing by at least two anonymous scholars. The Journal Open Society Foundations provides a modest but fair remuneration for authors, editors, and reviewers. -
1 Hyperlinks and Networked Communication: a Comparative
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by The Australian National University 1 Hyperlinks and Networked Communication: A Comparative Study of Political Parties Online This is a pre-print for: R. Ackland and R. Gibson (2013), “Hyperlinks and Networked Communication: A Comparative Study of Political Parties Online,” International Journal of Social Research Methodology, 16(3), special issue on Computational Social Science: Research Strategies, Design & Methods, 231-244. Dr. Robert Ackland, Research Fellow at the Australian Demographic and Social Research Institute, The Australian National University, Canberra, Australia *Professor Rachel Gibson, Professor of Politics, Institute for Social Change, University of Manchester, Manchester, UK. *Corresponding author: Professor Rachel Gibson Institute for Social Change University of Manchester, Oxford Road Manchester M13 9PL UK Ph: + 44 (0)161 306 6933 Fax: +44 (0) 161 275 0793 [email protected] Word count: 6,062(excl title page and key words) 2 Abstract This paper analyses hyperlink data from over 100 political parties in six countries to show how political actors are using links to engage in a new form of ‘networked communication’ to promote themselves to an online audience. We specify three types of networked communication - identity reinforcement, force multiplication and opponent dismissal - and hypothesise variance in their performance based on key party variables of size and ideological outlook. We test our hypotheses using an original comparative hyperlink dataset. The findings support expectations that hyperlinks are being used for networked communication by parties, with identity reinforcement and force multiplication being more common than opponent dismissal. The results are important in demonstrating the wider communicative significance of hyperlinks, in addition to their structural properties as linkage devices for websites. -
2019 European Elections the Weight of the Electorates Compared to the Electoral Weight of the Parliamentary Groups
2019 European Elections The weight of the electorates compared to the electoral weight of the parliamentary groups Guillemette Lano Raphaël Grelon With the assistance of Victor Delage and Dominique Reynié July 2019 2019 European Elections. The weight of the electorates | Fondation pour l’innovation politique I. DISTINGUISHING BETWEEN THE WEIGHT OF ELECTORATES AND THE ELECTORAL WEIGHT OF PARLIAMENTARY GROUPS The Fondation pour l’innovation politique wished to reflect on the European elections in May 2019 by assessing the weight of electorates across the European constituency independently of the electoral weight represented by the parliamentary groups comprised post-election. For example, we have reconstructed a right-wing Eurosceptic electorate by aggregating the votes in favour of right-wing national lists whose discourses are hostile to the European Union. In this case, for instance, this methodology has led us to assign those who voted for Fidesz not to the European People’s Party (EPP) group but rather to an electorate which we describe as the “populist right and extreme right” in which we also include those who voted for the Italian Lega, the French National Rally, the Austrian FPÖ and the Sweden Democrats. Likewise, Slovak SMER voters were detached from the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) Group and instead categorised as part of an electorate which we describe as the “populist left and extreme left”. A. The data collected The electoral results were collected list by list, country by country 1, from the websites of the national parliaments and governments of each of the States of the Union. We then aggregated these data at the European level, thus obtaining: – the number of individuals registered on the electoral lists on the date of the elections, or the registered voters; – the number of votes, or the voters; – the number of valid votes in favour of each of the lists, or the votes cast; – the number of invalid votes, or the blank or invalid votes. -
Populism, Voters and Cleavages in Bulgarian Politics*
56 POLITOLOGICKÝ ČASOPIS / CZECH JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE 1/2017 Populism, Voters and Cleavages in Bulgarian Politics* EMILIA ZANKINA** Abstract The growing success of populist parties from across the political spectrum in Europe calls for an examination of the link between populist parties and voters and the new (if new indeed) cleavages that such parties exploit. Scholars have pointed to the erosion of traditional cleavages as one rea- son for the success of populist parties. Such analysis fits well with the established democracies of Europe but has little application in the East European context. Traditional cleavages have taken root in few places in Eastern Europe before communist takeover and became even less relevant follow- ing four and a half decades of