(ISSN 0043-6534) WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY
The State Historical Society of Wisconsin • Vol. 66, No. 1 • Autumn, 1982
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^rggg ""•"™™'™'''*^ iHli THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF WISCONSIN RICHARD A. ERNEY, Director Officers WILLIAM C. KIDD, President WILSON B. THIEDE, Treasurer NEWELL G. MEYER, First Vice-President RICHARD A. ERNEY, Secretary MRS. L. PRENTICE EAGER, JR., Second Vice-President
THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF WISCONSIN is both a state agency and a private membership organization. Founded in 1846—two years before statehood—and chartered in 1853, it is the oldest American historical society to receive continuous public funding. By statute, it is charged with collecting, advancing, and disseminating knowledge of Wisconsin and of the trans-Mississippi West. The Society serves as the archive of the State of Wisconsin; it collects all manner of books, periodicals, maps, manuscripts, relics, newspapers, and aural and graphic materials as they relate to North America; it maintains a museum, library, and research facility in Madison as well as a statewide system of historic sites, school services, area research centers, and affiliated local societies; it administers a broad program of historic preservation; and publishes a wide variety of historical materials, both scholarly and popular. MEMBERSHIP in the Society is open to the public. Annual membership is $15, or $12.50 for persons over 65 or members of affiliated societies. Family membership is $20, or $15 for persons over 65 or members of affiliated societies. Contributing membership is $50; supporting, $100; sustaining, $200-$500; patron, $500 or more. THE SOCIETY is governed by a Board of Curators which includes, ex officio, the Governor, the Secretary of State, the State Treasurer, the President of the University of Wisconsin, the President of the Society's Auxiliary, the President of the Wisconsin History Foundation, Inc., and the Chairman of the Administrative Committee of the Wisconsin Council for Local History. The other thirty-six members of the Board of Curators are elected by the membership. A complete listing of the Curators appears inside the back
The Society is headquartered at 816 State Street, Madison, Wisconsin 53706, at the juncture of State and Park streets on the University of Wisconsin campus. A partial listing of phone numbers (Area Code 608) follows: General Administration 262-3266 Library circulation desk 262-3421 General information 262-3271 Maps 262-9558 Affiliated local societies 262-2316 Membership 262-9613 Archives reading room 262-3338 Microforms reading room 262-9621 Contribution of library materials and artifacts 262-0629 Museum tours 262-9567 Editorial offices 262-9603 Newspapers reference 262-9584 Film collections 262-0585 Picture and sound collections 262-9581 Genealogical and general reference inquiries 262-9590 Public information office 262-9606 Government publications and reference 262-2781 Sales desk 262-3271 Historic preservation 262-1339 School services 262-9567 Historic sites 262-3271 Speakers bureau 262-2704
ON THE COVER: The celebrated explorer and ethnographer Henry Rowe Schoolcraft, from a daguerreotype made about 1850 when he was at work on his six-volume history of the Indians of the United States. [Library of Congress] Volume 66, Number 1 / Autumn, 1982 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF
HISTORY (ISSN 0043-6534)
Published quarterly by the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 816 State Street, Madison, Wisconsin 53706. Distributed to members as part of their Not for Pioneers Only: dues. (Annual membership, $15, or $ 12.50 for those over 65 The Story of Wisconsin's Spinning Wheels or members of affiliated Victor L. Hilts and Patricia A. Hilts societies; family membership, $20, or $15 for those over 65 or members of affiliated societies; contributing, $50; supporting, $100; sustaining, $200-$500; Eisenhower and the Admen: patron, $500 or more.) Single The Television "Spot" Campaign of 1952 25 numbers from Volume 57 John E. Hollitz forward are $2. Microfilmed copies available through University Microfilms, 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106; reprints of Henry Rowe Schoolcraft: Volumes 1 through 20 and Explorer in the Mississippi Valley, 1818-1832 40 most issues of Volumes 21 through 56 are available from Richard C. Bremer Kraus Reprint Company, Route 100, Millwood, New York 10546. Communications should be Reading America 60 addressed to the editor. The Society does not assume Mary Lou M. Schultz responsibility for statements made by contributors. Second-class postage paid at Book Reviews 62 Madison, Wisconsin, and at additional mailing offices. Book Review Index 75 POSTMASTER: Send address changes to Wisconsin Magazine of History, Madison, Wisconsin Wisconsin History Checklist 76 53706. Copyright © 1982 by the State Historical Society of Proceedings of the One Hundred and Thirty-Sixth Wisconsin. Annual Meeting of the State Historical Society 79 The Wisconsin Magazine of History is indexed annually by Contributors 88 the editors; cumulative indexes are assembled decennially. In addition, articles are abstracted and indexed in America: History Editor and Life, Historical Abstracts, Index to Literature on the American PAUL H. HASS Indian, and the Combined Retrospective Index to Journals in Associate Editors History, 1838-1974. WILLIAM C. MARTEN JOHN O. HOLZHUETER MARILYN GRANT r '" • \ ^I^M^V-" ^^ {\ Kfim V •
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The Amund Rustebahke family near Black Earth in Dane County proudly displayed their Norwegian-style spinning wheels for photographer Andrew Dahl in the early ISJO's. Sitting at the wheels are the three Rustebahke daughters and probably a daughter-in-law. Not for Pioneers Only: The Story of Wisconsin's Spinning Wheels
By Victor L. Hilts and Patricia A. Hilts
HE spinning wheel has become a not only of early pioneer life, but of thrift, ru T symbol of pioneer life in Amer ral self-sufficiency, and pride in ethnic tradi ica. Yet this domestic machine survived as an tions as well.' ordinary household tool in Wisconsin well past pioneer days and into the present cen |N July 4, 1862, the Whitewater tury. At least one state craftsman sold spin o Gazette reported that the price ning wheels for everyday use until 1935. Still of raw wool had gone "up 'like a rocket.'" alive today is a generation of Wisconsinites Yard-good prices soon followed suit, and by who remember their mothers handspinning 1864 cotton sheeting cost twenty-five cents a wool to reduce the family's clothing budget. yard. Meanwhile, the farmer received only It would be difficult to document the per twenty-five cents for a bushel of wheat.^ With sistence of Wisconsin's handspinning tradi the southern cotton crop gone, and the Union tion by studying the articles made from hand- Army consuming a large percentage of do spun. It is possible, however, to trace that mestic woolen, outrageous prices for pur tradition through the story of Wisconsin's chased cloth were inevitable.' What, however, spinning wheels. By 1860 spinning wheels be were farm families to do? In the fall of 1864, a gan to disappear as relatively inexpensive yard correspondent for the Prairie Farmer, who had goods became more readily available to many just visited the Illinois State Fair, believed that Wisconsin settlers. Then, during the Civil he had the answer: "I know that the making of War, farmers once again faced the necessity of making their own cloth. After the war, Wis ^George H. Edwards, "What My Last Shirts Cost," in consin's immigrant women often spun at the the Prairie Farmer, June 11, 1864. "Who is Rich," Prairie wheel to make yarn for knitting. By the turn of Farmer, December 3, 1864. the century, the spinning wheel was a symbol 'Memory of the Civil War's influence on the revival of domestic spinning and weaving still remains in 1980 in some Wisconsin families. In an unsolicited letter to the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, John Schley of Clin- 'The spinning wheel's association with pioneer Amer tonville wrote regarding an old loom in his family, "This ica is, of course, not undeserved. Discussions of early loom is a loom which was used to make homespun cloth, American spinning are contained in Henry M. Brooks, not a rug loom. My father, now eighty-four years old, told The Days of the Spinning Wheel in New England (Boston: of hearing Mrs. John Yeager telling his mother (my Ticknor and Company, 1886); Elizabeth Buel, The Tale of grandmother) that during the Civil War the South the Spinning-Wheel (Litchfield, Conn., 1903); and Alice stopped the shipment of cotton and cotton products to the Morse Earle, Home Life in Colonial Days (New York: Mac- North. So they had to go back to the old loom and weave millan, 1931), 166-251. their own cloth again."
Copyright © 1982 by The State Historical Society of Wisconsin All rights of reproduction in any form reserved WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 cloth in one's family is looked upon as an im their spinning wheels and looms. Fhat corres mense labor—a sort of frightful affair,—but I pondent pointed out elsewhere that " 'fulled submit whether any other course, let future cloth' can be made in the house for the price events be as they may, is open to a farmer who one has to pay for cotton sheeting, and flax would thrive, or decently hold his own."^ cloth much cheaper, while both will last from At the fair, the correspondent had seen a three to ten times as long."" K. Stevens, who new loom for home weaving displayed by an operated a carding mill in Geneva, was quoted Indiana firm and a new patent spinning wheel in June, 1864, in the Whitewater Register 'ds exhibited by J. B. Wait of Waitsville, Wiscon saying that "it is evident that farmers will find sin. Together, these two items promised to it to their interest to manufacture their own halve the time of making cloth at home. His wool; especially what they need for their own advice, therefore, was for each farmer to pur use." More eloquently, one agricultural writer chase a spinning wheel and a loom. proclaimed: "For fifty years Cotton has been Two decades earlier, many Midwestern supreme. Just now his reign is suspended by farm families would have had a spinning the existing blockade of the Southern coast, wheel and possibly even a loom. Most of these and the ancestral wheel or something better spinning wheels were purchased, although oc must take its place again for a time in the home casionally a wheel—and more frequently a of the American farmer."'" loom—were made for their families by skilled The renewed interest in spinning and woodworkers such as Sylvester Hills of Green weaving at home meant that the tools for do County.^ Hills raised fiax on his homestead, mestic production were again in demand. For but more typically Wisconsin settlers kept a several months after the escalation of cloth few sheep. When carding mills appeared, prices, however, the once-common spinning these families took their wool to the local mill wheel was scarce. In 1863 a farmer from Bel to be carded into roving and then spun the leville, in Dane County, asked the editor of the carded wool at home.'' To serve the needs of Wisconsin Farmer where he could purchase a families in his area, Simeon Ford, the owner of spinning wheel. The editor, in turn, asked his the Watertown Woolen Mill, advertised in the readers: "What's become of all the Spinning Watertown Chronicle in 1847 that he manufac Wheels?—Mr. J. R. Crocker of Belleville has tured spinning wheels. That same season a ransacked Madison and the surrounding large proportion of the 10,000 pounds of wool towns but finds not one,—that is, of the good carded at Ford's mill was made into cloth by old sort. The enquiry is suggestive, if not im the families raising it.' Three years later, how portant, and somebody should be able to an ever. Ford advertised that he had on hand "an swer it."" extensive and general assortment of woolen A year later, another inquirer writing to the cloths" which he urged his customers "to ex same magazine wondered where he could get change for wool."" By 1860 most Wisconsin a hand spinning jenny and at what price. The farm families had responded to such invita spinning wheel shortage, however, did not last tions and had given up the burden of making for long. By the end of the Civil War, spinning their own cloth. wheels of several different types were readily As cloth prices rose during the Civil War, available in Wisconsin. Priced at from five to more and more farmers agreed with the cor ten times the inflated price of one yard of respondent of the Prairie Farmer that their woolen cloth, the wheels were instrumental in wives and daughters would have to return to the brief revival of domestic cloth production.
••"Who is V^ich," Prairie Farmer, December 3, 1864. 'History of Green County, Wisconsin (Springfield, 111.: F least one Wisconsin spinning Union Publishing Co., 1884), 681-682. A wheel maker, E. Palmer An- "Norman L. Crockett, The Woolen Industry in the Midwest drus, was in business well before the Civil War. (Lexington, Kentucky: University Press of Kentucky, 1970), 85-86. Andrus lived in Winooski, a small village along '"Wool Raising," in the Watertown Chronicle, August 11, 1847. '"Times in the West," in the New York Weekly Tribune, ''Watertown Chronicle, June 5, 1850. Obituary Notice of December 24, 1864. Simeon Ford (1800-1875) in the Watertown Democrat, Oc '"Wisconsin Farmer, 1863, p. 133. tober 28, 1875. "/&•(;., 314. HILTS AND HILTS: SPINNING WHEELS
Andrus was the one spinning wheel manu facturer listed in the 1857-1858 state direc tory, the only edition issued before the Civil War.'= His annual production, recorded in the 1860 census, consisted of butter churns, one hundred washing machines, and a combined total of three hundred spinning wheels and yarn reels. Andrus made spinning wheels of the "good old sort" desired by the farmer from Belleville. In fact, Andrus produced three ma jor types of old-fashioned spinning wheels: Yankee wheels, German-style wheels, and wool wheels."^ Both Yankee wheels and German-style wheels were flyer wheels, whereas wool wheels were the spindle wheels that were also called "great wheels." The main difference between Yankee wheels and German-style wheels was the relatively larger size of the former. The increased need for spinning wheels during the Civil War brought Andrus as much business as he could handle. By July, 1864, Andrus' spinning wheels were in such de mand that he signed a contract with George G. Greene of Milwaukee promising to supply Courtesy of Helen Marion Johnson Greene with wheels whenever requested and E. Palmer Andrus. giving Greene the exclusive right to sell An drus' wheels in Wisconsin for the next five the Onion River in Sheboygan County which years." Andrus sold Greene the Yankee had been named by settlers from Winooski, wheels for $4.50 each, the German-style Vermont. Though it was destined to become wheels for $4.00 each, and the wool wheels for one of Wisconsin's ghost towns, in the mid- $30.00 per dozen. These prices were approxi nineteenth century Winooski was a thriving mately the same charged by Andrus to Kret- mill village and was the home of the black singer and Starett, a Chicago agricultural im smith immortalized by John Greenleaf Whit- plement dealer that provided another outlet tier in "The Man with the Branded Hand."'^ E. for his wheels. In November, 1864, Andrus Palmer Andrus came to Winooski in 1849. sold Kretsinger and Starett a dozen clock reels Previously he had been a carpenter and joiner for $24.00 and a dozen wool wheels for but in Wisconsin he farmed." According to $27.00."* family tradition, while cleaning a well one day With Greene having exclusive rights in Wis Andrus developed a fever which left him par consin to Andrus' spinning wheels, several alyzed in one leg. Unable to continue farming, competing spinning wheel manufacturers be he became a manufacturer of wooden ware, gan making spinning wheels in the state about including spinning wheels.'"* ^'Wisconsin State Directory (1857—1858). The entry for '^Gustave W. Buchen, Historic Sheboygan County (pri Andrus erroneously refers to "E. P. Andrews." vately printed, 1944), 266-267. Charles J. Kelley, "Onion "•Contract between E. P. Andrus and George G. River, in its Day, was Beehive of Activity," in the Sheboygan Greene, July 20, 1864, in possession of Helen Marion Preii,January 12, 1957. CarolJewettDrewry, " 'Firing the Johnson, Waldo, Wisconsin. AnvU' was Winooski's Way of Having July Fourth Celebra "Contract between E. P. Andrus and George G. tions," in the S/(ffeo;yga«PreM, July 1, 1957. Greene, July 20, 1864. The contract specified that, "the ""E. Palmer Andrus," Portrait and Biographical Record price of the wool wheel as named does not include the of Sheboygan County, Wisconsin (Chicago: Excelsior Publish head." ing Co., 1894), 476-477. "Bill of sale from E. Palmer Andrus to Kretsinger and '••Interview with Helen Marion Johnson, a descendant Starett, November, 1864, in possession of Helen Marion of Andrus, Waldo, Wisconsin. June, 1980. Johnson, Waldo, Wisconsin. WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982
Andrus, produced wheels only as a sideline. ;/.',„.,,//, ''/;,/.,,,;„,, /, . //-,, y ^ J ,'• lit:', They probably did not intend to make more than a few wheels, and they probably quit pro duction after a year or two. Andrus evidently discontinued making spinning wheels some Flax aid Woo! '\Vl:,<,>:.;!s, Eeels aiiil Spools, time during the 1870's and eventually opened a small cheese factory.^' Quite different from "W-Ae.XJEXJVCi IWEAOJEiXIVHfS. the modest aims of most Civil War era spin
,'/ , • ; / / ning wheel makers, however, were the aspira
,•', • ///^/ tions of those who manufactured the famous pendulum spinning wheel.
HE farmer from Belleville may have sought a spinning wheel Courtesy of Helen Marion Johnson T' A bill of sale made out by E. P. Andrus on November 14, of the "good old sort," but old-fashioned 1864, for spinning wheels and reels ordered by Kretsinger wheels were not what captivated the Prairie and Starret of Chicago. farmer correspondent and others like him. In the mid-nineteenth century, no Americans were more familiar with the possibilities of im proved machinery than were progressive 1865. In the 1863 Milwaukee city directory, a farmers and their wives. Agricultural journals laborer by the name of Henry Hartmann enticingly pictured the marvels of patent seed listed himself as a spinning wheel maker. Flax ers, mowers, reapers, and other agricultural wheels (as wheels with flyers often were called machinery. At home the farmer's wife was even though they could be used for fibers learning to sew, and even to knit, with the aid other than flax) were manufactured and sold of a machine. Those who wished to reestablish in 1865 by the wooden-pump manufactory of the farmer's self-sufficiency in cloth produc Little and Relfe in Sheboygan Falls." In 1867 tion wanted new, improved spinning wheels the Oshkosh carpenter Frederick Pittel, who and looms to lighten and speed the work. With had been operating a grocery store, began to the aid of these inventions, it was hoped that advertise as a maker of spinning wheels. The domestic cloth production once again would same year in Fond du Lac a small sash, door, become an accepted part of farm life. and blind manufacturer—Walshendorf, Among those who urged farm families to Saupe and Company—listed itself in a Wis purchase the latest, improved spinning wheels consin railroad directory as a manufacturer of and looms was John W. Hoyt, the secretary of spinning wheels.™ Two years later the Madi the Wisconsin Agricultural Society and the in son firm of Woodford and Heistand won a sil fluential editor of the Wisconsin Farmer.''^ In ver medal at the Wisconsin State Fair for the 1865 J. W. Hoyt and the Wisconsin Farmer en "best spinning wheel for wool." dorsed the Hawkeye Spinner, which was sold Though helping to satisfy the sudden need in Madison by Hoyt's namesake, N. Hoyt. The for spinning wheels, all of the makers, except Hawkeye Spinner had fifteen spindles and cost $40.00—almost ten times the price of one ''Gustave William Buchen, Historic Sheboygan County, of Andrus' old-fashioned spinning wheels. It 238. A spinning wheel bearing the manufacturer's mark ing of "Little & Relfe" is exhibited by the Sheboygan County Historical Society, Sheboygan, Wisconsin. In the ^'Sheboygan County Business Directory (1889). The cheese Wisconsin State Business Directory (1872-1873), the firm is business was continued by Andrus's son Hal Andrus. The listed on page 275 as a pump manufacturer and is spelled, cheese factory, which was probably also where the spin "Little and Roelfe," whereas Buchen spells the firm's ning wheels were made, still exists. It is currently painted name, "Little and Rolfe." red and used as a garage. ^Oshkosh City Directory and Business Advertiser ^^E. R. Mclntyre, "John Wesley Hoyt: Prophet and (1868-1869), 257. Oshkosh City Directory (1957), 116. H.C. Producer," read April 30, 1930, to the Wisconsin Acad Chandler & Co.'s Railroad Business Directory of Chicago, Mil emy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters—manuscript in Hoyt waukee, Green Bay, St. Paul, and Intermediate Points, com Papers, State Historical Society of Wisconsin. Mclntyre piled and arranged by E. G. Barett (Indianapolis: H.C. notes that Hoyt added a department on domestic spin Chandler, 1867), 404. ning and weaving at the state fair. HILTS AND HILTS: SPINNINCi WHEELS was, in fact, a domestic version of the spinning Farmer played active roles in developing the jenny which had been invented by James Har- "wool mania." While sheep-raising was aimed greaves during the middle of the eighteenth largely at making wool a profitable cash crop century and which had helped to propel Eng in Wisconsin, it also meant that more and land into the industrial revolution. When the more farmers would use their sheep for do advertisement for the Hawkeye Spinner ap mestic cloth production. peared in the Wisconsin Farmer, ]. W. Hoyt edi torialized: "No farmer will, henceforth, con PPARENTLY the Hawkeye sider his house usefully furnished unless it A' Spinner did not sell well. At includes a spinningjenny, a knitting machine, least initially, however, a very different story one of the modern handlooms, and a sewing can be told about the patent spinning wheel machine."^' A Hawkeye Spinner was placed in which the correspondent of the Prairie Farmer the agricultural rooms occupied by the Wis saw at the Illinois State Fair in 1864. This consin Agricultural Society near the Capitol in wheel was manufactured by J. B. Wait of Madison where it could be admired by up- Waitsville in Jefferson County, Wisconsin. It and-coming farmers and their wives. was both the most unusual and most widely J. W. Hoyt's endorsement of spinning Jen sold spinning wheel in Wisconsin—and proba nys and modern handlooms complemented bly the entire country — during the decade of his enthusiasm for sheep raising in Wisconsin. the Civil War. Praising its virtues, the Prairie Prior to the Civil War, Wisconsin had ranked Farmer correspondent wrote, "J. B. Wait . . . low on the list of wool-producing states. How has a wheel at which a woman if she can only sit ever, when Wisconsin farmers compared the up can do good and rapid work. She can sit in market price of wool with the market price of her chair and spin from morning till night." wheat during the Civil War, they began to Modern collectors have called this wheel the wonder whether they would not be much bet "sitting wool wheel." More accurately, how ter off raising sheep than growing wheat.'*^^ ever, it was Lyman Wight's patent pendulum Under J. W. Hoyt's direction, the Wiscon spinning wheel. sin Agricultural Society and the Wisconsin The manufacturer of the pendulum spin ^'"The Hawkeye Spinner or Patent Spinning & Reel ning wheel, Justin B. Wait, was a man who ing Machine," in the Wisconsin Farmer, 1865, end pages. knew the needs and habits of his agricultural ^^Chester W. Wright, Wool-Growing and the Tariff, A neighbors. Wait had come to Wisconsin from Study in the Economic History of the United States (Boston: Massachusetts, and in 1849, when he was Houghton Mifflin, 1910). twenty-seven years old, he had purchased the first of several parcels of heavily wooded land Justin B. Wait. in eastern Jefferson County. There he raised a Courtesvof Mrs Claire B. Waite large family and established himself as a suc ,-1 •'"'^h cessful manufacturer of hand rakes. Wait's forested land gave him a source of good qual ity hardwood, and his business grew as his rakes found a ready market among farmers in wheat-growing Wisconsin. In 1860 Wait employed eleven workmen, mainly young German immigrants. He owned one steam engine and produced over thirty thousand hand rakes a year. In 1858 Wait's mill site became the post village of Waitsville. Justin B. Wait was the postmaster, and there were four postal deliveries a week from Wa tertown, the nearest large settlement.^'* During
'^Card 1220, Index of Wisconsin Post Offices, State Historical Society of Wisconsin. "Post Office Notice," in the Watertown Democrat, August 22, 1867. No map listing Waitsville by name has been discovered, but its location is revealed on the "Map of Jefferson County," published by WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 the Civil War, Wait ran unsuccessfully for ily.^' In Whitewater he lived for a time in one chairman of the Farmington Township board. of the then fashionable octagon houses, prob He was elected a town pathmaster, and he was ably made to his own specifications.'- active in the Jefferson County Agricultural Shortly before leaving Pennsylvania, Ly Society.^'' A reporter who visited Waitsville in man Wight received the patent for his spin 1860 wrote admiringly of Wait, "We wish we ning wheel.^' Benton Township lay just north had more such men in the county.'"'^' On No of Scranton in an area that ultimately became vember 4, 1862, three months after the great increase in the price of woolens, Justin B. Wait purchased rights to the production of a patent spinning wheel from Lyman Wight.'" A tall, slender man of somewhat Lincoln- esque appearance, Lyman Wight had arrived 1 i in Whitewater in 1856 with his son William and his parents Gorton and Mehitabel, from Benton Township, Luzerne County, Pennsyl vania. Nearly thirty years earlier Wight's fa ther had helped to lay the tracks for the Stourbridge Lion, America's first steam loco motive.^' Lyman Wight had a reputation for mechanical ingenuity that matched Wait's reputation as a mill owner and rakemaker.'" An article in the Whitewater Register about a novel iceboat that Wight built and sailed, .-J praised his creative prowess, and it was said that he made the furniture, heating appa 1 ratus, and other conveniences used by his fam- 9 E. M. Harney in 1872. At that date Waitsville included the properties in Farmington Township identified as Saw Mill, P.O. [post office], SMP [Samuel M. Piper] Store, and C. Weber. C. Ransom and C. Webber (note spelling) pur chased Wait's mill shortly before the publication of the Harney map (Watertown Republican, November 29, 1871). "Yes Sir, Jefferson County Once had a 'Waitsville'," in the Watertown Daily Times, September 16, 1963. This article re ported the research by Bernard J. Traeger on Justin B. Courtesy of Mrs. A. N. Savee Wait's property transactions. Traeger mislocated Wait's mill by suggesting that it was in section 29 of Farmington Lyman Wight. Township, whereas it was actually in section 13. ^•"Town of Farmington Board of Supervisors, April 2, "William Ward Wight, The Wights. A Record of Tlwmas 1861. Town of Farmington Highway Records, 1863. Far Wight of Dedham and Medford and of his Descendants 1635- mington Township papers are in the township hall in Far 1890 (Milwaukee: Swain and Tate, 1890), 262. mington, Wisconsin. '^This octagon house, on Newcomb Street in Whitewa ^''Jejferson County Republican, August 15, 1860. ter, is still in excellent condition, Walworth County Deeds '"^Diary of William E. Wight, State Historical Society of (Volume 33, 570) records that the property was pur Wisconsin—Whitewater Area Research Center. William chased October 1, 1862, by Lyman Wight from John E. Wight was Lyman Wight's son ("William E. Wight," His Bolser for $100. William E. Wight's diary has the entry: tory of Walworth County, Wisconsin [Chicago: Western His "October 2, 1862. Bought a village lot in Whitewater by torical Society, 1882], 653). theReaper Factory of Mr. B... for Father to build on. Paid »"In Memoriam—Lyman Wight (1819-1906)," in the $100. Traded stock." In January, 1863, Lyman Wight ob Whitewater Register, June 1, 1906; William E. Wight dia served family custom by deeding his farm outside White ries. water to his son William in return for William's promise of '"Interview with Mrs. Clifton Henderson, Whitewater, lifetime support. Lyman Wight may have moved into the Wisconsin, June, 1980. Mrs. Henderson was William F. octagon house after his second marriage in September, Wight's stepdaughter and lived briefly when a child in the 1863. same house as Lyman Wight. Interview April, 1981, with ''United States patent number 14,482 issued March Floyd Ewing, Whitewater, Wisconsin. Floyd Ewing is the 18, 1856. The original patent document issued to Wight is grandson of Orison G. Ewing, who was associated with Ly filed under "Documents" in the Whitewater Historical So man Wight in several agricultural patents. ciety, Whitewater, Wisconsin. part of the Pennsylvania coal region but was heavily agricultural before the Civil War. Here, as in many other places, domestic spin ning was disappearing rapidly in the 1850's— but was not yet forgotten. When Lyman Wight was a child, the young women of Luzerne County were still competing in spinning con tests. Spinners measured their output by the "knot," representing forty turns around the yarn reel or eighty yards, and it was not un common for the best spinners to be able to spin a hundred knots a day. In 1828, when Ly man Wight was nine years old, a record of sorts for Luzerne County spinning was achieved when "Miss Rachel Jenkins spun and reeled 135 knots in twelve hours, and Miss Se- Lackawanna County Historical Society, Scranton, Penn. lindajenkins spun and reeled 136 knots of fill ing at the same time.""' Pat Hilts examines a pendulum wheel made by Lyman Wight in 1856 before he left Pennsylvania for Wisconsin. Ms. Hilts made Wight's patent was for an improvement her dress from the 1857 pattern in the "Patterns of History" series upon the common wool wheel. Spinners be developed by Joan Severa, a museum curator at the State lieved that the spindle of the traditional wool Historical Society of Wisconsin. wheel gave better control of the yarn for spin ning wool than did the flyer of the so-called peated often, each time the length of yarn flax wheel. Because of this preference, wool spun exceeded the reach of the spinner's wheels were the subject of inventive activity arms. Both the horizontal spinner and the during the early nineteenth century. In 1803 pendulum wheel overcame this limitation of Amos Minor patented the Minor's head, a the wool wheel by placing the spindle on a compact unit containing the spindle and accel moving mechanism. Probably inspired by sim erating pulleys for the wool wheel.'" The ilar factory spinning machines, the carriage of heads were soon factory-produced and sold the horizontal spinner carried the entire Mi separately from the rest of the wheel. Their nor's head up and down a track that could be availability suggested other improvements for as long as nine feet.'"" the wool wheel, including the horizontal spin Lyman Wight attached his spindle to a long ner and Lyman Wight's pendulum wheel. swinging pendulum which could be moved Both wheels were designed to preserve the ad away from the spinner by a downward push vantages of spinning with a spindle while mak on the treadle and be returned by a counter ing it possible to spin more rapidly than with weight. Wight claimed in his patent that the an ordinary wool wheel. advantages of the pendulum wheel over the horizontal spinner were the following:" HEN spinning at a wool wheel, One advantage is that a thread can be w spinners first spun out a drawn out easier by a vibrating pendu length of yarn, then stopped, backed up, and lum than by a carriage and head on fric finally wound the yarn onto the spindle. The tion rollers as is done in the case of the fewer times this stop-go procedure was re horizontal spinner .... Another advan- peated for a given amount of yarn produced, *Because early patents were lost in a patent office fire, the faster the yarn could be spun. On the wool it is not possible to identify the first patents relating to the wheel, however, the procedure had to be re- horizontal spinner. An improvement in the horizontal spinner was patented (United States patent 47,865) by D. '••Stewart Pearce, AnnaLs oj Luzerne County (Philadel B, Tate, May 9, 1865. A horizontal spinner is in the collec phia: J. B. Lippincou and Co., 1860), 338. tions of Spring Mill State Park, Mitchell, Indiana. We are "David Pennington and M. Taylor, A Pictorial Guide to indebted to David Pennington for reference to the Tate American Spinning Wheels (Sabbathday Lake, Maine: The patent. Shaker Press, 1975), 73-78. Katy Turner, TheLegacyofthe "This description of the pendulum wheel is from the Great Wheel (Mountain View, Missouri Select Books, patent specifications (patent 14,482, issued March 18, 1980), 30-31. 1856), (1) Beginning to spin on the wool (2) Spinning: the spinner walks (3) Length of yarn spun: the left wheel: the left hand is near the back moving the hand away from hand is at the full extent of the spindle as the spinner begins to the spindle. spinner's reach. draw out fibers to be spun. tage is that it occupies only about half the farm families to escape from the high price of room when not in operation that the hor yard goods by spinning and weaving. izontal spinner does .... Another advan At Waitsville, two different styles of Wight's tage [is] that it costs only about half to pendulum wheels were produced. Up until make than it does to make the horizontal the spring of 1864, the external appearance of and but little more than the common J. B. Wait's wheels resembled the drawings in hand wheel. Lyman Wight's original patent, although the turned table was replaced by a rectangular slab like that of an ordinary wool wheel.^' One One wheel made while Wight was still in minor detail that Wight had included on the Luzerne County was elegantly fitted out with a blue wheel made in Luzerne County, but not handsome turned table, blue paint, and neat in the patent drawings, was also incorporated black striping. It bore in red letters the proud inscription "Patented March 18, 1856.""* "*This wheel is in the collections of the Lackawanna A few weeks after receiving his patent, County Historical Society, Scranton, Pennsylvania. Ac Wight set off for Wisconsin.'-' 'f here is no evi cording to the Society's records, it was "used by the family dence that Wight made any wheels after leav of John Klingle who settled in the Abbington area in ing Pennsylvania until rights for the patent 1840," Both Benton Township and Abbington, Pennsyl vania, are in the part of pre-Civil War Luzerne County were purchased by J. B. Wait in the fall of that later became Lackawanna County. 1862. Three months after selling the patent "Lyman Wight was present in Whitewater, Wisconsin, rights to Wait, Lyman Wight moved to Waits on May 7, 1856, when he appeared before a judge regard ville to supervise manufacture of his wheel.^" ing a property transaction (Walworth County Mortgages, Presumably production of the pendulum 17:181). "William E, Wight diaries, wheels began almost immediately—just in ^'Three early models of the pendulum wheel made by time to capitalize on the desire of Wisconsin J. B. Wait at Waitsville survive in private ownership.
(1) Beginning to spin on the pen (2) Spinning: the pendulum (3) Length of yarn is spun: the dulum wheel: the spindle is near moves the .spindle away from the spindle is near the end of the pen the left hand. hand. dulum swing. (4) The spinner backs off to wind (5) Winding up the yarn: the hand (6) Winding is complete: the spin yarn onto the spindle. moves back toward the spindle. ner's hand is back in its original position near the spindle.
in the early manufactured models.^^ In the built and were reputed to be twice as fast as or spring of 1864, a new style of pendulum wheel dinary wool wheels."* Anticipating hard usage, was put into production. The new style Wait wrote on the label of his wheel, "to insure functioned exactly like the original but it re perfect success with this (or any other) spin sembled a large X."' About this time, Lytnan ning wheel, the boxes, journals and bearings Wight left Wait to work as a machinist and in must be oiled every day when in use."" Almost ventor." *The correspondent of the Prairie Farmer ("Who is Compared with spinning wheels of the Rich?" December 3, 1864) believed that the new looms "good old sort," the pendulum spinning and spinning wheels cut by half the time for making cloth. wheels were expensive. Kretsinger and Information with the pendulum wheel owned by the Starett's agricultural implement firm in Chi South Dakota State Historical Society at Pierre (Descriptive Catalogue of the South Dakota State Museum, July 1, 1922), cago sold them for $7.50 each in 1864.'' To indicates that its owners also believed it would cut the time justify their cost, pendulum wheels were well- of spinning by half Trials confirm that a pendulum wheel in good condition will spin more rapidly than an ordinary ^^UnHke the patent drawing, the tension bar on both wool wheel, but variations in the spinning characteristics the early production model and the wheel in the Lack of individual spinning wheels have made it impossible to awanna County Historical Society are curved. This simi determine the exact gain. larity of construction is evidence that Wight himself was ^'Label on pendulum wheel in collection of Octagon involved in the manufacture of both wheels. House Museum, Watertown, Wisconsin. The label on an ^'Advertisement in the Prairie Farmer, May 21, 1864. A early production-model pendulum wheel adds the follow wheel of this type is displayed by the Octagon House Mu ing: "By acting stricdy upon this suggestion, an experi seum, Watertown, Wisconsin. enced spinner will soon become satisfied that for ease and "William E. Wight diaries. These diaries do not indi dispatch of work this wheel is unrivaled. It is also easily cate the date when Wight left Wait's employment, but they made to serve as a Quill wheel by fastening a plain [bobbin suggest that it must have been before Wight's second mar to] the spindle upon the front of the bench, [thus] saving riage in September, 1863, the expense and encumbrance of [an additional] imple ^'Prairie Farmer, May 21,1864. ment."
(4) The pendulum backs off to be (5) Winding the yarn: spindle (6) Winding is complete: the .spin gin winding the yarn. moves bach toward hand. dle is back in its original position near the hand.
^
Drawings byjudy Patenaude from sketches by f'alricia Iliits. WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 immediately the pendulum wheel attracted at pendulum wheels for the eastern market.^^ tention at state and local fairs, and it won di Morehouse, whose factory was located in a plomas at both the 1864 and 1865 Wisconsin steam shingle mill along the banks of the St. state fairs.**" Inspired perhaps by the self- Lawrence River, was an enthusiastic salesman raking reaper shown at agricultural exposi tions, a woman from Sparta, Wisconsin, nick ='An advertisement for Morehouse appears in the named her pendulum wheel a self- Business Directory of Jefferson County [New York] raker—"because," she said, "the spindle trav 1866—1867, p. 98. No advertisement for Morehouse ap pears in the Jefferson County directory issued in eled instead of requiring the operator to 'run 1863-1864 or 1868-1869. The cut for the Morehouse ad to the spindle.' "*' Wait emphasized the fact vertisement was made by Bond Chandler of Chicago and that the spinner could sit at the pendulum had been used previously in the advertisement for Wait's wheels:'" pendulum wheels in the Prairie Farmer, May 21, 1864. David Pennington (A Pictorial Guide to American Spinning The operator is not required to stand up Wheels, 73) has suggested that the size of the drive wheels and walk back and forth while spinning, was larger on the pendulum wheels made in Wisconsin as with the old style, but can sit down than on those made in New York. In fact. Wait produced comfortably, and the spindle goes back pendulum wheels with both sizes of diameter drive wheel. and forth at the pleasure of the operator. To those who are unable to stand long on their feet, or to the infirm and crippled, these Wheels are a great advantage; and PITEM rEBfUH SPl>i.\l.\a WHEEL! even to the strong and active, who some times like to sit down between their Save Tme and Ilt^lth — Cannot be. Surpassed. housework, but do not like to be idle, this machine is well adapted, and is destined to supersede the old style.
Y 1866 Wait's mill in Waitsville B was going at full capacity, and a reporter for the Jejferson Banner who visited Waitsville that summer "found everything, as it ever is, in good shape for butchering wood," and he was informed that sales during the pre vious year had exceeded $25,000.^" In 1868 pendulum wheel manufacturing seemed so promising that S. W. Clark, a Prairie du Chien inventor, patented a new type with the pendu lum pivoting from the bottom rather than the Patented Marcli IS, IS.'i}. top.'^ Clark's invention posed no threat to Manufactured by WAIT & BUTTEICK, Wait, who had allowed a New York manufac Waitsville, Jefferson Co., "Wis. turer, M. S. Morehouse of Cape Vincent, to '•l^HIS Wtieel for end.! in worrkir!t g c.lnoAE be surpa'^sed. Tbs begin manufacture about 1866 of Wight's I '-pei.Hf<'pei.Hf<'r IiSs !i..t r»; nu*inu*iii lo .'-tHtid up uiid \**:ilk b.tfk H'i f rth while «f(inniii.(r. ;i,-^ xvitli ll!(^ t'td ^rvl*^ but cjm Mt ' d"U'n C'sliitortably. an ! tlu- spilulU' g't,-* luli K and i.'ltii at tho ! jik-a»iiri-< f tliri.|iiT;U(ir, T<> t!