communist rule. With the fall of communist regimes across Eastern Europe, the only meaningful division within society was that of anti-communists and supporters of the old regime. Similarly, concepts of Left and Right had (and to a great extend continue to have) lit- tle relevance in the East European context where the Left came to be dominated by former commu- nist parties and the Right engulfed an ideologically incoherent opposition. The stronger the former communists were (such as in Bulgaria and Romania) the more fragmented the Right was, as it was the only available space for political competition. The present paper aims to examine voter support for populist parties in Bulgaria and analyze on the cleavages that those parties exploit or create. Thus, the paper examines the impact of populist parties on the political landscape in terms of the changes that those parties result in in voter behavior and cleavage formation. -
Factsheet: the Czech Senate
Directorate-General for the Presidency Directorate for Relations with National Parliaments Factsheet: The Czech Senate Wallenstein Palace, seat of the Czech Senate 1. At a glance The Czech Republic is a parliamentary democracy. The Czech Parliament (Parlament České republiky) is made up of two Chambers, both directly elected – the Chamber of Deputies (Poslanecká sněmovna) and the Senate (Senát). The 81 senators in the Senate are elected for six years. Every other year one third of them are elected which makes the Senate a permanent institution that cannot be dissolved and continuously performs its work. Elections to the Senate are held by secret ballot based on universal, equal suffrage, pursuant to the principles of the majority system. Unlike the Lower Chamber, a candidate for the Senate does not need to be on a political party's ticket. Senators, like MPs have the right to take part in election of judges of the Constitutional Court, and may propose new laws. However, the Senate does not get to vote on the country budget and does not supervise the executive directly. The Senate can delay a proposed law, which was approved by the Chamber. However this veto can, with some rare exceptions, be overridden by an absolute majority of the Chamber in a repeated vote. 2. Composition Composition of Senate following the elections of 2-3 October & 9-10 October 2020 Party EP affiliation Seats Občanská demokratická strana (ODS) Civic Democratic Party 27 TOP 09 Starostové a nezávislí (STAN) Mayors and Independents 24 (some MEPs) Křesťanská a demokratická unie - Československá strana lidová (KDU-ČSL) 12 Christian-Democratic Union – Czechoslovak People's Party ANO 2011 Česká strana sociálně demokratická (ČSSD) 9 Czech Social Democratic Party Senátor 21 Senator 21 Česká pirátská strana 7 Czech Pirate Party (some MEPs) Strana zelených Green Party Non-attached 2 TOTAL 81 The next elections must take place in autumn 2022 at the latest. -
Rapport D'activite |2014
RAPPORT D’ACTIVITE | 2014 1. Introduction et chiffres clés d’Ecofolio en 2014 Le 8e exercice social d’Ecofolio atteste d’un changement de modèle. Le déchet est devenu une ressource pour tous. La mission de l’éco-organisme est bien de récolter ces mines urbaines que constituent les contenants de collecte sélective pour faire des vieux papiers la matière première compétitive des industries de demain. La dynamique n’est plus la même : auparavant le déchet coûtait, polluait et ne trouvait pas de débouchés. Nos vieux papiers sont désormais des ressources alternatives au bois qui se raréfie, et des vecteurs de croissance et d’emplois pour demain. L’économie circulaire est la seule réponse à la raréfaction des ressources et à la nécessaire sobriété carbone de nos économies. Elle est une promesse de croissance nouvelle et pérenne qui réconcilie l’amélioration écologique et la création de valeur. Ecofolio doit agir avec toutes les parties prenantes pour amorcer ce cercle vertueux de la croissance verte et transformer l’éco-contribution acquittée par les metteurs sur le marché en investissement pour des usines, des emplois et de la qualité écologique. L’année 2014 a permis à Ecofolio de déployer pleinement les actions prévues à son 2e agrément : davantage de soutiens pour soutenir majoritairement le recyclage, mais aussi de nouveaux financements pour accompagner la rationalisation de la collecte et du tri des vieux papiers (dispositif d’accompagnement au changement), des actions renforcées en matière de communication/information et sensibilisation toujours conduites comme des campagnes de cause et non de marque. Et toujours des actions majeures en termes de R&D et d’études pour améliorer la recyclabilité des produits en papier et les performances de la collecte et du tri. -
Sunday Times /Behaviour & Attitudes European Elections May 2014