yt^SiS'A Though IVIorehouse did not remain in pro lincinmirtt niffrn n <,i|H>1t « , f>is£if!ii, cti uem C:'tatimi't faa : duction long, he apparently influenced spin iiijt* 41 r»it tffl i'ttits « fowrifa, i ning wheel makers across the border in Upper Canada, where various types of pendulum «»If tIrtlBg wheels soon became popular. One Canadian 3roii .|aiil) ^ooin agricultural paper praised Lyman Wight's fatfuttitl -'in •«(•» isf^i. pendulum wheel as the "champion of the 4!" o .--^ -.n'tr? fn s rfift^ r^ :%--\x-: I at:: <•,; J,-.,) psa ;:iji , LtiMltrf ttn fwit 'pMrnttt West."'^ -,f:.M.i?':^ '.*'"f s.i8'.3a ^tiint'.i, '£*m ttr When the reporter for the Jefferson Banner ^j^nf'i •r,i i r fan^s.-rrt ;I(»!M ,i;tl IP«, if (a-, •, «• .ti.' ,-.. '.n* rc,;c'. A^'nf It f4S s:r?f ^reg^} visited Waitsville in the summer of 1866, he If . 4r!.iA •.ii u .\.:v:>Xui„t iljt« c^i l«jt Tjfwtf. Jf ::,;!,;-.*«'mff .I-,; -.IttB «t«titit„i It fan found Justin B. Wait prospering from the sale t.- y« '.n tfn ^<:,"f i'«^ a' Hist Jlil'tfnsifl fiokr :,i lit J^orr-nna"; «-. •"•nf tloretrti fat ! rat ttd of spinning wheels and ready to embark upon "it jsvjtvf irr; tf;i |., ia.ii ii. StJiBtptitr.t an even more ambitious venture—the manu :':,: :..: f.t :! • v:t ^inniMfj, Uttfci), I«iKlta«.,'t«iiN» f(si», ffaSKtttl. 2«He 8i»«, ISffM IB Scofield and Wait's loom won a twelve-ounce . # . si:*., *. *!»..>. *» ^^^^A Jt»'»*ii • ,. J2,':'' --^ silver medal at the Minnesota State Fair, and within the first year 350 iron looms were sold.''' While Wait had been building up his spin *»lt I-,,* ning wheel and loom business in Waitsville, •CI Henry B. Gallup and Charles Wood had estab J^^H^ .' lished a furniture manufactory in Water- town."'On July 1, 1867,JusUnB. Wait formed Watertown [Wisconsin] Historical Society a partnership with Gallup and Wood, and the The large, rectangular factory building of Wait, Gallup and combined firm of Wait, Gallup, and Wood Wood appears on Emmet Street in the center of this bird's-eye (usually called "Wait and Gallup" for short) view of Watertown drawn m 1867 by A. Ruger. quickly became one of the largest manufactur ers in Watertown, with a factory occupying the works easily, does not get out of carder, and is entire half-block between Emmett and West so simple that a child of ten can easily work it. Main (now Church) streets. Whereas Gallup One can weave everything on it, including rag and Wood had twenty employees and one carpets. A sixteen-year old girl is quickly able steam engine in 1864, the ensemble of Wait, to finish 35 yards of flannel a day on it.'''* An Gallup, and Wood employed sixty-five work agent for the iron loom was Ole O. Flom, a ers and operated three steam engines four Norwegian immigrant living near Utica, Dane years later. County, in the midst of Wisconsin's Koshkonong settlement. In the Norwegian- In February, 1868, Chicago Republican re language Emigranten, Flom advertised Sco porter L. W. Powell, found that Wait and Gal field and Wait's "Vaverstaole fer farmere," lup was capable of producing fifty spinning claiming that it could weave kersey, cassimere, wheels (traditional and pendulum types), five tweeds, jeans, satinet, rag carpets, Balmoral looms, fifty bedsteads, and 200 chairs a day. skirting, and seamless bags."^ The firm also maintained sawmills at Waits ville. Like the pendulum wheel, the iron loom was exhibited at state fairs as an agricultural In 1868 probably no firm in the Midwest machine. At the 1866 state fair in Janesville, had better facilities for manufacturing spin where the iron loom won a diploma, the man ning wheels, yard reels, and looms than did ufacturers' tent reverberated to the "click of Wait and Gallup. Powell was informed that the numerous sewing machines and the clank and firm intended to sell its products "as far West rattle of hand looms and spinning jennies." A as railroads run.""^ Janesville Gazette reporter who visited the tent echoed Wait's sentiments, writing that "good HESE expectations soon proved handlooms are so essential to the industry and T-too optimistic. Like the corres comfort of the thrifty settlers of wool growing pondent of the Prairie Farmer in 1864, Wait Wisconsin, that any improvement in their con undoubtedly thought that many farm families struction always occasions interest."''° In 1867 would continue making their own cloth "let '*Some pendulum wheels and yarn reels (including a "^WatertownDemocrat, February 27, 1868. reel) owned by the Octagon House Museum, Watertown, "^"Gallup and Wood have an extensive establishment Wisconsin) bear a label advertising the merits of the iron in the Third ward of this city, for the manufacture of vari loom in similar terms. ous articles. It is run by steam, having an engine of some '"Ole O. Flom and his brother Andrew Flom became 20 horsepower. Between fifteen and twenty mechanics well-known Madison area businessmen and farmers. The and laborers are employed by the firm, making 'Bed Flom brothers operated their agricultural implement steads, cribs and (we took the man's word for it) money!' company in Madison during the early 1870's, In 1876 'Charley' 'tends to the shop and machinery, while Mr. Gal their building, together with several others, was destroyed lup attends to outside matters.' " (Watertown Democrat, No by fire. An account of the fire mentions the loss of sewing vember 3, 1864.) machines but not of looms. (Obituary of Ole O. Flom, *'[L. W. Powell,] "Watertown. Its Location—Early His [1831-1918], in the Wisconsin State Journal, December 1, tory, Etc.," in the Watertown Democrat, February 27, 1868. 1918; "A Big Blaze," in the Wisconsin State Journal, Octo "Messrs. Wait, Gallup & Co., own one of the most exten ber 10, 1876.) MadisonSmig-ranten, March 11, 1867. sive establishments for the manufacture of spinning ''"Wisconsin Farmer, 1866, p, 391. Janesville Gazette, Sep wheels, looms, bedsteads, chairs, and other furniture, in tember 25, 1866, the northwest." (Watertown Democrat, October 24, 1867.) 14 HILTS AND HILTS: SPINNING WHEELS future events be as they may." In fact Wait and ing most of the following decade, he manufac Gallup's prosperity was dependent upon the tured hand rakes and bedsteads, but not spin continued high prices for cloth. The vulnera ning wheels."' Wood was a physically powerful bility of the firm was implicitly recognized by man who had been Wait and Gallup's shop the Watertown Weltbuerger when it endorsed manager, but he was not a sufficiently adroit the iron loom with the comment, "considering businessman to overcome the old firm's finan the present high tariff on woolen goods every cial difficulties. Suffering from money prob farmer will want to purchase such a ma lems that he blamed upon his creditors, Wood chine.""" At least in part because of the woolen assaulted a local banker and was charged with tariff, prices for cloth remained high for sev "intent to do great bodily harm." In October, eral years after the Civil War."" By 1870, how 1882, Wood moved to a farm near Unity in ever, prices showed signs of returning to nor Marathon County.™ mal levels, removing the economic incentive Although Wait failed to sell spinning for farm families to do their own spinning and wheels and looms on a grand scale, William H. weaving. Main, a Crawford County millwright and mill The fortunes of Wait, Gallup, and Wood owner, continued to believe that spinning fell even more rapidly than the prices of cloth. wheels could be sold at least in small numbers. The high point probably was the year 1868. In 1870 he patented a small, iron spinning After that, tax records revealed steadily di wheel which could be clamped on a table." minishing capital and inventory."" Henry B. Only a few wheels were manufactured accord Gallup, who was responsible for the firm's ing to Main's specifications, but they appar business office, died in 1870 after a long ill ently attracted the attention of John Bryce, ness."' On November 20, 1870, Jusfin B. Wait Wait's machinist at Waitsville. When Wait closed his post office in Waitsville, and the moved to Grand Haven, Bryce followed and next spring he moved to Grand Haven, Michi set up a machine shop. In 1872 Bryce pat gan. During the disastrously hot summer of ented a variation of Main's spinning wheel, 1871, which culminated in the fires at Chicago and asked Levi Scofield, the inventor of the and Peshtigo, a large section of a wood lot iron loom, to be an official witness of the pat owned by Wait, Gallup, and Wood near Waits ent application. Soon Bryce began making his ville also burned. By the end of that year, pro patent spinning wheel, and by 1874 he had a duction of pendulum spinning wheels and iron looms ceased."" "'For a few months the manufacturing facilities were Among the original partners, only Charles idle. On August 14, 1872, the Watertown Republican noted Wood remained in Watertown after 1872 at the "cry of hard times" but also announced that in two weeks Charles Wood was going to put the old factory into the old Wait and Gallup facilities. There, dur- running order. It alluded to the fate of Wait, Gallup, and Wood indirectly by writing, "we trust the old factory in the "^Watertown Weltbuerger, November 9, 1867, hands of a new proprietor may be a paying institution." '^''Harry Brown, "The Fleece and Loom: Wool Grow On May 14, 1873, the same paper noted that Charles ing and Wool Manufacturing During the Civil War Dec Wood had commenced the installation of a new boiler and ade," Business History Review: 30:1-27 (1955), engine room and it added, "we are glad to note these evi ""Assessment Rolls for City of Watertown, 1867-1872, dences of prosperity in Mr. Wood's business." Charles Jefferson County Series 10 (State Historical Society of Wood advertised himself as a chair and bedstead maker as Wisconsin—Whitewater Area Research Center). By 1879 well as a rake maker in the Watertown Directory (Water- the firm was in receivership (Milwaukee Sentinel, Septem town, Wisconsin: Pryor & Co., 187.5-1876), 81, 88. In ber 24, 1879). 1877 Sillaman Ford, the son of Simeon Ford, also oper "Obituary of Henry B. Gallup (1827-1870), in the ated a wool carding business in part of the old Wait, Gal Watertown Democrat, May 19, 1870. lup, and Wood factory (Milwaukee Sentinel, May 17, 1877). """The post office in Waitsville . . . has been discontin '"Obituary of Charies Wood (1827-1908) in the Water- ued for the reason that no one can be found to take charge townDaily Times, May 18, 1908; Colby Phonograph, May 21, of it." ( Milwaukee Sentinel, December 9, 1870.) After the 1908. Articles about the assault and charges filed ap death of Henry B, Gallup, the name of Wait, Wood, and peared in the Milwaukee Sentinel on September 10, Octo Gallup was changed to Wait and Wood, Wait apparently ber 4, 5, and 6, 1881, and in the Watertown Democrat on removed himself from Wait and Wood sometime before February 23, 1882. February of 1871, when the name of the firm was changed "United States patent 103,906; issued June 7, 1870. A to Wood and Baird, (Samuel Baird was a lawyer who had William H. Main spinning wheel is exhibited by the Milton been one of the original partners,) For several months House Historical Society, Milton, Wisconsin. Main com Wood and Baird continued to make the iron loom and mitted suicide on his farm in 1887 (Wisconsin Vital Statis possibly the pendulum spinning wheel. tics Records, Dra^fa, 1887,1:81). 15 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 foundry, machine shop, and spinning wheel and a refrigerator patented in 1890 which was factory in Grand Haven.'' sold as the Challenge Refrigerator. When Sco Wait did not join John Bryce in the manu field left as superintendent of the Challenge facture of spinning wheels in Grand Haven. Company in the early 1890's, that company Instead, he sought to recoup his fortunes by owned fifteen buildings and covered twenty making hand rakes again. On July 4, 1871, acres of land. Until the advent of mechanical Justin B. Wait advertised in the Grand Haven refrigerators for the home, the Challenge Union that he had leased C. De Vleiger's plan Company was Grand Haven's largest em ing mill. A new J. B. Wait Company was incor ployer.'" porated in 1873, and that same year Wait pro Back in Wisconsin, Lyman Wight, the in duced 30,000 hand rakes. Once again, also. ventor of the pendulum spinning wheel, also Wait and Levi Scofield were manufacturing was thinking about corn planters in the early one of Scofield's inventions—Scofield and 1870's. After leaving Waitsville in 1863, Wight Wait's Challenge Planter. returned to Whitewater. There he worked for The Challenge corn planter was invented at a time as a machinist with the Esterly Reaper exactly the right time, and the Wait Company Works. Like Justin B. Wait, George Esterly, of Grand Haven prospered. By the end of the the founder of the Esterly Company, had be decade. Wait employed sixty men. For un gun as a maker of hand rakes, but then had ex known reasons both Justin B. Wait and Levi panded into patent horse rakes rather than Scofield left Wait's Grand Haven Company in spinning wheels and looms. For several dec 1879. Wait moved to a sheep ranch near Elm ades, Esterly contributed to Whitewater's rep Creek in Buffalo County, Nebraska, where he utation as a center of agricultural inventive died on September 12, 1888.'' Scofield even ness. After a fourteen-year period of creative tually returned to Grand Haven, and in 1882 dormancy, Lyman Wight received three pat was elected mayor. The firm founded by Wait ents in 1871 and 1872—for a seeder that could was renamed the Challenge Cornplanter be attached to a cultivator, for a grain drill, Company, and it continued to benefit from and for a corn planter.'" Wight hoped to man Scofield's inventions, including improve ufacture his inventions with Orison G. Ewing, ments upon the corn planter, a checkrower, a nearby farmer with inventive tastes and some money. Manufacturing agricultural ma "United States Census, 1870 (Jefferson County, Wis chinery, however, had become a highly com consin, 1:111). The census lists Bryce as thirty-seven years petitive business, and Wight's and Ewing's old and born in Scotland. Unlike several of Wait's employ plans were never fulfilled. According to ees the census does not indicate that Bryce was employed Ewing's wife, Wight's inventions required in the rake factory, and so he may have had an indepen dent shop, John Bryce (1834-1896) was buried in Lake greater capital than Ewing possessed—"Wight Forest Cemetery, Grand Haven, Michigan. Bryce's wheel had the brains and Ewing had the money; and is described and illustrated in David Pennington, A Picto rial Guide to American Spinning Wheels, 74—75. "In the History of Ottawa County, Michigan, 1882 (p. 48) it is stated that Wait severed his connection with his Grand '••"Grand Haven's Industries," Grand Haven Illustrated, Haven company in 1879 and moved to Kansas. However, May 20, 1892 (Grand Rapids, Michigan; Michigan En "Kansas" was a mistake for "Nebraska." Wait's Nebraska graving and Publishing Co., 1892), 44—46. "Grand Haven property is indicated on the map of Buffalo County, Ne Enterprises and Institutions," Courier-Journal Annual Illus braska, published in 1889 by W. W. Alt and Porterfield, a trated, 1895, compiled by H. Potts (Grand Haven, Michi copy of which is in the possession of the Buffalo County gan, 1895). "The Challenge Refrigerator Company," Historical Society, in Kearney, Nebraska, According to Grand Haven Tribune, Souvenir Edition, April, 1907, Levi the 1885 Nebraska state census, Justin B, Wait's farm had Scofield (1825-1915) died in Volney, New York, and was a value of $1400 in land and buildings and $1400 in live buried in Lake Forest Cemetery, Grand Haven, Michigan. stock. The census indicates that in 1885 Wait sheared 583 '^Patent for broadcast seeder and cultivator combined fleeces, weighing 2915 pounds. After Wait's death, the (United States patent 112,663; issued March 14, 1871); value of his property fell dramatically, due to a drought patent for improvement in seeding machines (United that affected much of Nebraska, and as a result his estate States patent 122,300; issued December 26, 1871); patent was bitterly contested in probate, Justin B, Wait's probate grain drill (United States patent 122,299; issued Decem records are in the Buffalo County Court, Kearney, Ne ber 26, 1871); patent for corn planter (United States pat braska. Orpha M. Waite, Altadena, California, has pro ent 129,383, issued July 16, 1872), A photograph of the vided us with information about the descendants of j. B. seeding machine patent taken by the Whitewater photog Wait, She is the wife of Wait's grandson, Claire B, Waite, rapher Miss L, A, Hart is in the collections of the Whitewa who adds an "e" to the family name. ter Historical Society in Whitewater, Wisconsin. 16 HILTS AND HlLTS: SPINNING WHEELS the brains were too much for the money."'" Mrs. Blake lived on an isolated farm near Ru Wight died in Whitewater on May 27, 1906. dolph in Wood County.'" Only nine years elapsed between the time Justin B. Wait purchased the rights to manu Mrs. Blake, Wife of Mr. Alanson Blake, facture Lyman Wight's pendulum spinning has this season spun the wool off 26 wheel and the collapse of Wait, Gallup, ancl sheep, making 120,200 yards of yarn, be Wood in Watertown. Soon most traces of the sides making 67 pounds of butter, and venture disappeared. South of Farmington in doing the work for a family averaging 6 Jefferson County no remains now exist of daily. When we consider the distance she Wait's mill, except for an unusually large well must have had to travel to spin so much we think it is doing pretty well for a serving the needs of a modern dairy farm. So woman 62 years of age. The most yarn totally was the name "Waitsville" obliterated spun in one day was 7,000 yards, averag from memory that a Watertown lawyer in ing daily 4,100 yards. If any one can beat 1963 wrote an article entitled "Yes Sir, Jeffer this, let's hear from them. son County Once Had a Waitsville" in order to prove its existence." The factory of Wait, Unlike Mrs. Blake, most of Wisconsin's Gallup, and Wood in Watertown gave way be handspinners in the late nineteenth century fore 1900 to the gardens of a prominent den came from Germany, the Scandinavian coun tist, and these in turn were replaced by a tries, or Finland, where handspinning and church parking lot.'* Perhaps somewhere there is an iron loom rusting unappreciated, "Grand Rapids, Wisconsin, Wood County Reporter, No but if so, its location is unknown. A few of the vember 6, 1873. "Alanson Blake," History of Wood County, pendulum spinning wheels, however, still sur Wisconsin, compiled by George O. Jones, Norman S. Mc- vive, bearing a silent testimonial, "Manufac •Vean, and others (Minneapolis-Winona: H. C. Cooper, Jr. & Co., 1923), 422. Mrs. Blake was born in 1811 and died in tured by J. B. Wait, Waitsville, Jefferson 1899. County, Wisconsin." HEN cloth prices fell at the be- w ning of the 1870's, clothmaking at home ended, but some Wis 311 consin women continued to spin. In Novem 531 ber, 1873, a tribute to Mrs. Alanson Blake's endurance as a hand-spinner appeared in the Wood County Reporter. Born in New York City, '""Orison Grey Ewing (1816-1891)," La Grange Pio neers (Walworth County, Wisconsin: La Grange Ladies' Aid Society, 1935: 64-67). In 1854 O. G. Ewing patented an improvement in ploughs (United States patent 11,601, issued August 29, 1854). A flourishing farmer, O, G, Ewing appears to have given support to both Wait and Wight, On October 9, 1872, O, G, Ewing purchased some 'm^H?,: of Wait's property south of Waitsville (Watertown Times, September 16, 1963). Interview with Floyd Ewing in April, 1981. Floyd Ewing remembers that one of the Wight and Ewing seeders still existed during his boyhood ' * in the early twentieth century. ''''Watertown Times, September 16, 1963, -.'•':'-. ~ 'L:4f L'^-^*' /'. >' '• ""Dr, A, Solliday has purchased the estate of Waite, WHi (D:i 1)249 Gallup, Wood & Co,, in the 3rd ward, for the sum of When Andrew Dahl the photographer came to call, people $1,500. The machinery of this estate will be sold on the assembled their most prized possessions in front of their homes and 31st inst," in the Watertown Democrat (January 26, 1882). The Wait, Gallup, and Wood factory on Emmett Street in then froze alongside them. In this instance, however, the woman Watertown had disappeared by the time a map of the at right continued working at her pendulum spinning wheel. "City of Watertown" was published by Morris, Wellge and (Detail from a larger photo.) Co, of Milwaukee in 1885, 17 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 weaving were still common.*' Ideals of indus Immigrant women either brought a spin try and thrift impelled these immigrant ning wheel with them or bought one here. In women to contribute to the household econ Germany and the Scandinavian countries, omy by using their traditional skills. Even spinning wheels were given as wedding though handspun yarn for weaving was no presents and were considered appropriate for longer in demand, it was often preferred for a dowry. Such wheels were prized possessions knitting. Even during the Civil War many not easily left behind. Fortunately, most women probably knitted rather than wove wheels could be easily disassembled and their handspun yarn.*" placed in a large immigrant trunk. One pic Socks and stockings were commonly knit ture of Norwegians emigrating to America from handspun yarn. Norwegian ladies, for showed a spinning wheel ready to depart the example, spun yarn for the long, black stock homeland.*" A double-flyer wheel given to ings which they and their daughters tradition Anna Bohue in 1867 when she attained the ally wore over their long underwear and up to age of majority in Germany, also eventually their thighs. Sometimes they were scratchy, came to Wisconsin."" and when wet, they sometimes smelled. How Yet fewer spinning wheels were brought to ever, handspun socks and stockings were America by the first generation of immigrants cheap. While ordinary cotton fabrics sold dur than has been assumed by their descendants. ing the 1890's for only a dime a yard, a pair of Most emigrants did not want the extra burden equally ordinary socks cost a quarter, and then nor the extra expense. To meet the needs of wore out quickly. Wool knitting yarn at that these settlers, several Wisconsinites began to time cost approximately a dollar per pound."^ make spinning wheels during the last decades Few spinners, one may be certain, relegated of the nineteenth century. Unlike Justin B. all their handspun yarn to footwear. Some im Wait, these men had no desire to produce new migrant mothers disliked spending cash for types of patent spinning wheels, nor did they any purpose, and used handspun yarn to intend to build a large factory production. make presents. Often they knit handspun caps Most of them specialized in making spinning that were fondly remembered by their chil wheels as similar as possible to those of the old dren. These caps were warm and, perhaps be country. Since flax wheels predominated in cause the yarn still held its natural oil, did not Germany and the Scandinavian countries, allow the wind to blow through. Mothers these usually, if not universally, were made in sometimes knit handspun sweaters which Wisconsin after the 1870's. A few immigrants lasted for years, and occasionally they were did, in fact, spin flax at this time, and a hank of even more indulgent. One son received base handspun flax won a prize at the Jefferson balls fashioned by winding handspun yarn County Fair in 1879.**" Mostly, however, Wis into balls and stitching together the surface. consin women during the late nineteenth cen tury spun wool, even when using a traditional flax wheel. '"Richard H. Zeitlin, Germans in Wisconsin (Madison: It is likely that someone made Norwegian- State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1977), 19. RichardJ. style spinning wheels in Wisconsin, although Fapso, Norwegians in Wisconsin (Madison: State Historical his identity is unknown. He may have made Society of Wisconsin, 1977), 22, 31. Mark Knipping, fmm the four spinning wheels photographed by in WiscoTuin (Madison: State Historical Society of Wiscon sin, 1977), 36—37. Patricia Baines, Spinning Wheels, Spin ners, and Spinning (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, ^'Richard J. Fapso, Norwegians in Wisconsin, 8. 1977), 120-121, The persistence of Finnish spinning is *^Lois Jeanne Wolff, "A Descriptive Analysis of Spin described in Veera Vallinheimo, Das Spinnen in Fmnland, ning Wheels Owned, Repaired, and Handcrafted by Les unter besonderer beriicksichtingungschwedischer tradition (Hel ter Lengfeld of Sheboygan, Wisconsin (unpublished M.S. sinki, 1956). German spinning wheels, including thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1973), 72, plate 57, nineteenth-century improvements on the traditional ''Adam Robish of Aztalan won one prize at the Jeffer wheel, are described in Hugo Edier von Rettich, Spinnrad- son County Fair in 1879 for "dressed flax" and another Typen, einesammlung von hand-spinngerdthen (Wein, 1895). for "spun flax," Robish (1819-1886) was a native of Ho- "Susan Bleuterio, "Oral History Interview with Agnes henbraun, Wansidel, Germany, He came to Wisconsin in Lee on May 11,1978, at Deerfield, Wisconsin." (State His 1853 and lived on a farm four miles north of Aztalan (Jef torical Society of Wisconsin Archives.) ferson County Fair Records, 1879, in Jefferson County '^These prices are from the Sears, Roebuck and the Fair Office, Jefferson, Wisconsin; Obituary of Adam Rob Montgomery Ward's catalogs. ish in the Jefferson Banner, May 13, 1886). 18 Andrew Dahl—a Norwegian immigrant who was a photographer in Dane County in the 1870's—at the Amund Rustebakke family home near Black Earth in Dane County. When taking a family portrait, Dahl often as sembled the family at home with its most prized possessions. Mrs. Amund Rustebakke posed outside her front door, surrounded by four young women spinning on four nearly identical wheels. The Rustebakkes were Nor wegian immigrants, and three of the four women were Amund Rustebakke's daughters, while the fourth was probably a daughter-in- Courtesy of Mrs, Olive Riemer law. All four wheels may have come from Nor Ernst Mechelke. way, but it is more likely that they were made in Wisconsin. The wheels had a steeply sloping his first spinning wheel. In Watertown, Philip bench with a violin-shaped cutout. Several Heizmann, a bachelor woodworker who had very similar Norwegian-style spinning wheels, come from the German province of Baden, possibly made by the same maker, still exist in was reputed to have lived "to the last accord Wisconsin."" ing to the traditions and customs of his coun try." His shop, powered by the rapids of the ANDSPINNING was especially Rock River, could be identified by its sign of H common in the late nineteenth the spinning wheel.*" In Beaver Dam, Joseph century in rural Wisconsin where a large num Esch made spinning wheels in a small shop at ber of German immigrants settled. Dodge the back of his home on East Mill Street, where County, for example, supported several he also manufactured cabinets, chairs, and makers of German-style spinning wheels. bedsteads."" In Hustisford, Ernst Mechelke Three of them came to Wisconsin from Ger advertised as a wheel maker and produced many just after the 1848 revolution, and al both wagon-wheel hubs and typical German- though all three were producing wheels by style wheels with the additional refinement of 1890, it is not known when any of them made freed ring turnings."' Most craftsmen did not ""We are indebted to David Mandel of the State His "Obituary of Phillip Heizmann (1814-1896) in the torical Society of Wisconsin for the information about An Watertown Republican, March 11, 1896. ElmerC, Kiessling, drew L. Dahl. Interview with Mrs. Grace Rustebakke, Ni Watertown Remembered (Watertown Historical Society, agara, North Dakota, June, 1980. Identification of 1976), 68, Rustebakke spinners has been made by comparison of ^^Souvenir Program and Centennial History, Beaver Dam, Rustebakke family photographs in possession of Mrs. Wisconsin, July 2,3, 4,5, and 6,1941 (Beaver Dam, Wiscon Grace Rustebakke. We also have been allowed to use the sin: Historical Committee of the Beaver Dam Centennial, manuscript "Rustebakke Family History" owned by Mrs, 1941), 92, Obituary of Joseph Esch (1816-1893) in the Rustebakke. Beaver Dam Argus,'Decemher 14, \&9'i.The Centennial His Three spinning wheels nearly like, if not actually iden tory notes that "many of these old spinning wheels are still tical to, the wheels shown in the Rustebakke photograph in good condition although there may be few women who are in the possession of the Little Norway Museum, Blue could use them." No wbeels identified as having been Mounds, Wisconsin. Since Little Norway is only a few manufactured by Esch, however, have been located. miles from Black Earth, and the spinning wheels for the *'Herb Neuenschwander, local historian, has shared Little Norway collection were purchased locally, it is possi with us his research on Hustisford history. According to ble that they are three of the four wheels depicted in the Neuenschwander, Mechelke sold his property in Hustis photograph. One of the three wheels has the identifica ford in 1898. Mechelke is remembered in Hustisford to tion mark "J.S," In 1870 there was a Black Earth furniture have had a foot-power lathe, to have sung while he maker named Joseph Schanel who advertised (Black Earth worked, and to have manufactured the carts used in Hus Advertiser, August, 1870) that he manufactured and kept tisford for transporting milk to the cheese factory. Mrs. on hand furniture of all descriptions, but there is no cor Olive Reimer, Sheppardsville, Kentucky, who is one of roborating evidence that Schanel manufactured spinning Mechelke's granddaughters, has supplied pictures of wheels. One other somewhat similar wheel is depicted in Mechelke and information from a family Bible. Mechelke Louis Wolff, "A Descriptive Analysis of Spinning Wheels was born in Prussia in 1832 and died in Milwaukee on ... by Lester Lengfeld," 36, plate 13. A Norwegian wheel March 26, 1923. A Mechelke spinning wheel is exhibited of the same style is illustrated in Patricia Baines, Spinning by the Hustisford Historical Society, Hustisford, Wiscon Wheels, Spinners, and Spinning, 121. sin. 19 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 sign their wheels, but Mechelke stenciled "Ernst Mechelke, Hustisford, Wis., Garantirt" on the table of his. Joseph Esch died in 1893, and about 1895 Ernest Mechelke quit making spinning wheels. When Philip Heizmann died in 1896, the Watertown Weltbuerger inquired, "Who will now make spinning wheels for our old Ger man women?"™ In fact, spinners still had sources of supply, and Wisconsin spinning wheel makers were very active. After Heiz- mann's death, Henry Lotz and Carl Schultz were in business in Horicon as manufacturers and dealers in the Horicon Spinning Wheels. Horicon wheels, which were upright flyer wheels quite different from Mechelke's wheel, were sold from 1895 until about 1900, when Lotz became the proprietor of a Horicon bak ery."' Between 1895 and 1904, John B. Lardi- nois advertised as a spinning wheel maker in Rosiere, a conservative Belgian settlement on the boundary between Kewaunee and Door counties. Lardinois, who had come to Wiscon sin with his parents in 1856, spoke only his na Courtesy of Mrs, Olive Riemer tive Walloon and was known as a jack-of-all- The fine craftsmanship of Ernst Mechelke is evident in the trades. He manufactured an upright spinning spinning wheel photographed by F. J. Steinborn in the wheel, a wheel with a flat table, and a wheel 1890's. somewhat resembling the German wheels."'^ In the Wisconsin Gazetteer and Business Direc Y 1905, few Wisconsin com tory for 1901-1902, Peter Berres of West B munities still had a spinning Bend stated that he made wagons, carriages, wheel maker. Mayville was the exception. In and spinning wheels. The most important deed, Mayville was the only place in Wisconsin center of spinning wheel making in Wisconsin where spinning wheels were manufactured al after 1895, however, was not Horicon, Ro most continuously from the Civil War until the siere, or West Bend, but Mayville—again in beginning of the twentieth century. Dodge County. Immigrants from Pomerania in northern Germany arrived in Mayville during the nine '"Quoted in part in Elmer C. Kiessling, Watertown Re teenth century, and the city flourished as the membered, 68. Exact quotation supplied to us by Kiessling center of a rich agricultural region and as the from his notes. "Obituary and picture of Henry Lotz (1853-1927) in site of an important iron works."' At the end of the Milwaukee Journal, March 7, 1927; Horicon Reporter, the Civil War, one Mayville business was the March 11, 1927. A spinning wheel resembling the illustra steam turning works of Beverung and Meyer. tion in the advertisement for the Horicon Spinning Wheel In 1865 Beverung and Meyer issued an adver is exhibited by the Dodge County Historical Society in tising circular (destined to reappear by chance Beaver Dam, Wisconsin. It is not certain that the spinning wheel displayed by the Horicon Historical Society in Hori seventy years later behind an old picture con, Wisconsin, was actually manufactured bv Lotz and frame) which listed chairs, bedsteads, bu Shultz. reaus, washstands, what-nots, and four differ ^''Wisconsin Gazeteer and Business Directory, 1895-96, ent types of spinning wheels."" According to 1509. Wisconsin Gazeteer and Business Directory, 1903—1904, 1055. Xavier Martin, "The Belgians of Northeast Wiscon "^mayville, 125 Years, "Quasiqui," 1847-1922 (Mayville, sin" Wisconsin Historical Collections 13: 375-396 (1895), Wisconsin: Service Printing and Publishing, 1972). The Hjalmar R, Holand, Wisconsin's Belgian Community (Stur Mayville News Bicentennial Supplement, September 16, geon Bay, Wisconsin: Door County Historical Society, 1976. Evaline Boeck has helped us greatly in appreciating 1933), Interview with Dan Lardinois, the son of John B. the history of Mayville. Lardinois, Green Bay, Wisconsin, August, 1981. John B. '^"Furniture List Found Behind Picture Revives Mem Lardinois was born in 1847 and died in 1924. ory of Pioneer Industry,"MajiwY/eA'^iu.s, October 30, 1935. 20 HILTS AND HILTS: SPINNING WHEELS partner, Auguste Roethke. Philipp and Roethke continued to advertise German spin ning wheels as a specialty, and an 1885 bird's-eye-view map of Mayville lists them as manufacturers of furniture and spinning wheels. Later, Philipp and Roethke's firm was succeeded by a partnership between Henrich RuedebuSh and Heinrich Butter and was re named the Mayville Furniture Company, which advertised spinning wheels into the twentieth century."" Although German-style spinning wheels still sold well among the German women of Dodge County, after 1900 the market for wheels from Mayville was no longer entirely local. One of the Mayville Furniture Compa ny's largest orders, for a thousand spinning wheels, came in 1900 and kept five woodwork ers busy all summer."" While it is not known who placed the order, it was probably either a mail-order company or one of the large hard ware wholesalers. Sears, Roebuck and Com- ^^Dodge County Pionier, Mayville, May 14, 1885. "May Dodge County Historical Society, Beavei Dam ville, Wisconsin, Dodge County, 1885," Beck & Pauli, Spinning wheel probably manufactured by H. Lotz and C. Litho., Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Auguste Roethke obituary Schultz in Horicon, about 1895. in the Mayville News, March 25, 1936. Heinrich Butter obituary in the Dodge County Pionier, May 18,1906. Robert H. Butter obituary in the Mayville News, October 9, 1940. Dodge County Pionier, March 3, 1892. the circular, the firm's customers could pur ^Dodge County Pionier, Mayville, August 3, 1900. chase spinning wheels made from either hard wood or softwood, and had their choice of fifteen-inch, sixteen-inch, or twenty-inch Tiie Mauyllle SolonlfiQ WW drive wheels. The spinning wheel illustrated in the circular was a flax wheel of a type com For Spinning Flax and Wool. mon in Germany, and possibly was modeled after wheels from Pomerania. The circular listed no prices. It is not known how long Beverung and 'X Meyer produced spinning wheels, nor how long the firm remained in business. Beverung and Meyer appears to have been succeeded by a series of Mayville furniture-making firms, each of which specialized in German-style n> spinning wheels. The first such firm, appear '/ — ing in a Mayville directory as early as 1873, was owned by Adam Dietz and Julius Philipp. Though Dietz and Philipp's earliest advertise ments did not mention spinning wheels, in 1884 they proclaimed, "Deutsche spinnrader I >.': «.• nwna- '**' ' ''"111- mrtal eine Spezialitat unserer Fabrik" in the June .i.!--.«llf and vxtn "••• 26 edition of the German-language Dodge t w ot ....i, „,*,*..» County Pionier. In March, 1885, Adam Dietz WHi (X3) 38948 was drowned under the ice behind his work Undated advertisement for Frank Fell's Mayville Spinning shop, and Julius Philipp was joined by a new Wheel. 21 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 pany never sold spinning wheels through in English and German that the spinning their catalog, but between 1893 and 1911, wheel was for spinning both wool and flax."" Montgomery Ward's illustrated a wheel in its A series of pocket-sized red notebooks, in catalog described as a German or flax wheel which Fell recorded his spinning wheel sales, that was remarkably similar to the one in the documented his success as the last of May Beverung and Meyer's circular. ville's spinning wheel makers.'"" During 1905, In 1904 the Mayville Furniture Company his first year of making spinning wheels, Fell ceased to manufacture furniture and became sold 287 wheels. Subsequently he sold more a retailer only. The German-style spinning than 300 spinning wheels almost every year— wheel that had become a Mayville trademark, 339 wheels in 1907; 354 wheels in 1908; 108 however, continued to be manufactured by wheels in 1909; and 313 wheels in 1910. Fell's Frank Fell, a woodworker who had joined output of spinning wheels was almost the same Mayville's furniture factory in 1884. Fell was as that achieved by E. Palmer Andrus just be not German. His father was an English cabinet fore the Civil War. Surprisingly, the prices maker who had come to Mayville in the 1840's charged for Fell's wheels were lower than with a chest of tools and a large workbench those charged by Andrus—a wheel from Fell which Fell inherited. When the Mayville Fur in 1905 cost $2. Fell's largest customers were niture Company discontinued manufactur the Pritzlaff Hardware Company of Milwau ing, he purchased their large lathe, and in kee, the Salzer Seed Company of La Crosse, 1905 Fell began turning out the Mayville Spin and Janney, Semple, Hill & Company of Min ning Wheel. Without exaggeration he claimed neapolis. These firms retailed Fell's wheels that wheels from Mayville had been "the through their catalogs. Individual orders for standard for over forty years."^" wheels came from across the country, includ Fell set up his spinning wheel shop in a ing the sheep-producing areas of the far small building at the rear of his home on Fur West.'"' nace Street. There he worked with the regu larity of a factory employee—arriving and HERE was a small flurry of in leaving the shop on a set schedule. A daugh T' terest in handspinning during ter, one of Fell's eight children, wrote: "He and after the First World War reminiscent of would make up perhaps a hundred of each the enthusiasm for the wheel and loom during part at a time, and then assemble the wheels. the Civil War. The problem this time was not My brothers and sister and I, and sometimes the shortage of cotton and the high price of my mother, did help him a little. Usually he wool, but rather the linen famine, mentioned worked alone.""" Occasionally, neighborhood by William Jay Robinson of the Society for the children helped. One Mayville schoolgirl, who Revival of Household Industries and Domes pasted labels on the wheels, remembered re tic Arts in New York in a letter that appeared garding the job as a privilege. The labels stated in the New York Times on April 1, 1920: ''We thank Neil Ackley, St. Cloud, Minnesota, for let "The obituary of Frank Fell (1865-1935) in the iWoy- ting us examine the label on his Mayville wheel. ville News, ]une 5, 1935, states that Fell began work in the '""One of these notebooks (1910) is in the possession of old "Reudenbusch and Roethke furniture factory," which the Mayville Historical Society, Mayville, Wisconsin. The may have existed before the formation of the Mayville other notebooks are in the possession of Mrs, |anet Rot Furniture Factory, Florence Fell (Frank Fell's daughter), ter, "The Spinning Wheel," a manuscript in possession of '"'John Pritzlaff Hardware Co. Catalogue is in the posses Janet Rotter, Fell's granddaughter and a niece of Florence sion of the Milwaukee County Historical Society, The date Fell, Correspondence regarding Frank Fell and his spin of this catalog is about 1907, and it indicates that a "(ier- ning wheels is in the possession of the Mayville Historical man Spinning Wheel, Hardwood, Well Made, Complete Society in Mayville, Wisconsin, Frank Fell's large work with 3 spools" sold for $5,00. The illustration is of a more bench, originally owned by his father, is on display in the elaborate spinning wheel than that made by Fell, A similar cabinet maker's shop at Stonefield Village in Cassville, cut is in a somewhat later catalog of Janney, Scrapie, Hill & Wisconsin. Undated advertisement in possession of Janet Co,, Minneapolis, in the collection of the State Historical Rotter. Since Fell died a few weeks before the rediscovery Society of Wisconsin, In this catalog, "German spinning of the Beverung and Meyer advertisement behind an old wheels for flax or wool" were |8.50, Since Fell's prices picture frame, he did not know that spinning wheels had never reached the levels of the two hardware companies, been made in Mayville for even longer than forty years. he apparently sold his wheels retail for what were ordinar ''Florence Fell, "The Spinning Wheel," ily wholesale prices. 22 HILTS AND HILTS: SPINNING WHEELS Unlike earlier periods of adversity, hand- spinning did not revive during the Great De pression. In 1932 Fell sold fifty-two spinning wheels. By then he was increasingly making other wooden objects for sale such as tilt-top tables, candlesticks, stools, and lamp bases. Nonetheless when Fell died in May, 1935, un finished orders for spinning wheels were on his workbench. Even yet the tradition of spinning wheelmaking by the Fell family was not over. After Frank Fell's death, his son Sidney put to gether some of the parts for spinning wheels that were in his shop. Sidney, a high-school principal in Oshkosh, retired to Clearwater Lakes in northern Wisconsin, where he con tinued to make spinning wheels similar to those produced by his father. Shortly before Sidney Fell's death in the 1950's, he was photo graphed outside his shop surrounded by Courtesy of Mrs. Janet Rotter and Hans Kuelher seven spinning wheels he had made.'"' Frank Fell in his spinning wheel workshop in Mayville in FTER 1930, few Wisconsin the early twentieth century. A mothers taught their daughters to spin. By the Second World War there were many more spinning wheels stored in Wiscon During the war hand knitting, which had sin's museums and attics than there were almost become a lost art, was revived and women who could use them. Nevertheless, in millions of socks were knitted by our pa September, 1981, more than two hundred triotic women and sent abroad to our sol spinners attended the eighth meeting of Spin- diers. This effort gave a great appetite and zest for the re-establishment of^some In Wisconsin, an annual convention of hand of our old home industries. We spun and spinners.'"" What was once an economic neces wove in the last century as nigh as sity has become a recreation. Some of today's 5,000,000 yards of linen in New York spinners have taken up the spinning wheel as a State, and in the other Eastern States way of understanding the past. Others, per- about 21,000,000 yards. We have in and around New York hundreds of foreign women who are adept on the spinning '"'^"Reveals Use of Homespun—Spinning Wheel wheel and hand loom, and who can be Builder Says Many Buyers Spin Yarn," Milwaukee Journal, used as teachers to bring back that im November 9, 1930. "Spinning Wheels Still in Demand," Christian Science Monitor, December 22, 1930. portant home industry. Now that we '°'"Ex-Oshkosh Principal Only U.S. Spinning Wheel nave a linen famine all over the world, Maker," Milwaukee Sentinel, June 5, 1950, Virginia S. there are also available a large number of Eifert, Land of the Snowshoe Hare (New York: Dodd, Mead spinning wheels. &Co., 1960), 157-169. fnVntfa [Chevrolet magazine], Jan uary, 1955. Interview, July, 1980, with Mrs. Sidney Fell, Despite Robinson's efforts, spinning and '"Meetings of Spin-In Wisconsin are described in Don weaving did not become profitable household Aucutt, "Fleece and Grease and Leonardo da Vinci," Wts- industries, and by 1930, Fell's spinning wheel consin Trails 20: 34—36 (1979), Some of the contemporary interest in handspinning and handweaving is docu business was sufficiently anachronistic to com mented in the papers of the Madison Weavers Guild, State mand attention in the national press. Contrary Historical Society of Wisconsin, Also see Paula to what might have been expected, Fell told re Brookmire, "All Roads Lead to Looms: Island Business porters at that time that two thirds of his spin has Many Addresses," in the Milwaukee Journal, August ning wheels were still purchased to spin yarn. 26, 1979. This article is about Sievers Looms of Washing ton Island, Wisconsin. Since 1981 Richard and Elain Stolt- However, he also admitted that "the spinning zenburg of Sheboygan, Wi.sconsin, have edited and pub wheel business is on the wane."'"'^ lished the quarterly Wisconsin Spinners Newsletter. 23 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 haps more numerous, are interested in spin small numbers, one or two craftsmen have ning as a means of artistic self-expression. taken up spinning wheel making as a more se At Sidney Fell's death, Wisconsin may have rious business. The number of spinning been without an easily identifiable spinning wheels made today in Wisconsin is small in wheel maker for the first time since statehood. comparison with the past. Nonetheless, Wis Revival of interest in the lost art of spinning consin women can without difficulty once has brought about a parallel revival of the lost again buy a new spinning wheel made in Wis craft of spinning wheel making. Although consin.'"' most Wisconsin spinning wheel makers in re cent years have retired from other occupa February 21,1980. Jerry Jensen, a former mechanic at a J, tions and produce spinning wheels only in C, Penney's auto center who decided to become a full-time spinning wheel maker, is the subject of "Wind Lake Me '"''Among Wisconsin's active spinning wheel makers at chanic Ready to Spend Life Spinning Wheels," in the Mil present are: Henry Christianson, New Richmond; Vlasta waukee Journal, October 26, 1969, and "The Spinning and Anthony Glaski, Unity; Jerry Jensen, Wisconsin Wheel Man," by Joan Severa in Wisconsin Tales and Trails, Dells; George Jischke, Sister Bay; Lester Lengfeld, She 14:40-42 (1973), Pictures of wheels made and repaired by boygan; Marvin Mueller, Jefferson; Elmer Pederson, Lester Lengfeld are in Lois Jean Wolff, "A Descriptive Madison; Robert Peissig, Milwaukee; Henry Sillman, Wa Analysis of Spinning Wheels Owned, Repaired and Hand terloo. Christianson's output is discussed in "His Life Re crafted by Lester Lengfeld of Sheboygan, Wisconsin" volves Around Spinning Wheels," New Richmond News, (M,S, thesis. University of Wisconsin, 1973), •% P \ A A WHi (X3) 38859 Mrs. Karen Gyland, who came from Norway to Dane County in 1897, was one of the last active spinners and weavers in the Stoughton area. Mrs. Gyland, who was still weaving in 193 7, was spinning in front of the family farm near Utica when this picture was taken in 1918. 24 Eisenhower and the Admen: The Television "Spot" Campaign of 1952 By John E. Hollitz The major theme was not that [Eisenhower] stood at the center of our politics, but that he stood at the center of our culture; not that he stood in the middle of alternative policies, but that he stood at the heart of American habits and values. He represented what men in this culture, with these habits and values, have looked for: the good man above politics. WILLIAM L. MILLER Piety Along the Potomac iURING the second week of Oc The Eisenhower television spots of 1952 D tober, 1952, scores of television marked a significant change in the conduct of stations around the country began to broad American political campaigns. Today, most cast a series of twenty-second commercials fea Americans are accustomed to the "packaging" turing the Republican candidate for the Presi and "marketing" of candidates for public dency of the United States, Dwight D. office. Commercials for political parties, like Eisenhower. In these short commercials those for razor blades or shampoo, are gener ("spots" as they were called in the television ally taken with a grain of salt, and often are trade), General Eisenhower, looking directly "rated," by a cynical and long-suffering audi into the camera's solitary eye, answered ques ence, for their cleverness or entertainment tions posed by a handful of ordinary-looking content. But television was brand new in 1952, Americans. In one such spot, for example, a and those Eisenhower spots, written and pro middle-aged man seized the lapel of his coat, duced by a small group of advertising men, declaring, "General, this suit cost me sixty dol represented the first successful attempt to lars. I used to buy the same for thirty dollars." "sell" a presidential candidate by employing "You paid a hundred and one taxes on that the same techniques that sold soap and tooth suit," Eisenhower responded, "and next year paste.