Sunday Times /Behaviour & Attitudes European Elections May 2014 Opinion Poll 3rd – 15th May, 2014 Prepared for Prepared by Ian McShane J.5607 Technical Appendix 2 Technical Appendix ● The results of this opinion poll are based upon a representative sample of 1,545 eligible Irish voters aged 18 years +. ● A separate questionnaire was produced for each of three regions to take the three separate European Election constituencies into account. The number of interviews upon which the representative samples of eligible voters in each constituency is based is as follows: Dublin Constituency 521 Midlands-North-West 513 South Constituency 511 ● As such, the results for each constituency can be deemed to be accurate to within plus or minus 4.5 percentage points at the 95% confidence level. ● Fieldwork was conducted over the period 3rd – 14th May, 2014 with interviewing carried out at the Behaviour & Attitudes Computer Aided Telephone Interviewing (CATI) Unit at Milltown House in Dublin. ● Interviewing was conducted across all electoral constituencies in the country with households selected for interview by way of Random Digit Dialling (RDD). ● The sample is split across RDD landline numbers and RDD mobile telephone numbers, so as to ensure that individuals living in landline only households, mobile only households, and households with both a landline and mobile telephone are represented in their correct proportions. 3 Technical Appendix ● The subsequent survey results are weighted to reflect the known demographic profile of Irish adults, utilising the most recently published census population estimates from the Central Statistics Office (CSO). ● All aspects of the survey, including the Party Support adjustment factor, are implemented in accordance with the technical and ethical guidelines set down by the Association of Irish Market Research Organisations (AIMRO) and the European Society of Opinion & Market Research (ESOMAR). -
There Has Been No Bulgarian Tradition of Any Long-Standing Resistance to the Communist Regime
There has been no Bulgarian tradition of any long-standing resistance to the communist regime. There was neither any political opposition, nor any other kind of an influential dissident movement. Bulgaria never went through the purgatory of the Hungarian uprising of 1956, or the “Prague spring” of 1968. It is indeed difficult to find any counter arguments whatsoever against the cliché that Bul- garia was the closest satellite of the Soviet Union. The fundamental contradictions within the Union of Democratic Forces (SDS) coalition were present from the very first day of its inception. There were Marxists who were longing for “socialism with a human face”, intellectuals with liberal ideas, social democrats and Christian democrats, conservatives and radical demo- crats, monarchists and republicans. The members of the center-right coalition did not delude themselves about their differences; they rather shared the clear un- derstanding that only a painful compromise could stand some chances against the Goliath of the totalitarian Bulgarian Communist Party (BKP). It was this unani- mous opposition to the communist regime and its legacy that made the coalition possible. But only for a limited period of time. The United Democratic Forces (ODS) government under Prime Minister Ivan Kostov (1997-2001) completed the reformist agenda of anti-communism. At the end of the ODS term of office, Bulgaria was a country with a functioning market economy, stable democracy, and a clearly outlined foreign policy course towards the country’s accession to the European Union and NATO, which was accepted by all significant political formations, the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) included. -
Declining Support for Government of Donald Tusk and for Civic Platform (Po)
DECLINING SUPPORT FOR GOVERNMENT OF DONALD TUSK AND FOR CIVIC PLATFORM (PO) The coalition of Civic Platform and Polish Peasant Party (PO-PSL), which has governed Poland for over four years, is losing social support. Evaluations of the government of Donald Tusk have deteriorated. At present, they are the worst, if both parliamentary terms are considered. The decline was precipitated by, among others, problems with implementation of new rules on refunding medicines, signing of the ACTA agreement (a decision from which the government eventually withdrew), and planned changes in the pension system, especially raising the retirement age to 67 years. From Dec. 2011 to March 2012 the proportion of government supporters fell from 44% to 31%, while the number of opponents rose from 31% to 45%. ATTITUDE TO THE GOVERNMENT OF DONALD TUSK “Don't know” omitted The popularity of the Prime Minster is diminishing. The proportion of respondents satisfied with the work of Donald Tusk as Prime Minister fell from 49% in Dec. 2011 to 33% in March 2012. At the same time, the number of the dissatisfied rose from 38% to 57%. SATISFACTION WITH DONALD TUSK AS PRIME MINISTER “Don't know” omitted The effects of government's activities are perceived ever more critically. The proportion of people satisfied with them fell in the last four months from 45% to 25%, while the number of the dissatisfied rose from 40% to 67%. EVALUATION OF EFFECTS OF ACTIVITY OF DONALD TUSK'S GOVERNMENT UP TO DATE “Don't know” omitted The decline in support for the government is accompanied by a drop in the ratings of the Civic Platform (PO).