^ The creation of the spots tellingly illus you may pay two hundred, unless you vote for trates the ways in which admen, with the aid of a change." In another, Ike calmed a house television, assumed unprecedented power wife's fears about high prices by saying, "Yes, over the conduct of American presidential my Mamie gets after me about the high cost of campaigning. living. It's another reason why I say, 'It's time for a change.' " For the next three weeks, mil lions of television viewers (and even more ra O be sure, advertising men had dio listeners) were bombarded hourly with T' played a role in political cam some forty of these short commercials, all paigns long before 1952. As early as the late bearing the general title "Eisenhower Answers nineteenth century, both major parties used America."' press agents or "publicists" who were charged with the responsibility of furnishing newspa- '"Eisenhower Answers America," film in the Icono- graphic Collections, Archives Division, State Historical ^For an insider's account of the role of advertising men Society of Wisconsin. The filmed "spots" may be viewed at in later political campaigns, see, for example, Joe McGin- the Society's facility in Madison. nis. The Selling of the President (New York, 1969). Copyright © 1982 try The State Historical Society of Wisconsin 25 All rights of reproduction in any form reserved WHi (X3) 38284 Bruce Barton addressing a rally for presidential candidate Wendell Willkie, October, 1940. pers with stories and pictures." Still, even as propounded the notion, for instance, that late as the 1940's, the influence of advertising Jesus was one of the best organizers and busi men in the actual conduct of political cam nessmen the world had ever seen. The Man No paigns was limited. By the late 1940's, how body Knows was (and still is) widely regarded as ever, advertisers, led by the advertising agency a kind of monument to the bourgeois ethic at Batten, Barton, Durstine, and Osborn (popu its most vulgar. But Bruce Barton was more larly and indeed almost universally known as than theauthor of this book; he was also an as BBD&O), had begun to forge closer ties to po tute advertising man who originated and en litical campaigns, particularly those of the Re couraged the idea of "institutional publican party. Although BBD&O did not advertising"—that is, of selling an entire com produce the Eisenhower spots in 1952, the pany rather than a particular product. As a long relationship between this agency and the senior partner at BBD&O, Barton played a Republican party ultimately led to the limited role in the details of actual advertising Eisenhower television spot campaign. campaigns of the agency after the f 920's. In The close ties that had developed between stead, he devoted much of his time to public BBD&O and the Republican party were relations, a variety of charitable activities, and largely the result of the activities of Bruce Bar to the fortunes of the Republican party. Bar ton, one of the firm's senior partners. Barton ton counted among his friends or acquaint is often remembered only as the author oiThe ances leaders in both business and politics, and Man Nobody Knows, a best-selling account of he regularly offered advice to Republican the life of Christ published in 1925. Barton's presidential candidates, beginning with book perfectly reflected much of the Babbittry Calvin Coolidge's bid for re-election in 1924." and business culture of the 1920's. In it Barton 'Bruce Barton, The Man Nobody Knows: A Discovery of 'See, for example, "Democrats Making Strong Adver the Real Jesus (Indianapolis, 1925); Richard F. Warner, tising Drive on Wilson," in Printers' Ink, 96:22, 2.5—27 (Au "Profiles: It Pays to Preach," in The New Yorker, 6:21-23, gust 31, 1916); and Harry T. Mitchell, "Republicans and 25; and correspondence relating to the Republican party Democrats Adopt Cautious Publicity Policies," ibid., in the Bruce Barton Papers, Archives Division, State His 112:57-58 (September 23, 1920), torical Society of Wisconsin. 26 HOLLITZ: EISENHOWER Barton trumpeted the same themes in the mittee asked him in 1936 to head their "pub unsolicited advice he offered Republican can licity" effort during Alf Landon's campaign didates for nearly four decades. To all who for the presidency. Moreover, it was Barton's would listen, he emphasized the importance own involvement in New York Republican of striking a nonpolitical pose that would politics, including a brief stint as a Congress make the candidate appear to be above "the man from New York City in the late 1930's, plane of partisan politics." Barton's concern that led to the involvement of BBD&O in Re was to "humanize" Republican candidates in publican campaigns. By the early 1940's Bar order that they might appeal to what he called ton had become friendly with Governor as early as 1919 "the great silent majority of Thomas E. Dewey of New York, and advised Americans." He also stressed the importance him informally during Dewey's first bid for of keeping the message short and simple. This the presidency in 1944. Four years later, was particularly true, he believed, with the ad BBD&O secured the Republican National vent of the radio in the 1920's. "The radio au Committee's advertising account for Dewey's dience is very different from the assembled second presidential race.' crowd," Barton warned Coolidge in 1924. During Dewey's second run for the presi "The radio audience tires quickly and can dency. Barton continued to emphasize themes walk out on you without your knowing it."" he had sounded much earlier. He urged De Barton suggested abandoning not only wey, for example, not to listen to his political older methods of campaigning, but traditional advisors. "You have a group of brilliant, de ideas about the electorate as well. For years voted, highly intelligent public servants BBD&O had advertised products for such around you who help you work on your companies as General Mills and Lever speeches," Barton wrote Dewey early in 1948. Brothers. These campaigns required that soci "I have a sincere regard for them all . . . but ety be viewed not in terms of competing inter they have lived for four or five years in the est groups, but as an undifferentiated mass. In most provincial capital in the world. . . . Al the advice he offered to Republican presiden bany doesn't think about the United States; it tial candidates, Barton emphasized his belief thinks about Jews and Catholics, and the CIO in the need to approach the electorate as a ho and the AF of L, and of . . . God knows what." mogeneous entity which could be persuaded Not only did Barton facetiously suggest that by simplified appeals. "I'm speaking for the Dewey board all of his Albany advisors on a unorganized mass of folks who don't belong to train and let them see the rest of the country, anything," he once declared."^ Bringing his but, more seriously, he advised him to "forget perspective as an advertiser to politics. Barton about all the racial and economic groups to developed a singularly advanced view of the whom platforms make their separate ap- electorate, one which recognized the growing peals[,] and simplify and clarify the whole importance of America's unorganized middle thinking of the people. . . ."* class. In spite of such advice, Dewey continued to listen to his own small group of advisors. Bar ton's counsel went unheeded and he repeat F Bruce Barton had developed a edly expressed frustration with his lack of I unique view of politics, he had influence in the campaign. Jealously guarding also played a crucial role in increasing the access to the candidate, Dewey's close advisors influence of advertising men in presidential prevented BBD&O from shaping the content campaigns. Although Barton had offered only informal advice to Coolidge, and later to Her bert Hoover, the Republican National Com- 'New York Times, September 28, 1926, p. 27; "Pick Bar ton to Put Landon Over," a clipping from the New York Daily News, May 6, 1936, in the Bruce Barton Papers. See 'Bruce Barton to Governor Landon, May 22, 1936, also Barton correspondence with Calvin Coolidge, Her and to George Barr Baker, August 6 and July 7, 1924, bert Hoover, ,'Mf Landon, and Thomas Dewey in the Bar both in the Bruce Barton Papers; Bruce Barton, "Con ton Papers. cerning Coolidge," in Collier's, 64:24 (November 22, "Bruce Barton to Thomas Dewey, February 20, 1948, 1919). and especially for evidence of the close relationship be "Bruce Barton, "Mr. Candidate, Please Don't," in Collier's, tween the two men, Dewey to Barton, January 20, 1947, 65:9 (May 29, 1920). both in the Barton Papers. 27 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 of Dewey's speeches or influencing the course that his speech on his Abilene homecoming in of the campaign." Nonetheless, Dewey's 1948 early June had sounded like the speeches that campaign had not only called upon the serv Wendell WiOkie's and Tom Dewey's advisors ices of one of the nation's largest advertising had written for them. "Beware of thsse boys," firms, but had also brought together two he cautioned. "My heart sinks a little," he con groups of men who approached politics in tinued, "whenever I read that you have had [a] different ways. In urging Dewey to reject the luncheon or a conference with your advice of what Barton called the "Albany 'managers.' . . . [Henry Cabot] Lodge is a group," the advertising men of BBD&O were, lightweight; Qames H.] Duff [U.S. Senator moreover, quietly vying with traditional politi from Pennsylvania] I do not know, but he cal advisors in waging a political campaign. sounds old and stodgy. . . . Dewey is a three- In 1948 Barton's agency was forced to work time loser. He has never thought about the with a candidate of long and quite traditional United States. All New York politicians think political experience, equipped with conven about is Jews, Negroes, Labor, Farmers, etc.— tional wisdom and surrounded by his own pressure groups. ..." "machine." The Republican candidate four years later would be far different. General Dwight D. Eisenhower had never run for ARTON was concerned that De office. He had no long-time political advisors B wey's disastrous campaign of to help him in a campaign. In fact, the Repub 1948 might be repeated. His advice to the licans had nominated a man who had not pub General was "to read no editorials or columns; licly declared his political affiliation until to shun managers like the plague." shortly before the primary campaign. At the Significantly, he also coupled his warning same time that Republicans replaced a politi about "managers" with some advice concern cian and his "traditional" advisors with a new ing the use of television. Barton suggested that comer to electoral politics, the spread of televi the candidate use notes instead of reading sion was reinforcing the power of those men from a manuscript so that he would give the with expertise in, as Barton phrased it, "per impression of "talking to people, as one frank, suading millions." In 1948, there were less unassuming American to his fellow Ameri than half a million television sets in the coun cans."" try. By 1952 that figure had grown to over 18 Throughout most of the summer. Barton million. Although television had been used in carried on correspondence with Eugene C. the 1948 campaign, it was not until 1952 that Pulliam, publisher of the Indianapolis Star and this new electronic medium provided the op News. Pulliam had influence with Governor portunity for both exclusive and intensive cov Sherman Adams of New Hampshire, erage of a presidential campaign. (It is instruc Eisenhower's campaign manager, and also tive to recall, for example, that in 1952 with the General himself. Barton therefore di Milwaukee had but one television station, and rected material to Pulliam in order that he Madison none.)'" might "decide whether it is any good and, if it Immediately after Eisenhower defeated is, see that it reaches the right spot." One of the Senator Robert A. Taft for the Republican suggestions which Barton sent to Pulliam to presidential nomination, in July, 1952, Bruce pass on to Eisenhower contained ideas about Barton once again began to offer informal ad the use of the new image which had been pro vice to the party's candidate. Barton sent a tel vided by television. Barton suggested that the egram that was passed to one of Eisenhower's General follow the example set by Bishop advisors. In it, Barton informed the General Fulton J. Sheen on his popular television show, Life Is Worth Living. "One of the most spectacular successes on television, as you 'Bruce Barton to C. H, Brower, August 24, 1948, in know," wrote Barton, "has been Monsignor the Barton Papers. For an account of Dewey's 1948 cam paign, see Jules Abels, Out of the Jaws of Victory (New York, Sheen. He uses no manuscript; just stands up 1959). and talks, and from time to time illustrates his '"Bruce Barton to Herbert Brownell, August 20, 1942, in the Barton Papers; Robert E. Gilbert, Television and Presidential Politics (North Quincy, Massachusetts, 1972), "Bruce Barton to Carle C. Conway, June 9, 1952, in 127. the Barton Papers. 28 HOLLITZ: EISENHOWER point by writing on the blackboard. Suppose My suggestion is that he announce, in the General were to say: 'Tonight I want to time for the evening papers, that he will ta[lk] to the people whose income is $5,000 a be looking at Senator Nixon on TV year or less. Let's write that on the blackboard, alone—just he and Mrs. Eisenhower— no advisors, no managers, just the two of $5,000.' "''' them. Then, at the conclusion of Nixon's Since Barton's agency had handled the Na speech, let the reporters and photogra tional Republican Committee in 1948, phers wait for 15 minutes and then have BBD&O received the accounts of both the the General come out with the following Committee and Citizens for Eisenhower- memo in his own handwriting: 'I have Nixon in 1952. The party appointed BBD&O seen many brave men perform crave du to supervise the radio and television portion of ties. I have seen them march up to the the national campaign; a second agency was cannon's mouth not knowing whether placed in charge of the printed media. Now they would live or die. But I do not think I Barton would no longer have to work through have ever known a braver act than I wit nessed tonight. . . .' Let him read it Pulliam in order to gain the ear of the Republi slowly and with deep feeling, and if the can candidate. As he explained in early Sep photographers want to photograph the tember, "the General has taken a great fancy first page let them do that and, I think, it to [BBD&O president] Ben [Duffy], and I am will be carried in the papers.'" sure that with this close and sympathetic con tact we are going to be able to be helpful." At That night, the General and Mrs. Eisenho the end of their first talk, Eisenhower report wer viewed Senator Nixon's speech in the edly turned to Duffy and said, "We ought to manager's box of the Cleveland Public Audi talk for hours. You are telling me things I torium. Following Nixon's emotion-charged ought to have been told at the start and that "Bruce Barton to B. C. Duffy, September 23, 1952, in nobody told me." One of Duffy's suggestions the Barton Papers. for a good television performance was that the General should remain "absolutely alone and undisturbed" for two hours before each televi sion appearance. It is no wonder, then, that when Duffy began "giving orders" at the Re publican headquarters. Barton sensed that the whole atmosphere was transformed." With the agency now holding the television account, Barton was in a position to advise the General not only on the form of his speeches but on their actual content as well. This new potential was manifested in a suggestion Bar ton made to Ben Duffy on September 23, the day vice-presidential candidate Richard M. Nixon was to go before the nation on televi sion to explain his relationship to a secret "slush" fund. Nixon's address, which came to be known as the "Checkers speech," was clearly crucial to the campaign. Barton was concerned about Eisenhower's response to it. "The General," he wrote his colleague, "must be expertly stage managed": '^See the Eugene C. Pulliam correspondence in the Barton Papers; also Bruce Barton to Pulliam, September 4, \952, ibid. '^Bruce Barton to Clifford Roberts, September 5, WHi (X3) 301 1952, and to Eugene C. Pulliam, September 4, 1952, both in the Barton Papers. Senator Richard M. Nixon and his family, ca. 1952. 29 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 address, the General discarded the speech he signed both to appeal to the emotions and to had prepared for that evening and spoke half simplify the issues. But although the program an hour later, after writing notes for a new ad was telecast on the evening of October 28, Bar dress. "I have been a warrior and I like cour ton's questions and answers were not used.'" age," he said in part. "I have seen many brave If Bruce Barton had failed to convince the men in tough situations. I have never seen any General to use much of his speech material in come through in better fashion than Senator the course of the campaign, his agency had Nixon did tonight."'' The marked similarity nevertheless forged a new relationship with between Barton's suggestion and Eisenho the party in the four years since Dewey's de wer's reaction was probably no mere coinci feat. Advertising men had begun to use their dence, but even if it had been, the very fact claim to expertise with television as a lever of that Barton could turn to his colleague Duffy influence within a political campaign. Still, with such a suggestion vividly illustrates the Barton was unsure how television might be changing role of advertising men in a presi used to best advantage. It fell to a younger ad dential campaign. vertising man from another agency, with firmer ideas about the best use of this new me N late September, Barton pro dium, to build upon BBD&O's relationship I posed to Eisenhower that he do a with the Republican party and to sectire an special question-and-answer program over even closer bond between admen and politi nationwide television at the very end of the cians. campaign. The General was responsive to the suggestions and particularly liked the idea of N the summer of 1952, three the question-and-answer format. Barton I wealthy Republican oilmen were wrote sample questions as well as the answers at a country club in Rhode Island discussing to them, and gave them to Ben Duffy, who was the effectiveness of the Democratic slogan, to be in charge of the program. "If you and the "You Never Had It So Good." They decided to General find them at all useful, I can send approach a mutual friend and advertising along plenty more," he told his colleague. man, Rosser Reeves of the Ted Bates Com Barton's questions were clearly meant to pany, to see if he would work on a similar slo create a human-interest side to the campaign. gan which the Republicans might use. Reeves One questioner, for instance, would introduce told them what the Republicans needed was herself as a mother whose two boys were serv not a slogan, but an entire advertising cam ing in Korea. In another, which Barton con paign. The advertising man said he would sidered a "humdinger," the questioner was to work on such a campaign if they would raise ask, "General, since President Truman is not a the necessary money to finance it.'" What candidate, why is it that he is campaigning all Reeves had in mind was the use of short one- over the country and making such vicious at minute or twenty-second television "spots" as tacks on you?" Barton's answer implied that a form of political advertising. Truman was attempting to conceal massive Rosser Reeves, the man behind the spot theft or corruption in the government: campaign, was perfectly qualified to direct Well, [the General was to respond] 1 such a campaign. A Virginian born in 1910, think it is something like the old story of the son of a minister, Reeves had attended the the bank clerk who hadn't taken a vaca University of Virginia before joining the Rich tion in twenty-seven vears. One day he mond Times-Dispatch as a reporter in 1929. In came down with a bad cold and the doc less than a year he had accepted his first adver tor put him to bed for a week. During tising job, and three years later he moved to that week the auditors moved into the New York, where he eventually joined the bank and discovered that the faithful old teller had got away with something like •"Bruce Barton to B. C. Duffy, September 22, 1952, $50,000. and October 22, 1952, both in the Barton Papers. For an account of the program that actually was broadcast, see The questions Barton submitted were de New York Times, October 29, 1952, pp. 1, 23. "Gordon Coder, "That Plague of Spots from Madison •'Eric F. Goldman, The Crucial Decade- 2nd .After (New Avenue," in The Reporter, 7:7-ii (November 25, 1952); York, 1960), 230. New York Times, October 2, 1952, p. 22. 30 r*i1 your mouth, not in your hand. Always the key o^J*''/ note was simplicity, brevity, repetition. (Lin coln's Gettysburg Address, Reeves liked to re mind people, "was only 268 words long—the length of a one-minute spot.")'" In addition to being an acknowledged ge nius of the hard sell, Rosser Reeves was a pio neer in the use of "spots" in radio advertising. Traditionally, producers of consumer goods had bought large blocks of air time from the networks and then sponsored an entire pro gram. For example, wrote Reeves in a long, confidential memorandum to the Eisenhower campaign staff, "A big advertiser . . . puts on a one-hour television show. It may cost him $75,000—for that one hour. Immediately af ter, another big advertiser follows it with an other big expensive show. Jack Benny! Martin and Lewis! Eddie Cantor! Fred Allen! Edgar Bergen and Charlie McCarthy! Or dozens of other big-time stars. THESE BIG ADVER TISERS SPEND MILLIONS—WITH TOP TALENT AND GLITTERING NAMES— TO BUILD A BIG AUDIENCE. But— between the two shows—comes the humble 'spot.' If you can run your advertisement in this WHi (X3) 38287 'spot,' for a very small sum YOU GET THE A U- Rosser Reeves, 1955. DIENCE BUILT AT HUGE COSTS BY OTHER Ted Bates Company when it was formed in PEOPLE. It's a form of jujitsu,' whereby a lit 1940.'** Handling accounts only for such pack tle pressure gets some startling results." In aged goods as Carter's Little Liver Pills and deed, the A. C. Nielsen Company had certi Colgate Dental Cream, Reeves helped guide fied that the "humble" spot could achieve the Bates agency to its position in 1952 as one twice the radio audience of the conventional of the largest in the country. Reeves also form of advertising.™ brought much attention to the agency as its leading proponent of a school of advertising '""Reeves Departs 'Front Line' After 26 Years at Ted known as "the hard sell." The idea behind this Bates Agency," 'm Advertising Age, 37:3, 40 (February 14, approach was to tell the strong points of a 1966). For a fascinating profile of Reeves, see also Thomas product or what it would do for the customer, Whiteside, "Annals of Television," in The New Yorker, 45:47—92 passim (September 27, 1969). In it. Reeves says and tell it simply and forcefully. This method of himself; "1 was the ultimate pragmatist. All advertising was referred to by Reeves as the U.S.P.— is is to move an idea from the inside of one man's head into "Unique Selling Proposition"—and it had another's. If I can move ideas into more heads for the been used by the Bates agency since the same amount of money somebody else is spending on ad vertising, I'm good. And I'm brilliant—absolutely 1940's. An early example of the Bates "hard brilliant—if 1 can move them into more heads for less sell" adapted to television was Reeves's idea money," for an orange juice commercial in which he ""Inside Ted Bates and Co.," in Printers' Ink, 279:31-34 "proved," by means of juice pitchers, that one (April 20, 1962); Rosser Reeves, Reality in Advertising (New brand had 25 per cent more Vitamin C than York, 1961), 46; "Rosser Reeves Talks About How He Writes any other. Reeves fired Bic ballpoint pens Copy," 'm Advertising Age, 36:92-103 pas.sim (April 19, 1965); Rosser Reeves to Joe Parman, January 20, 1953, in the from crossbows and rifles. He alleviated the Reeves Papers, Archives Division, State Historical Society of horrors of excess stomach acid with Tums. He Wisconsin. administered iast, fast, FAST relief by means of ^"Rosser Reeves to Samuel Coppel, December 19, Anacin. For the Mars candy company he bril 1952, and Confidential "Program to Guarantee an liantly demonstrated that M & M's melt in Eisenhower Victory," c. August, 1952, both in the Reeves Papers; Reeves, Reality in Advertising, 125. 31 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 AltMCK asenhower answers America; CBOTO, oaTLINE Today, across tlie nation, Aiaericans O'f .lAP SOPER- evesywhere are burdened vdth an IMFQSED. ever-increasLng multitude of problems.., %\..^AI IHATE) WOMAN WI'IB SMiiLJb BAG Of what to do about sky-rocketing GBOCaftlgb IH runaway prices... §fbRS. vhat to do about back-breaking H.W rt)iir«ii OVSR // taxes.., mWAE TAX AT // msn. SK2 WHi (X3) 38291 Rosser Reeves's hastily sketched "storyboards" for one of the 'Eisenhower Answers America" television spots, 1952. 32 HOLLITZ: EISENHOWER "Jl|'*---*'?*,,'/•/ -what to do about tiie staggering '/ iiil*-' nationai debt? WAK SH(JT. And...close to aii hearts... when wlii we have an end to war in Korea? Asks (HAME) or Man of tJie flour, Am ASKING Uwight u. JiLsentiowers QUESTION. mm General, the Democrats are teiiing me I never had it so good. EISaMHOWEE HSaSnOWER. Can that be true when America is billions in debt, when prices have doubled, when taxes break our backs and we are stili fighting in Korea. It's tragic,,, and'it's titae for a cl-iange. S Is 2 WHi (X3) 38292 These and other documents of the 1952 Eisenhower campaign (including the television spots) are pan of the Rosser Reeves Collection at the Society. 33 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 INCE the 1940's, the Bates agency think it is all right for a candidate to S had also been a leader among ad make a thirty-mmute speech on televi vertising agencies in studying what was re sion or radio?" ferred to in the trade as "penetration," mean "Oh, yes," said the General. ing the number of people who actually "Well, would it be dignified to make a remembered the message of the commercial. fifteen-minute Speech?" During the television revolution between 1948 "Oh, yes," said Eisenhower. and 1952, the Ted Bates Company had set up "Well, would it be in order, perhaps, to what it called a "copy laboratory" in which ad make a five-minute speech?" vertisers could show commercials to random "Yes," said Eisenhower, "I am quite sure samples of people and "scientifically" test the a five-minute speech would be in order." "penetration" of any commercial.^' Thus Ros "If we cut that speech to one minute, is ser Reeves, equipped with far greater experi there anything wrong with that?" ence in television selling than Barton or Duffy, At this point the General threw in his was to shape the 1952 campaign in a way that towel, and grinned, and said, "O.K., let's the other two could not. go ahead." Reeves had a former Ted Bates employee After receiving Ike's approval, the Ted draw up a political analysis for an intensive na Bates Company shared the Citizens for tionwide advertising campaign. This analysis Eisenhower-Nixon television and radio ac determined, among other things, that a switch count with BBD&O.^' in voting behavior of a mere 2 per cent in sixty- Beginning in mid-August, Reeves went two designated counties in twelve crucial states every evening for a month to a room in the St. could spell the difference between victory and Regis Hotel in New York after working on defeat for the Republicans in a close election. other advertising accounts for Bates. There he (The states were Connecticut, Maryland, New studied newspapers, a report written by Sena Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Cali tor Robert A. Taft's staff before the Republi fornia, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, Iowa, and can national convention, material from Wisconsin.) Reeves proposed that a million Eisenhower's speeches, and five letters sent and a half dollars' worth of television and ra out by the Reader's Digest for Citizens for dio spots be poured, like a tidal wave, into Eisenhower-Nixon. Once Reeves drove out to these critical areas.^^ Princeton, New Jersey, and spent an after In August, Reeves presented this plan and noon with the pollster George Gallup "in an his own idea for a spot campaign to Walter effort to find out what were the broad, basic Williams, national chairman of Citizens for interests of the electorate as a whole. . . ." He Eisenhower-Nixon. Reeves also convinced and Gallup arrived at three subjects: the high Williams and campaign manager Sherman cost of living, corruption in Washington, and Adams that the General himself should ap the war in Korea.^'' pear in the spots. According to Reeves, Ike Reeves had an artist draw up storyboards, had to be "sold" on the idea of appearing in relating narrative to camera shots, for the them himself, for he feared that it would not scripts which he had written in preparation be "dignified." After the election. Reeves told for Eisenhower's appearance in New York a colleague about the discussion that had en City on September 11. Reeves met Eisenhower sued: for the first time that morning at the Trans- "Well, General," [Reeves asked] "do you film Building. He had twenty-two scripts ready and approved by Citizens for ^'Reeves, ibid., 88, 125-128; Reeves to Joe Parman, January 20, 1953, in the Reeves Papers. ^'Cotler, "That Plague of Spots"; Martin P. Mayer, ^^Michael Levin, "How to Insure a Republican Victory Madison Avenue, U.S.A. (New York, 1958), 294-295; Ros in November," pamphlet, August 18, 19.52, in the Reeves ser Reeves to Whitney, Williams, Hollender, and Thayer, Papers. The targeted counties in Wisconsin, and the per October 2, 1952, and Reeves to Joe Parman, January 20, centage of votes garnered by the Democrats in 1948, 1953, both in the Reeves Papers. were: Milwaukee (55,8), Brown (50,6), Dane (59,4), Ra ^''Cotler, "That Plague of Spots"; Rosser Reeves to Al- cine (53,5), Kenosha (56,5), and Rock (48.2). In 1952, man Taranton, October 9, 1952, and to Oeorge (iailup. Eisenhower carried every one of these counties except May 31,1956, in the Reeves Papers; A. C. Nielsen to Ted Kenosha. Bates, September 6, 1952, ibid. 34 ticipants recorded on film short questions from cue cards, which were later matched with the answers that the General had earlier re corded.^** After the forty television spots had been made, the role of the Ted Bates Company did not terminate. In mid-September, the agency helped Citizens for Eisenhower-Nixon "sell" the spots to the state chairmen and to local party organizations. The Citizens Committee mailed out 200 mimeographed letters de signed to explain to local Republican officials the nature of the spot program. They decided to emphasize the counties which had been out lined in Reeves's original plan. In early Octo ber, a committee which included Rosser Reeves met to determine the final locations for the campaign." Advertising men were not only now directly responsible for what the can didate was going to say, but where the message would be delivered as well. WHi (X3) 38286 The agency made even further attempts to influence the content of the General's Dwight D. Eisenhower and Rosser Reeves (wearing glasses, speeches and define the issues of the cam partially obscured by the General) leaving the Transfilm Building in New York City after making fifty television spots in one day, paign after the spots were completed. On Sep 1952. tember 25, the Bates agency circulated a mem orandum which asked the straightforward Eisenhower-Nixon when the General arrived. question, "Do you plan to make Commie and The filming of the spots went much faster draft spots?" The agency had not made spots than Reeves had expected, so he sat down at a dealing with either Communism or military typewriter and wrote twenty-eight more spots conscription, but had stayed with the three ba in two and a half hours. "I wrote like mad," sic topics which Reeves and George Gallup Reeves later recalled. "Milton Eisenhower had determined that summer. A few weeks checked it for his brother, and nine or ten art later, Alman Taranton, a colleague of ists were sprawled all over the studio transfer Reeves's who was also working on the spot ring the copy to large cue cards so the General campaign, sent Walter Thayer of the Citizens could read it without his glasses." It was these for Eisenhower-Nixon a confidential memo last-minute spots which Reeves later ex randum headed by the exclamation, "This is plained he "simply wrote out of my own Urgent!" The memo stated that the people head . . . such as the one 'We must bring back who were "determining the content" of thrift and integrity to Washington.' '"''^ Eisenhower's and Nixon's speeches should be On the day after Eisenhower's visit lo the informed as quickly as possible about the spot studio, three Ted Bates employees followed campaign which was to begin nationally "with the Radio City guided tours to pick out likely a tremendous roar" on October 21. "Imag participants for the films. The tours provided ine," wrote Taranton, "the impact of over 100 an inexpensive way to select, in the words of short Eisenhower political speeches on the Rosser Reeves, "people from different sec leading networks in America crammed into a tions of the country—real people, in their own twelve day period. . . . During this deluge clothes, with wonderful native accents." Forty- . . . anything that General Eisenhower or eight people went to the studio that day, and five days later, twenty-nine more. These par- ^"Rosser Reeves to Joe Parman, January 20, 1953, ibid.; Mayer, Madison Avenue, U.S.A. 297. ^'Mayer, Madison Avenue, U.S.A., 297; Cotler, "That "George Egger to W, H. Dearns, September 16, 1952, Plague of Spots"; Rosser Reeves to Alman Taranton, Oc and Rosser Reeves to David W. Stallard, September 26, tober 9, 1952, in the Reeves Papers. 1952, both in the Reeves Papers. 35 MAN: "General, this suit cost sixty dollars. I used to buy the same EISENHOWER: "Youpaid 101 taxes on that suit. And nextyear for thirty dollars." you may pay 200, unless you vole for a change. ..." ^^^HjHHp ^.j^^l B^^^^^^^^SH » !$ •m- WOMAN: "YOU know what things cost today. High prices are just EISENHOWER: 'Yes, my Mamie gets after me about the high cost of driving me crazy." lilting. It's another reason why I say, 'It's time for a change. Time to get back to an honest dollar and an honest dollar's worth!' " WOMAN: "I paid twenty-four dollars for these groceries. Look, EISENHOWER: "A few years ago those same groceries cost you ten for so little. . . ." dollars. Now twenty-four. Next year thirty. That's what will happen, unless we have a change." 36 EISENHOWER .f^ ; *^'*^ '>/ Answers America I A Dramatic Series of Twen^y-five 20-Second and 1-Minute TV and Radio Spot Announcements Now Available! All THE ISSUES met fairly ond squorely ~m^ A- in 25 TV Films and Radio Spot Annountements like this: T,T¥\mT," •-,,-.••-, EISENHOWER ANSWERS 0 VBI 'MAi 9 imMmj: A PoUtical An "General, the admin "Can that be tru when prices hav and we are stili It's tragic . , and nouncement Paid istration tells us we when America i doubled, who fighting in Korea? it's tin, for a For by Citizens For never had it so good," billions in debt , . taxes break ou change!" Eiscnhower- bactis . . . Flyer issued by Citizens for Eisenhower, promoting radio and television spots during the fall of 1952. The TV spots (see opposite page) may be viewed at the Society's headquarters building in Madison. Senator Nixon or other Republicans will say early as the second week in October. On Octo [in person] on the subject of high prices, taxes, ber 10, a colleague wrote Reeves that "as of 5 and corruption will represent a marginal sup o'clock tonight—our job is done."^^ In the plementation to these short . . . almost 'on- meantime, Republicans had begun to raise the-hour-every-hour' Eisenhower broad money to pay for the spot campaign. Citizens casts." But this was not true, Taranton for Eisenhower-Nixon paid the modest continued, on Communism, for not one spot $60,000 it cost to produce the spots. When all had been made on the subject. Therefore, he the spots were on film, a special finance com suggested, during the last two weeks of the mittee was set up to solicit funds for their campaign "it would be extremely wise" if most broadcast proceeded to raise approximately of the two candidates' speeches "concentrated $1.5 million. In addition, local Republican or on the subject of Communism." Taranton ganizations borrowed copies of the spots and even suggested that live broadcasts should be ran them with their own funds. ("We have no devoted to "plugging the gap" on the subject.-* idea how much was actually spent," Reeves later said.) Thus, for the rest of October, 1952, millions of Americans in dozens of cities, in LTHOUGH the national spot cluding New York, Los Angeles, Milwaukee, A campaign was not to be and Denver, were "deluged" with these short launched until October 12, and was to run for advertisements which featured Dwight D. two weeks, the "Eisenhower Answers Amer Eisenhower responding to the questions of in- ica" commercials actually began appearing as ^'Rosser Reeves to Alman Taranton, October 13, ™Alman Taranton to Walter Thayer, October 16, 1952, and Taranton to Reeves, October 10, 1952, both \m2,ibid. ibid. 37 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 dividuals whom he had never seen in words the Federal Communications Commission to written for him by an advertising man. It is not halt the campaign on the grounds that it rep too much to say that the country was "satura resented a "monopoly" of the airwaves. The ted" with the spots; for example, in New York FCC, however, refused, claiming that the City alone, the spots were programmed at the spots violated no laws." rate of 140 or 150 a day.'" When the spots began, newspaper editors ^N November 4, 1952, Eisenho complained, and the Democrats were, in the o wer overwhelmed Stevenson at words of Rosser Reeves, "furious." Indeed, the polls, receiving 33,936,234 votes to the the Democrats expressed outrage at the idea Democrat's 27,314,992. In the wake of this of a spot campaign as soon as they found out landslide, many people in both parties were about it. A week before the advertisements curious to know what effect the spot campaign were to begin, George W. Ball, executive di had had, at least on the magnitude of the Gen rector of Volunteers for Stevenson, declared eral's victory. Rosser Reeves himself perhaps that the spots had been conceived by "high- answered this question best shortly after the powered hucksters of Madison Avenue," and election: "Did they do any good? Of course that they were designed to sell Eisenhower to they did, but the election was such a landslide the voters in the same manner as "soap, am- no one will ever be able to know. However, if moniated toothpaste, hair tonic or bubble Eisenhower had squeaked in by a narrow mar gum." Democratic presidential nominee Adlai gin, it is reasonable to assume that this applica Stevenson also attacked the spot campaign. "I tion of advertising principles might well have think this campaign is going to backfire," he taken the credit." told a Cincinnati audience on October 3:" More important than the question of the effectiveness of these spots in the 1952 cam I don't think the American people want paign, however, was the new and potent role politics and the Presidency to become the of advertising men within the presidential plaything of the high-pressure men, of campaigns they represented. "Politicians, un the ghost writers, of the public relations men. I think they will be snocked by such fortunately," Reeves could confidently assert contempt for the intelligence of the after the election, "are amateurs when it American people. This isn't soap opera, comes to the most effective dissemination of this isn't Ivory Soap vs. Palmolive. This is principles and ideas." Building upon Bruce a choice for tne most important ofhce on Barton's early association with the Republican earth and I think the people want the party, the admen had finally succeeded in dis candidates to talk sense about the issues. tilling a candidate's speeches into a host of brief, punchy political advertisements that, as Governor Stevenson, said Rosser Reeves af Reeves himself admitted, merely said "the ter the election, "never did really compre same things over and over again in different hend" the principle of boiling down compli words."'-' cated issues into pithy, memorable tag-lines: "I am reasonably intelligent, but time and More important still, advertising men were again, I listened intently to his speeches, all the now in a position to change the entire conduct way through, and honestly didn't know what of American political campaigns. The 1952 he was trying to get over. He was witty; ancl Eisenhower television spot campaign clearly many of his phrases were wonderful; but he demonstrated the consequences for the level was very, very abstract, and the next day I of political debate once advertising men had could remember only the man and his man gained enough influence to apply their own ner, but not his content." Stevenson himself sales techniques to presidential campaigns. "It may have believed that Eisenhower's spot is important that all the people know what campaign would "backfire," but, just to be on '^Rosser Reeves to Joe Parman, January 20, 1953, in the the safe side, the Democrats attempted to get Reeves Papers; New York Times, October 6, 1952, p. 13, and October 10, 1952, p. 10. '"Rosser Reeves to Joe Parman, January 20, 195;^, in the •"U.S., Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Reeves Papers, For a list of cities in which the spots were Historical Statistics of the United States; Colonial Times to 1970 broadcast, see "Spot Campaign Finance," ibid. (Washington 1975), 1073; Rosser Reeves to Joe Parman, Jan ^'Idem; New York Times, October 2, 1952, p. 22, and Octo- uary 20, 1953, and to George Coder, October 28, 1952, Ixjth ber4,1952,p. 10. in the Reeves Papers. 38 Mi icii$ 2 MMmn T¥-iadi© 'Blitz' TELLIfflii' mil fli Iii )' Disclose?.a2JifelflML G. 0. r Bail Blasis Plan to Fill Airwaves with Ike Spols Stavrnion Backer Soys High Powered Hurksters Make Box Tops of Bollofs D«>m()i'!'ai« See r-1> Radio-T^ Blilz' Fort"i«eMli<»v«>r Selected clippings relating to the 1952 Eisenhower "spots"^rom Printers' Ink, Advertising Age, the New York Times, and elsewhere. These and many other clippings, letters, memos, and working papers are in the Rosser Reeves Collection. IJe^MffS&^.^ja>iiti&t- rSaiuraiioR of Radio and T¥ Spots ' Seems io Have Paid Off for G.O.P. mmnmikf, I i9 of 40 Stoffs Where Ike s Spots Wei-e ' EtatG* Used )he General Won I—— each of the candidates stand for," Reeves de As Reeves went on, "We did a tremendous clared after Eisenhower's victory. The spot amount of work and worry on how to 'pack campaign, of course, did nothing of the sort. age' the General. . . . We changed the lights. Reeves, who had originally been interested in We threw away the glasses. We put him in finding out what the "broad, basic interests" of different clothes. We made him look vigorous, the electorate were, demonstrated in the tele and dynamic—which he actually is.'*'^ vision spots only that Eisenhower was aware that a given problem existed. Thus, rather N that autumn of 1952, a small co than hearing Eisenhower's solution to the I terie of enthusiastic New York ad problem of the high cost of living, the televi men seized upon a long-awaited opportunity sion viewer was simply reassured that Mamie to apply their craft to a major political cam also complained to the candidate about high paign. With skill and imagination, they took prices. Likewise, when a spot participant com an already well-known and much-admired plained that her children "hear so much about "product" and "repackaged it" for a powerful government graft, they think everyone is dis new visual medium, sacrificing serious discus honest," Eisenhower merely responded by as sion of the issues for down-home charm and serting: "Too many politicians have sold their ingenuous one-line responses. In so doing, ideals of honesty down the Potomac."^" they helped to lower the level of political de The spot campaign, in the end, did not ad bate by several notches, and ensured that tele dress the issues, but rather solved two problems vision would forever after play a key role in that had concerned Bruce Barton decades be American electoral politics. By 1960 it would fore: how to "humanize" the candidate and be argued, not altogether facetiously, that Ri above all how to simplify the message. "It chard M. Nixon fell just short of attaining the would do us no good," declared Reeves, "to Presidency of the United States because his run full-page ads on Colgate Dental Cream if makeup had failed him. we made the story so complicated that people couldn't remember it when they went into the "Rosser Reeves to Joe Parman, January 20, 1953; "Eisenhower Answers America." grocery store. And the same thing applies to ''Rosser Reeves to Joe Parman, January 20, 1953, in the voters, when they go into the polling booth." Reeves Papers. 39 Henry Rowe Schoolcraft: Explorer in the Mississippi Valley, 1818-1832 By Richard G. Bremer MONO the early nineteenth- rectors voted not to renew his employment, A century explorers of the upper and he spent the following year (1812-1813) Mississippi valley, Henry Rowe Schoolcraft is at the family residence in Oneida County, remembered chiefly as the discoverer of Lake vainly seeking a military commission. Early in Itasca and as an early writer on the North 1813 his father secured him a position as su American Indian tribes. Yet, in contrast to perintendent of a new glass factory in Salis other explorers of that region such as Zebulon bury Township, Vermont, and there he re Pike, Stephen Long, and Joseph Nicollet, his mained for two years. However, the company career encompassed a wide variety of roles fell far into arrears in paying his salary, and he and involved an unusual degree of self- removed to Keene, New Hampshire, where promotion. During the fourteen-year span of with his father's assistance he became proprie his travels he ranged through the West both as tor as well as superintendent of another glass an independent scientific observer and as a works. Owing to a combination of unfavorable member of various government-sponsored economic conditions and poor business judg expeditions. At the same time, his personal in ment, he found himself forced into bank terests underwent a significant change in di ruptcy in September, 1817. His subsequent ef rection as he ceased to be an explorer primar forts to secure employment elsewhere in the ily interested in geological and mineralogical glass manufacturing business proved unsuc observation and became a traveling exponent cessful.' of the evangelization of the Indian, 'fhis pro gression of roles and interests arose from the continuing interaction between his own idio 'Henry Schoolcraft, "A letter to John Johnston, Esqr. syncratic personality and the widely varying embracing Personal Reminiscences of my Life, Winter, circumstances in which he found himself. 1828," in the Henry Rowe Schoolcraft Papers, Library of Congress. Hereafter cited as HRS-LC. (The State Histori Born in 1793, fJenry Rowe Schoolcraft cal Society of Wisconsin has a microfilm copy of this collec passed his boyhood fifteen miles from Albany tion.) Schoolcraft wrote this forty-page manuscript auto in a manufacturing village where his father su biography when he was thirty-four. It provides the most reliable information on his early life. His autobiographical perintended the local glassworks. He received writings which date from after his second marriage in a smattering of education of the grammar 1847 must be used with great caution. Alexander Bryan school variety, began working in the factory Johnston, "Autobiography," Hamiltion College Library, store at the age of thirteen, and the following Clinton, New York, 169-200; "Minutes of Proceedings of year became an overseer. His father taught the Ontario Glass Manufacturing Company," transcript in the Geneva Historical Society, Geneva, New York; him the various technical processes of glass- Henry Rowe Schoolcraft, "Vitreology, Appendix Exhibit making and before his seventeenth birthday ing an Historical Sketch, of the Introduction, Progress, the precocious Henry accepted a position as and Present State, of the Glass Manufacture; in the North superintendent in charge of the construction ern Department of the United States," HRS-LC; Kay Fox, "Keene Glass," in Upper Ashuelot: A History of Keene, New and initial operations of a new glassworks in Hampshire (Keene, 1969), 529-560; "Henry Schoolcraft Geneva, New York. Shortly before the expira Insolvency Papers," Oneida County Records Outer, tion of his two-year contract the company di Utica, New York. 40 Copyiight © 1982 by 'flie State Histomal Society of Wisconsin All rights of re'fyroduction in any form reserved BREMER: SCHOOLCRAFT Under the early tutelage of an older At about the time of his bankruptcy pro brother, Schoolcraft developed a variety of lit ceedings in the summer of 1817, Schoolcraft erary interests during his comfortable, decided to go West. In part this decision re middle-class childhood. He wrote copious flected the lack of business opportunities quantities of ephemeral verse, circulated an available in the Northeast, although personal occasional manuscript magazine, and orga considerations probably proved even more nized a literary society. At the same time he be compelling. At the time of his bankruptcy came aware of the geological character of his Schoolcraff owed his father more than $4,000, native region, and in his study of glassmaking and his failure seriously undermined the fam he developed a practical knowledge of the ba ily's financial position. In the face of this blow sic elements of chemistry. While living at Lake to his father's great expectations for his favor Dunmore, a few miles from Middlebury, Ver ite son, the idea of remaining at home must mont, he received private instrtiction from have appeared intolerable. To make matters Frederick Hall, a professor of natural philoso worse, Schoolcraft's brother-in-law Willett phy at Middlebury College, who found Shearman, the general manager of the glass Schoolcraft an enthusiastic student of chemis works formerly superintended by the elder try and of the newly emerging fields of miner Schoolcraft, continued to prosper. The pres alogy and geology. Hall wrote his pupil that he ence of this highly successful brother-in-law knew of no one on this side of the Atlantic with only a few hundred yards down the road from a fairer chance of becoming a first-rate opera his father's residence doubtless made the tive chemist. Schoolcraft himself obtained lab thought of remaining home all the more gall oratory equipment and reference works from ing. Under these circumstances, Schoolcraft's New York and carried out experiments under initial journey to the West represented as Hall's supervision at his Lake Dunmore glass much a flight from his disappointed family as works. During his residence at Keene he pub a reconnaissance of new opportunities.^ lished his first natural history notice, a discus sion of "burning springs" in which he attributed this phenomenon to the release of hydrogen gas from coal beds underlying the T remains unclear whether he had spring. This item appeared in the Literary and I a fixed objective in mind at the Philosophical Repertory, which Hall published in time of his departure as he made various ef Middlebury. Following the close of his busi forts to find employment, sign up subscribers ness at Keene, Schoolcraft devoted some for his book, and investigate the prospects for months to writing a manuscript volume of setting up in business on his own. The ex- about eighty thousand words which he enti glassmaker left Olean, New York, in March, tled "Vitreology." This work comprised a text 1818, bearing with him about $60 and a ward book of the various technical processes in robe of good clothes, together with some sci volved in glass manufacture and included a entific apparatus and reference works. He history of glassmaking in America. He failed spent the next four months traveling by boat to find enough subscribers to enable him to to Herculaneum, Missouri, visiting the glass publish the work, and it remains in manu works at Pittsburgh and Cincinnati en route script form among the Schoolcraft papers in without finding work. While at Herculaneum the Library of Congress.'^ he met Moses Austin, patriarch of the lead- mining district, who encouraged his plan of 'Schoolcraft, "A letter to John Johnston"; "The visiting that region in order to undertake a Cricket, (or) Peripatetic Student," No. Ill, Hamilton survey of its mining operations. Schoolcraft's 1809, HRS-LC; Schoolcraft, "Geology of Albany County,' in Joel Munsell, ed.. The Annals of Albany (1859) X; 165 interest in this area evidently originated in his Frederick Hall to Schoolcraft, September 15, 1815, HRS- fascination with mineralogy. He may also have LC; The Literary and Philosophical Repertory, 1:375-378 hoped to secure employment in a managerial 11:365-368; Schoolcraft, "Vitreology," passim; William capacity at a mine or smelter, or to engage in Williams to Schoolcraft, November 1, 1817, HRS-LC; "Vi treology: or The Art of Making Glass, Embracing the Manufacture of Flint, Window, Mirror and Bottle '"Henry Schoolcraft Insolvency Papers." The School Glass . . ." Prospectus dated Utica, November, 1817, and craft Papers include an extensive correspondence with filed under general correspondence for May 1, 1818, Shearman, who had married Schoolcraft's sister HRS-LC. Catherine Anne. 41 Sctiooltrafl, View of the Lead Mines Potosi, in the center of the Missouri lead district, where Schoolcraft spent seven months between August, 1818, and June, 1819. lead mining on his own account. In any event, Schoolcraft to many of the miners and invited the same literary-scientific impulse that had him to make use of Din-ham Hall, the family led him to write his treatise on glassmaking residence, for storing his mineral collections prompted him to undertake a survey of Mis and carrying out his experiments. Several souri lead mining.' weeks later Schoolcraft moved into the Austin Schoolcraft reached Potosi, center of the home where he spent the remainder of his stay Missouri lead region, on August 2, 1818, five in the district. During the next three months months after leaving his family in New York. he carried out a detailed survey of the mining The following day voters from throughout the and smelting operations in the region. He col county gathered for the election at which they lected mineral specimens from numerous lo returned Stephen Austin to the territorial calities and many miners sent him sainples of legislature. Austin personally introduced rocks found in their diggings. Lhe young min eralogist also constructed a small chemical f lu"- ^Schoolcralt circulated a subscription list for his glass- nace for assaying samples and personally vis making work at Zanesville, Ohio, in April, 1818. It is filed ited most of the mines within a radius of forty in his general correspondence under the date May 1, miles. While engaged in these activities, 1818. In his choice of Missouri as a destination he may have been influenced by the fact that Rufus Pettibone, his Schoolcraft heard favorable accounts of lead lawyer during the bankruptcy proceedings, had decided deposits on the White and James rivers in the to move to St. Louis. Schoolcraft traveled from Olean to Ozark region and decided to carry out his own Pittsburgh on the Pettibone family flatboat. Rufus, who inspection of that part of the country. On a subsequently served as Justice of the Missouri Supi eme Court, became one of his main counselors and creditors visit to St. Louis he persuaded Levi Pettibone, during his stay in Missouri. Pettibone's brother Levi an acquaintance from New York days, to ac would accompany Schoolcraft on his tour of the Ozarks. company him on his proposed tour. He then Schoolcraft, "A letter to John Johnston"; Henry Rowe returned to Potosi to prepare for this, his first Schoolcraft, Oneota, or the Red Race of America: Their His expedition into frontier country."' tory, Traditions, Customs, Poetry, Picture-Writing, etc. (New York, 1844-1845), 25-26, 66-72, 148-153, 267-273, On the sixth of November the two men left 364—368; Henry Rowe Schoolcraft, Personal Memoirs of a Potosi and proceeded westward on foot to the Residence of Thirty Years with the Indian Tribes on the American Osage Trace, which they followed to the valley Frontiers (Philadelphia, 1851), 19-36. While he was in Louisville, Schoolcraft published a notice on local manga of the Meramec and Ashley's Cave. In travel nese deposits which was subsequently reprinted in the ing through the unmapped country to the eastern press. This fact evidently fostered the belief that west they became lost and suffered from their accurate information concerning the natural resources of inexperience in backwoods travel. After their the West would be favorably received in the East and en couraged him further in making his survey of Missouri 'Schoolcraft, Oneota, 366-374; Schoolcraft, Personal lead mining. See Schoolcraft, Oneota, 369, and School Memoirs, 35-38; Henry Rowe Schoolcraft, A View of the craft, Personal Memoirs, 26. Later he claimed that he went Lead Mines of Missouri (New York, 1819), 60-61; Henry West in order to carry out scientific observations. School Rowe Schoolcraft, /ournai of a Tour into the Interior of Mis craft, Pcriona/Afemoiri, xxxvi. souri and Arkansaw, from Potosi (London. 1821), 4. 42 BREMER: SCHOOLCRAFT pack horse plunged into deep water while souri with only the pleasure of study for a re crossing a stream and damaged their provi ward. Unhappily, his fortune was not ade sions they subsisted for several days on acorns quate to this employment and he wished to and sassafras bark. On another occasion they resort to the mining business for relief. Sev cut up their last lead bullet into small pieces eral days after posting this letter, the aspiring for shot, then crept up to a tree in which a entrepreneur learned of the impending dis flock of wild turkeys had settled for the night. patch of a military force to occupy a post near While Schoolcraft held a torch, Pettibone St. Anthony's Falls on the Upper Mississippi. fired and killed a bird for supper. On the last Again he wrote Senator Thomas, this time on day of November they met a hunter, the first the subject of copper in the Lake Superior- person they had seen in twenty days, and Upper Mississippi region. The arrival of the learned that they had reached the Great troops, wrote Schoolcraft, offered a favorable North Fork of the White River. They contin opportunity for mounting an expedition to ued along that stream to the farthest explore the mineralogy of that region, and he settlement—two hunters' cabins on Beaver volunteered to lead such an expedition him Creek. There they paused for two weeks and self. He had long wished to explore that re devoted their days to chopping wood, splitting gion, he added, and only the hazard of travel planks, and grinding corn while subsisting on ing in the Indian country and the expenses of hominy, bear's bacon, and sassafras tea. Fi mounting a private expedition of discovery nally their hunter-guides completed their do had prevented him from doing so on his own mestic arrangements and they set off for the initiative. Like its predecessor, this letter went lead deposits on the James River. unanswered." After proceedirtg overland for five days they reached their destination on New Year's Day of 1819. During their three-day stay at the HESE trial balloons launched, lead "mine" Schoolcraft dug pits, collected T' Schoolcraft returned to his mineral specimens, and built a small furnace manuscript, which he completed in about two for assaying the ore and melting lead bullets. months. He then contracted jaundice and After returning to the hunters' cabins he and went to Herculaneum to take the standard Pettibone descended the White River by boat, cure of traveling to St. Louis by barge and passing through the Bull Shoals and walking drinking the turbid waters of the Mississippi around the Buffalo Shoals, eventually floating en route. While at Herculaneum he met sev out onto the Mississippi River floodplain in eral members of the Long Expedition which central Arkansas. There they disembarked was on its way to the Yellowstone. I his evi and set out overland for Missouri. Schoolcraft dence of government interest in the practical sprained his ankle, and, as Pettibone was long application of science led him to conclude that overdue in St. Louis, they separated. School Washington might take an interest in improv craft eventually returned to Potosi on foot, ar ing the management of the Missouri lead riving there on February 4, following an ab mines, whose inefficient operations he had de sence of nearly ninety days. During that scribed in detail. Once back in Potosi he recon period he had traveled, by his own calcula sidered his manuscript in this light and formu tions, upward of 900 miles.'* lated part of his conclusions in which he vu"ged Five days after his return he wrote Senator the systematic organization of the mining in Jesse Thomas of Illinois, whom he had met on terest in order to promote the public welfare. an Ohio River flatboat the previous summer. This objective, he argued, might best be ac In his letter he requested a fifteen-year lease complished by the appointment of a superin (in contrast to the usual three-year term) on a tendent of mines. That official would lease oiU tract of land a league square centering upon lands, collect rents, prevent unauthorized the James River lead mine. In making this re mining operations and timber depredations quest Schoolcraft pointed out that he had on the public lands, report lead production spent nearly a year's residence (actually only statistics, and explore the mineralogy of the six months) exploring the mineralogy of Mis- '.Schoolcraft to Jesse Thomas, February 9, February ^Schoolcraft,yoMrna/ of a Tour, passim. 15, 1819, HRS-LC;'Schoolcraft, Pmorea/Mmoms, 39. 43 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 country. Such a functionary (clearly intended to be himself) should be a chemist and a min eralogist and should receive a respectable sal ary.* Schoolcraft then arranged with his Mis souri creditors to consolidate his debts, packed his mineral collections, and left for St. Gene vieve where he caught a steamboat for New Orleans. Shortly after departure the ship cap tain handed him a letter containing $40 which the members of the Herculaneum Masonic Lodge had collected to aid in meeting his tra vel expenses. From New Orleans he took a brig for New York and made his first sea voyage—on credit. He arrived in New York City on August 3 and took lodging on Courtland Street, where he immediately launched a campaign to establish his scientific credentials. First he arranged his mineral col lections and advertised them in the newspa pers as the first of their kind from the Missis sippi Valley. These exhibits attracted various men of science, chiefly physicians at this time, who came to view and occasionally to buy the WHi (X3) 38605 minerals. He then visited publisher Charles Henry Rowe Schoolcraft, from a daguerreotype of the early Wiley, who expressed disinterest in handling 1840's. another travel work but referred him to Dr. Samuel Mitchill, a leading scientific figure in the city. Mitchill endorsed the manuscript posed certain changes in government mining which Wiley then agreed to distribute, with policy and concluded with a general discus Schoolcraft assuming the risk of the venture. sion of the uses of lead. This portion of the Meantime, the latter wrote a description of the book derived from Schoolcraft's own re natural resources of Missouri which subse searches and constitutes a unique historical quently appeared in the press and provided document. It remains the only detailed ac him with further useful publicity.'' count of early lead mining in Missouri and combines a mastery of the technical material Schoolcraft's View of the Lead Mines of Mis with a simple prose style, lhe second section souri, which appeared in early December, consists of a melange of items (some previ 1819, totalled less than 300 pages, divided into ously published) which were intended as filler two parts of about equal length. The first com material. These include information from his prised a study of the lead district proper, giv journal of the trip up the Mississippi from its ing its history and geographical description to junction with the Ohio, general geographical gether with detailed accounts of the larger information about Missouri, and a catalog of mines, the techniques of mining and smelting, the minerals of the western country, among and statistics on lead production. It then pro- others. This material, much of it derivative or irrelevant, includes occasional errors and pos 'Schoolcraft, "A letter to John Johnson"; Schoolcraft, sesses appreciably less intrinsic value.'" Personal Memoirs, 39-40; Stephen Austin gave Schoolcraft a testimonial to the accuracy of his manuscript two months after his return from the Ozarks. Austin to Schoolcraft, CHOOLCRAFT'S first book April 10, 1819 HRS-LC; Schoolcraft, A View of the Lead S clearly reveals both his own back- Mines of Missouri, 131—133. 'Schoolcraft, "A letter to John Johnston"; Schoolcraft, "•Schoolcraft, A View of the Lead Mines of Missouri, pas Personal Memoirs, 40—43; Samuel Mitchill to Schoolcraft, sim. The appendix includes a copy of Schoolcraft's notice August 25, 1819, HRS-LC; Schoolcraft, "Financial Jour of natural history pubhshed at Louisville and an article he nal, 1819-1826," HRS-LC. Schoolcraft had become a Ma wrote for the Utica Patriot m September, 1817, concerning son while residing in Vermont. ancient glassmaking in the Americas. 44 BREMER: SCHOOLCRAFT ground and the nature of the audience for command of Lewis Cass, governor of Michi which he wrote. The technical discussions of gan Territory. Cass had proposed the expedi mineralogy and the uses of lead, particularly tion in order to show the American flag in glassmaking, point to the origin of his inter among the Indians of the Northwest, many of est in those subjects. The descriptions them whom remained attached to the British, and selves reveal the practical nature of his curios he had suggested that an individual familiar ity as well as the basic propensity for with mineralogy accompany the party. classification which marked the natural sci Calhoun invited Schoolcraft to dine at his ences of the time. His illustrations of smelting home and listened with interest to the young furnaces show a clear mastery of draftsman man's account of his travels. A short time later ship, a skill he had acquired in his early teens. he offered him the appointment as mineralo Both the contents and the style conformed to gist to the Cass expedition. Schoolcraft imme his perception of what would interest his po diately accepted. After devoting another two tential readers. This audience included practi weeks to efforts to secure the proposed Mis cal men in quest of money-making informa souri mining superintendency, he returned to tion, scientifically minded gentlemen, and New York City and a month later rejoined his government officials with an interest in pro family in Oneida County following a separa moting the development of America's natural tion of nearly two years.'^ resources." By this time his financial condition had be As soon as his book appeared, Schoolcraft come serious, if not critical. HisViewoftheLead sent copies to individuals whose good opinion Mines had proved a complete commercial fail might stand him in good stead in securing gov ure. He ordered 1,000 printed for sale, but of ernment employment. These included scien the 500 sent to the largest bookseller handling tific luminaries such as Mitchill, David Ho- the work, 489 were returned in 1821. Receipts sack, Benjamin Silliman, and John G. Bogert, from smaller booksellers enabled him to meet the wealthy New York attorney and antiquar part of his current expenses while in New ian to whom he dedicated the book and who York, but when he left that city he had run up subsequently furnished him with letters of in some $800 in new obligations in addition to troduction to various figures in Washington. about $400 in debts still owing in Missouri. Other copies went to newspaper editors and Thus, upon his return home following a two- politicians. Following his arrival in Washing year absence, he could show only a temporary ton he also sent deluxe bound, gilt-edged cop summer appointment, an uncertain prospect ies to President James Monroe, the Secretary of future employment in Missouri, and nearly of War, Secretary of the Treasury, and others. $1,200 in debts for his efforts.'' He obtained an interview with the President His second travel work, the Journal of a Tour through the good offices of Senator Thomas, into the Interior of Missouri and Arkansaw, also and outlined to him his views on the subject of failed to make money but at least cost the au the Missouri lead mines. Although nothing thor no more than the labor of revising his came of this interview, his subsequent meet original journal. It first appeared in serial ings with Secretary of War John Calhoun form in the New York Literary Journal and Belles proved more fruitful. Lettres Repository in 1820. The following year Calhoun had, at that time, begun preparing Richard Phillips of London reprinted the instructions for an expedition to explore Lake complete journal as a number in a series of tra Superior and the upper Mississippi under the vel works. To the modern reader this is per haps Schoolcraft's best travel book. It is writ- "Schoolcraft, A View ofthe Lead Mines of Missouri, pas sim. The emphasis on the practical that permeates this work would characterize most of Schoolcraft's later writ '^Schoolcraft, "A letter to John Johnston"; "Statement ing. In a notice published in The Plough Boy (April 8, of Account with Jonathan Seymour, Printer, April 6, 1820), he declared, "Our theories should be the result of 1820," HRS-LC; Personal Memoirs, 43-45; Lewis Cass to observation, and facts should never be distorted by the John C. Calhoun, November 18, 1819, in the American ory." This view which stresses the gathering of facts and State Papers, Indian Affairs, II; 318-319; Calhoun to Ca.ss, criticizes attempts to generalize on the basis of inadequate February 25, 1820, ibid., 320; Calhoun to Schoolcraft, Jan information, together with the haste with which he wrote, uary 20, 1820; Schoolcraft to William H. Crawford, Janu explains the disjointed character of most of his published ary 18, 1820, both in HRS-LC. works. "Schoolcraft, "Financial Journal, 1819-1826," pawm. 45 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 ten in a terse style and provides details of the each other with knives, two instances of which day-to-day problems faced by tenderfoot trav have occurred since our residence here. No elers in the wilds and gives a vivid impression correction was administered in either case, the of life among the backwoods hunters whom act being rather looked upon as a promising Schoolcraft heartily disliked. In this respect it trait of character. . . . The girls are brought compares favorably with the impersonal, pad up with little care, and inured to servile em ded, and often pedantic works of his later ployments. . . . Being deprived of all the ad years." vantages of dress, possessed by our fair At the same time the Journal provides an in country-women in the east, they are by no sight into Schoolcraft's own personality, one means calculated to inspire admiration, but on permeated with the village squire's concern the contrary, disgust. . . ." for respectability. In his own childhood he had Among the other components of School carefully noted the gap between himself and craft's somewhat priggish village-bourgeois the small respectable class ofthe village on the outlook was this marked tendency to equate one hand and the working rabble, character education with respectability—a tendency ized by rude manners and a deficient knowl which led him, in later years, to embellish his edge of proper English usage, on the other. own past with imaginary college attendance.'' This attitude never left him and, indeed, grew increasingly rigid with the passage of years. The humiliation of his bankruptcy, which had T the end of April, 1820, School greatly exacerbated his already visible sense of A craft proceeded to Buffalo, insecurity, further accentuated this craving where, since the lakes had not yet opened for for respectability and loathing of the disrepu navigation, he paid his first visit to Niagara table. Falls. He then embarked for Detroit in com His view ofthe hunters in Missouri, which pany with Captain David B. Douglass of West closely paralleled his opinion of the trader/ Point, the army officer selected to serve as to voyageur population of the upper Great pographer to the Cass Expedition. They ar Lakes and the American Indian in general, rived at Detroit on May 8, and on the twenty- appears most explicitly in his description of sixth the expedition set out from Grosse Point. the households where he spent two weeks Following an uneventful passage to Mackinac, chopping wood and grinding corn. There, he Schoolcraft examined the geology of the is wrote: "The sabbath is not known by any ces land and visited the nearby St. Martin's Is sation ofthe usual avocations ofthe hunter in lands, whose gypsum deposits he pronounced this region. To him all days are equally unhal nearly inexhaustible. The party left Mackinac lowed, and the first and last day of the week with a military escort because there were ru find him alike sunk in unconcerned sloth, and mors of hostile attitudes among the Chippewa stupid ignorance. He neither thinks for him residing at Sault Ste. Marie. In fact. Governor self, nor reads the thoughts of others. . . . Cass narrowly averted an outbreak of hostili Schools are also unknown, and no species of ties, but he did conclude a treaty providing for learning cultivated. Children are wholly igno the cession of a tract of land to the United rant of the knowledge of books, and have not States for the construction of a military post. learned even the rudiments of their own The expedition then entered Lake Superior tongue. Thus situated, without moral re and coasted west along its southern shore past straint, brought up in the uncontrolled indul gence of every passion, and without a regard '=Schoolcraft,yourna/o/a Tour, 49-50; "The Cricket," of religion the state of society among the rising No. III. Schoolcraft's autobiographial "revisionism" was generation in this region is truly deplorable. carried to its peak by his widow. In "Henry R. School In their childish disputes, boys frequently stab craft," a funeral discourse reprinted by Mary Howard Schoolcraft, she states that he pursued advanced studies at Union and Middlebury colleges, leaving about the time of the close of the War of 1812. Then, when he was '••Henry Rowe Schoolcraft, "Journal of a Tour into the twenty-four, she continues. Governor Dewitt Clinton in Interior of Missouri and Arkansaw," in the New York Liter duced him to engage in the exploration of the country ary Journal and Belles Lettres Repository, 2:256-265, west of the Mississippi. Many of the ludicrous tales in 330-344, 339-408; 3:100-111, 169-183; Schoolcraft, cluded in this discourse have made their way into later ref Journal of a Tour, passim. erence works. The document can be found in HRS-LC. 46 BREMER: SCHOOLCRAFT the Grand Sable sand bank and the Pictured fluctuating water level of the bay in an effort Rocks to the mouth of the Ontonagan River, to resolve the controversy over whether tides where they paused to carry out an examina existed in the upper lakes. (Schoolcraft cor tion of the famous Ontonagan copper rock. rectly concluded that the irregular changes in This boulder, situated a day's travel inland, the water level resulted from the effects of proved disappointing. Schoolcraft estimated wind-induced currents on the surface waters its overall dimensions at eleven cubic feet and of Lake Michigan.) The main body of the ex its copper content at only 2,200 pounds, com pedition sailed to Chicago and Cass and most pared with Alexander Henry's earlier esti ofthe men returned overland to Detroit, leav mate of five tons. The travelers resumed their ing Schoolcraft and Douglass to complete the journey, passed the Apostle Islands (which topographical and geological survey of Lake Schoolcraft subsequently chose to call the Fed Michigan. They left Chicago the last day of eration Islands because they badly outnum August and made an uneventful voyage up bered the apostles), and arrived at Fond du the western shore of the Peninsula of Michi Lac on the St. Louis River after a passage of gan, reaching Mackinac on September 9 and eighteen days on Lake Superior."' Detroit two weeks later. They had been gone They proceeded inland through mosquito- nearly four months.'* infested tamarack swamps to Sandy Lake. While in Detroit, Schoolcraft accepted a Cass and a reduced party continued up the tentative appointment from Cass as secretary Mississippi to Upper Red Cedar Lake, which to an Indian treaty to be held at Chicago the Schoolcraft subsequently renamed Cassina following summer. He then shipped his min Lake (Cass Lake) in honor of the governor. eral collections to the East, returned to his Cass had intended to continue upstream to family in Oneida County, and began prepar Lac La Biche or Elk Lake, which Indians and ing his preliminary report on the copper de traders described as the actual source of the posits of the Northwest for Secretary Mississippi. However, the low state of the wa Calhoun. In that document he gave a histori ter made the streams nearly impassable, and cal sketch of mineralogical investigations in the party returned downstream after a stay of the region together with his own observations only two hours at Cass Lake. Continuing down made on the tour. His examination had re the Mississippi they passed out of the forest vealed abundant evidence of sizable copper into prairie country where they halted for a deposits over a region stretching from the buffalo hunt that provided them with the first Keeweenaw Peninsula to the Ontonagan fresh meat they had enjoyed since leaving De River. He concluded, however, that the troit. They paused briefly for an Indian coun masses of detached copper which had made cil at St. Peter's, before proceeding on to Prai the Ontonagan region famous had been de rie du Chien. From that point Schoolcraft posited there rather than originating locally. made a brief visit to the lead mines of Dubu Furthermore, the isolation of the entire cop que, operated by the Fox Indians a short dis per region would hinder the development of tance west of the Mississippi. There he found its mineral resources in the near future. Fi the diggings primitively worked and the ore nally, the rocky soil would discourage agricul crudely processed by white traders using the tural development while the presence of Indi same smelting techniques he had earlier wit ans would necessitate military protection for nessed in Missouri." any mining operations that might be under He returned to Prairie du Chien, and the taken." expedition made an uneventful passage up Before returning home Schoolcraft de the Wisconsin River, across the portage, and cided to repeat his procedure of the previous down the Fox River to Green Bay. There the year, going to New York City in order to dis scientific members of the party examined the play and sell his minerals and to publish an other book. However, while visiting Albany in "•Henry Rowe Schoolcraft, Narrative J ourncd of Travels Through the Northwestern Regions of the United States Extend "^Ihid., 355-419, especially 37:^-377. ing from Detroit Through the Great Chain of American Lakes to '"Schoolcraft, "A letter to John Johnston. . ."; School the Sources of the Mississippi . . . 1820 (Albany, 1821), craft, Personal Memoirs, 52; Schoolcraft to John C. 31-204, especially 175-178. Calhoun, November 6, 1820, in the American State Papers, "rtirf., 205-354. PublicLands, III: 368-375. 47 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 December he signed a publication agreement blank spaces left by his narrowly focused jour whose terms suggest a serious degree of finan nal, Schoolcraft borrowed heavily from earlier cial embarassment on his part. In exchange travel writers. Perhaps one-fifth of his Narra for the copyright, the publisher agreed to fur tive text derives from Zebulon Pike, Alexander nish forty copies of each edition printed to Henry, Pierre de Charlevoix, Baron de La gether with stationery for writing, room and Hontan, Jonathan Carver, and others from board with firewood, and library access while whom he borrowed, with or without acknowl the author prepared the manuscript and su edgment. Most of his information concerning pervised the printing. Undoubtedly School the Indians and the history of the Northwest craft felt anxious to rush another work into came from these sources, while his own contri print in order to confirm his scientific reputa butions were the geographical and geological tion. He also clearly wished to get his narrative descriptions. The hasty composition of the onto the market before any other member of volume led to numerous errors, such as his es the expedition, particularly Douglass, did so. timate of the average rate of all of the Missis So, for the next four months he remained vir sippi between Cass Lake and the Gulf of Mex tually confined to his room save for visits to lo ico, which he calculated at about five times the cal libraries. There he worked in great haste, correct figure based upon his own data. On for what he wrote one day went to press the the other hand, he did provide an adequate next, and he had to examine proof sheets con- account of the geographical character of the standy.™ country through which the expedition passed, During the tour Schoolcraft kept a mineral and he fully described particular subjects of ogical journal and weather record. He de interest, such as the Dubuque mines. Taken as voted much of his energy to searching out a whole, the Narrative represents a creditable mineral specimens and fossils and chipping although not an outstanding performance.^' them away from the parent rock with his ham mer. (This practice led the Indians to call him the destroyer of rocks and to represent him in [URING this expedition School their pictographs as a man with a hammer.) D'craf t encountered the Ameri The mineralogical journal provided the basic can Indians in their natural setting for the first framework for his Narrative Journal of Travels time, and he clearly did not like what he saw. Through the Northwestern Regions of the United Certain aspects of their culture clearly fasci States which appeared in May, 1821. In con nated him, particularly their pictographic trast to his earlier works, this volume bore writing and, to a lesser extent, their legends, traces ofthe library copyist. To help fill out the two of which he reported in summary form. But while he found these subjects interesting, he showed a marked distaste for the Indians "Schoolcraft to Nathaniel Carter, October 27, 1820; Schoolcraft to Samuel Mitchill, October 27, 1820; Memo themselves, whom he dismissed largely as beg randum of January 3, 1821, Henry R. Schoolcraft and E & ging savages and drunkards. (By contrast, E Hosford, Albany, all in HRS-LC; Schoolcraft, Personal Douglass thought them impressively superior Memoirs, 52-56. At the time of the tour Schoolcraft, to their counterparts in the East.) Schoolcraft Douglass, and Cass discussed the possible publication of their discoveries but came to no formal agreement on the showed little interest in the Indians' ceremo matter. Against this background Schoolcraft proposed to nial rites and gave a short description of only Douglass that they produce a joint volume of scientific pa one—the green-corn dance. Otherwise he pers concerning the expedition, implying that his own found their music monotonous and their narrative merely described day-to-day events. Douglass dances dull in the extreme. In short, he classi agreed to this proposal and felt bitter at learning that in fact Schoolcraft's volume had effectively preempted the fied the Indians, like the white hunters of Mis market for such a work. Schoolcraft himself apparently souri, as savages. According to his concept of felt a genuine interest in the proposed joint work, which society, this relegated them to the status of a never materialized, but also felt guilty over his deliberate deception of Douglass, as becomes clear in the defensive tone of his prolonged explanation of the incident in his ""Geological and Mineralogical Journal," HRS-LC; Personal Memoirs. Douglass to Schoolcraft, February 9, Schoolcraft, Narrative Journal, passim, especially 214, March 17, 1821, HRS-LC; Schoolcraft to Douglass, No 261-263; Schoolcraft to Lewis Cass, June 4, 1821, in vember 30, 1820, January 30, April 8, 1821, reprinted in Michigan Superintendency of Indian Affairs, Letters Re Mentor Williams, ed.. Narrative Journal of Travels (East ceived, Record Group 75, National Archives, Washing Lansing, 1953), 353-357. ton, D.C. 48 BREMER: SCHOOLCRAFT degenerate branch of humanity, doomed to New York City after a stay of four weeks. He perpetual sloth by their addiction to the reached Detroit on the morning of July 3, hunter state. Although his later thinking on 1821, and set off from that city for Chicago the general subject of the Indian and his role with Governor Cass the same afternoon." in history underwent several major changes, The governor's party crossed Lake Erie in a his personal dislike for them in the flesh, par single canoe and ascended the Maumee River ticularly in large numbers, never diminished.'^- as far as Fort Defiance, from which he and In his Narrative Schoolcraft professed to be Schoolcraft traveled overland through fifty the only living person who had visited both the miles of unpopulated forest to Fort Wayne. source and the mouth ofthe Mississippi. From There they joined the governor's secretary the context in which he advanced this claim it and set off for the Wabash River, which they becomes clear that even as he wrote this pas descended in two canoes as far as Shaw- sage he well knew that Cass Lake did not, in neetown on the Ohio River. En route they fact, constitute the source of that river. Ac paused at various points, including the cele cording to local Indians and traders that brated communal settlement at Harmony, In source lay in Lac La Biche or Elk Lake, which diana. From Shawneetown they proceeded Cass had originally intended to visit. The overland across the wet prairies to the eastern claim, however, provided a useful advertise bank of the Mississippi opposite St. Louis. ment and might bolster his reputation as While Cass spent several days in that city, scientist-explorer. With his usual acumen he Schoolcraft made a short visit to the lead dis dedicated the volume to Calhoun, fulsomely trict where he met old friends, paid off some praising the Secretary's policy of encouraging of his debts, and learned ofthe death of Moses scientific exploration. In his preface he also Austin. He then returned to St. Louis and the acknowledged his obligation to Governor De party continued up the Mississippi past the witt Clinton for allowing him the use of his pri Missouri to the mouth of the Illinois River. vate library for research purposes.'^' They ascended this river with its masses of de Although he had planned to proceed to caying vegetation as far as the ancient fort at Washington from Albany following the publi Starved Rock, then continued overland on cation of his book, Schoolcraft found himself horseback. After inspecting a petrified tree in short of funds on arrival in New York City and the Des Plaines River and a large mound sent a copy of his Narrative to Calhoun from known as Mount Joliet they reached Chicago that place. He abandoned the idea of estab on August 14. The round of treaty councils lishing a mineralogical store, which he had began shortly thereafter, but part way briefly considered, and devoted himself to through the session Schoolcraft suffered an identifying the minerals he had brought from attack of "bilious fever" which confined him to the Northwest in order to prepare his mineral his room for some weeks. He finally left Chi ogical report to the Secretary of War. The im cago on September 23, arrived in Detroit two pecunious explorer then asked Calhoun for weeks later, and returned to the family resi an allowance to enable him to complete the re dence in New York in mid-October.^^ port, adding that his only income during the Shortly after his return to Oneida County, previous four years had come from the sale Schoolcraft received a letter from Governor of minerals and from his salary as a mem ber of the Cass expedition. Calhoun subse ^^Schoolcraft to Douglass, January 30, 1821, in Wil quently allowed him eight weeks' pay at the liams, ed.. Narrative Journal of Travels, 353-355; School craft to Calhoun, May 21, June 15, 1821; Calhoun to per diem rate of $1.50. Schoolcraft requested Schoolcraft, May 28, June 18, 1832, HRS-LC; Schoolcraft and obtained permission to delay his report to Cass, June 4, 1821, Michigan Superintendency of In until after his return from Chicago and left dian Affairs, Letters Received. According to this letter, 1,200 of the 1,500 copies printed of the Narrative were sold within two months of publication, which would make ^^For the general contrast in their attitudes toward the it Schoolcraft's only commercially successfully travel Indians, compare Schoolcraft's Narrative Journal, 88-91, work. "Mineralogical and Geological Journal." In Personal 99, 155-157, 186,231-235;withSydney W.Jackmanand Memoirs, 67, Schoolcraft erroneously gives July 4, 1821, as John F. Freeman et al, eds. American Voyageur: The Journal the date of his departure from Detroit. of David Bates Douglass (Marquette, Michigan, 1969), 21, ^'Schoolcraft, Travels in the Central Portions of the Missis 61-64,69-71,79-80. sippi Valley . . . In the Year 1821 (New York, 1825), pa.s.sim; ''^NarrativeJournal, 254, xiv. Schoolcraft, Personal Memoirs, 68—69. 49 Schoolcraft, Narrative Journal Sault Ste. Marie, where rapids blocked the passage between Lake Superior and Lake Huron for all but the smallest vessels, giving the site strategic control ofthe Upper Great Lakes. Cass concerning his prospects for securing CHOOLCRAFT'S appointment government employment. He had sought a S began a nine-year hiatus in his clerkship in the War Department, but exploring career. In the spring of 1823 he Calhoun opposed the idea and, in any case, no hoped to receive the command of a proposed vacancy existed. Cass dangled the prospect of expedition up the St. Peter's (Minnesota) a lucrative appointment at the proposed In River to the Red River and overland through dian agency at Sault Ste. Marie before his the boundary region to Lake Superior, but protege, but congressional action on the mat much to his chagrin the appointment went to ter proceeded slowly. In the meantime, Major Stephen Long. At about the same time Schoolcraft, who had received only $350 for he finally gave up hope of securing the pro his services as treaty secretary, could hardly posed Missouri mining superintendency expect to survive much longer without obtain which, in fact, never materialized. During the ing employment. At this juncttire he wrote mid-twenties he attended Indian treaties at Cass that he had tired of traveling and wished Prairie du Chien, Fond du Lac, and Butte des to settle down. Should the proposed post at Morts, but none of these involved travel along the Sault fail to materialize, he would seek em new routes. In 1828 J. N. Reynolds proposed ployment and establish himself permanently that Schoolcraft direct the scientific branch of in his native state. Following two months at Al a projected South Seas expedition, but by this bany and a brief visit to New York City, he time the Indian agent had married and begun took a boat to Washington where he sent in his to raise a family and the prospect of two years delayed mineralogical report to Calhoun and in the remote Pacific did not appeal to him.-' launched a campaign to obtain the Sault ap During his first two winters at the Sault he pointment, which he finally secured, largely worked on the manuscript oiTravels in the Cen through Cass's efforts, in May, 1822.^*^ tral Portions of the Mississippi Valley, an account of his trip to Chicago which he published in ™Cass to Schoolcraft, October 24, 1821, HRS-LC; New York in the spring of 1825. He looked Schoolcraft to Cass, January 23, 1822, Michigan Superin tendency of Indian Affairs, Letters Received; Schoolcraft, forward with pride to the appearance of this "A letter to John Johnston"; SchooXccdih, PersonalMemoirs, work, dedicated to Lewis Cass. It was the first 83-88; Schoolcraft to Calhoun, April 3, 1822, in Williams, e 30 BREMER: SCHOOLCRAFT he had written at leisure utilizing extensive li were unequivocally marked in the appearance brary research and with considerable atten ofthe females.^' tion to stylistic matters. Unhappily, the book As for the American Indians, Schoolcraft proved another commercial failure. Whatever now viewed their future prospects in a more his success in conforming to the literary fash optimistic light. Although he condemned the ion of the day, the region that he traversed philosophers who confused the state of nature lacked the romantic aura ofthe unknown that with happiness, he himself painted a golden characterized the upper Mississippi-Lake Su picture of the Indians prior to their contact perior region, and the book did not describe with the white frontiersmen as living in a state any exciting perils. For the modern reader its of innocence characterized by material abun significance lies in its description of the settle dance, health, hospitality, and simplicity. Un ment at Harmony, Indiana, its discussions of happily, their contact with the pioneers of civi the American Indian, and its speculations as to lization led to the loss of these primitive virtues the geological origins ofthe central prairies.^" and to an economic dependency leading to Like most of his countrymen, Schoolcraft degradation. Although he doubted the effi viewed the communal settlement at Harmony cacy ofthe school system operated by the Rev with mixed feelings. On the one hand it repre erend Isaac McCoy which he had inspected at sented a remarkable triumph of civilized man Fort Wayne, he still believed it possible to save over nature—within the space of eight years a the Indian through education. As he ex forest had given way to more than 3,000 acres plained, the same means that had exalted the of cultivated fields and a village of 900 resi whites might now exalt the Indians. Schools dents. The village itself was a model of neat would give them a new existence and raise ness, and its carefully laid out grid of solid them to the dignity of rational, intellectual, brick and frame houses, factories, and public and social men. At the same time, bringing buildings gave it an air of orderly permanence them into the fold of the Christian church that contrasted sharply with the appearance of would deliver them from their worse than most frontier towns of the time. Even more Egyptian bondage. This change from the agreeably, it housed neither drunkards, static pessimism of his 1820 Narrative in which idlers, nor spendthrifts. At the same time, he depicted the Indian as a nomad doomed to however, it operated on antidemocratic prin extinction probably arose from two sources. ciples under the authoritarian direction of the On the one hand, during this visit he saw rela Rappes, father and son. From the newly wed tively "civilized" Indians who cultivated fields Schoolcraft's point of view, the worst feature and lived in log houses. To one accustomed to of the system lay in its treatment of women. thinking of the Indian as a nomadic inhabitant The sight of women working in the fields of wigwams, this experience proved eye- aroused his indignation, and he condemned opening. Furthermore, his own marriage to a the society "that does not even allow to the half-Ojibwa woman at the Sault had probably softer sex, those exemptions which are the un reinforced him in his belief that it would be erring marks of civilization and refinement." possible to save the Indian from extinction by He also found it difficult to believe that the obliterating his native culture.'" married residents of Harmony could obey their leader's injunction to cease exercising In his View ofthe Lead Mines Schoolcraft had their conjugal privileges, but concluded from hypothesized the former existence of a barrier the lack of births since the promulgation of across the Mississippi which had created an that policy that it had been obeyed. The conse ocean covering the area now occupied by the quences of this austerity, Schoolcraft wrote. states of Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, and Kentucky. In his 1825 volume he developed this line of reasoning further, contending that the exist ence of such an ocean would account for the ^Schoolcraft to Robert Laird, April 1, 1824, Minne origins of the secondary strata that character sota Historical Society, St. Paul; Schoolcraft to Cass, June ized that region, and that the Great Lakes 30, 1824, Michigan Superintendency of Indian Affairs, Letters Received; Schoolcraft, "A letter to John John ston"; Schoolcraft, Travels in the Central Portions ofthe Mis ^'Schoolcraft, Travels in the Central Portions ofthe Missis- sissippi Valley, passim: Collins and Harney to Schoolcraft, sippiValley, 163-170, June 9, 1828, HRS-LC. ™/fe"rf., 76, 96-97, 121-123,392-402,404-437. 51 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 might well represent the remains of such a ality with the conclusion of the Treaty of Fond body of water. The demolition ofthe original du Lac in the summer of 1826. That spring barrier across the Mississippi had then caused Benton wrote Schoolcraft that the treaty the stream to extend itself as far as the Gulf of would provide an opportunity for settling the Mexico. In addition, following this hypothesis, "copper mine business" without requiring the collapse ofthe barrier would have drained action by the House of Representatives. In its out the water from the former ocean, leaving final form the treaty authorized the United it to recede into newer channels. Trees would States government to search for and remove then spring up along the banks of these newly copper from the Chippewa country. This formed streams while the sun-drenched high clause evidently arose from the necessity for lands produced grass. The latter vegetation determining the exact location of the deposits would attract large herds of grazing animals in order to lay the basis for future land ces which might trample down any saplings that sions. Given the size and remoteness ofthe re appeared, thus precluding the growth of large gion, no large-scale cessions could be expected trees and forming the great central prairies of for some time, whereas a small cession of min the American continent." eral land might more readily be negotiated. During his eleven years at the isolated Sault Later that decade Schoolcraft hoped to obtain Indian agency Schoolcraft continued to pur government approval of an expedition to sue his interests in mineralogy and geology, al search for copper, but Benton's bill on the sub though in diminishing degree. He received ject came to grief in the House of Representa numerous mineral specimens from Indians, tives and the project came to nothing. Thus traders, friends, and relatives, transmitting the impetus for government exploration of many of them to scientific men in the East. He the copper country ebbed and the develop also provided descriptive information on the ment of that region had to await the transfer mineralogy of the Northwest to specialists of mineral land to the United States in 1841 such as Parker Cleaveland. In addition, he and the subsequent report of Michigan Geolo corresponded widely with private individuals gist Douglass Houghton, coupled with the and government officials concerning the cop general economic revival ofthe early forties.'^ per resources ofthe Lake Superior region. In answer to a Senate resolution probably insti gated by Thomas Hart Benton, he wrote a kURING the I820's the United lengthy letter to Calhoun in the autumn of D States government sought to es 1822 in which he largely reiterated the views tablish peace among the traditionally hostile set forth in his 1820 report. Now, however, the tribes of the Northwest, but met with only limit Indian agent believed that physical isolation ed success. The Indian Department's most stren need no longer pose a major obstacle to the de uous efforts failed to halt the most serious of velopment ofthe copper mines. With the com those conflicts, that between the Sioux and pletion ofthe Erie Canal scheduled for 1824, Chippewa of the upper Mississippi. In the it would become possible to ship copper di- summer of 1830 the department instructed recdy from the Ontonagan-Keeweenaw district Schoolcraft to proceed to that region to hold to New York City by water over a distance of 1,400 miles, less than that traveled by lead '^ames D. Doty to Schoolcraft, June 24, 1824; George from Missouri. He also believed that the Indi Johnston to Schoolcraft, August 20, 1827; Joseph Dela- ans would prove willing to part with their min field to Schoolcraft, March 17, 1826; Parker Cleaveland to eral lands, although he warned that their su Schoolcraft, January 10, 1827, all in HRS-LC; Schoolcraft to Cleaveland, November 26, 1828, reprinted in the De perstitions militated against revealing troit Gautte, February 12, 1829; Cass to Schoolcraft, Octo information about minerals to the whites for ber 19, 1823; Ebenezer Brigham to Schoolcraft, June 27, fear of offending various manitos or even the 1827; Thomas Hart Benton to Schoolcraft, March 14, Great Spirit himself. 1826, all in HRS-LC; Schoolcraft to Calhoun, October 1, 1822, in the American State Papers, Public Lands, This copper dream came a step closer to re- 111:365-368; Cass to Benton, January 19, 1823, Michigan Superintendency of Indian Affairs, Letters Sent; School craft to Cass, May 15, 1829, Michigan Superintendency of 3'Schoolcraft, View of the Lead Mines, 299-230; School Indian Affairs, Letters Received. The text ofthe Treaty of craft, Travels in the Central Portions of the Mississippi Valley, Fond du Lac appears in the 6'.5. Statutes at Large, 173-179,216-221. VII:290-295. 52 Sctioolcialt, NaiiativeJournal Schoolcraft's somewhat hyperbolic drawing of the famous Ontonagon copper boulder, which in fact measured only eleven cubic feet and contained 2,200 pounds of copper. councils with the Indians, but his instructions leisurely scientific survey of the southern arrived too late for implementation that sea shore of Lake Superior, including six days de son. That autumn the Indian agent outlined voted to examining the Keeweenaw Peninsula his idea of the tour, which he proposed to in for traces of copper. Schoolcraft subsequently clude taking census of the Sioux and Chip wrote to his wife that Houghton was adapting pewa bands in the upper Mississippi and in to the rigors of exploratory travel as well as specting trading posts in the region. He also could be expected of a beginner. Houghton urged the dispatch of a military escort whose later traveled inland to visit the Ontonagan chief might assume some scientific duties. As rock while Schoolcraft held a council with the for his route, he proposed to pass through the Chippewa band living at the mouth of the sources ofthe Mississippi as far as Upper Red river of that name, then the party continued Lake, returning via one of several possible west to the mouth of the Bad River. They as routes to the Mississippi, then ascending ei cended that stream and crossed the ridge sep ther the St. Croix or the Chippewa River route arating the Lake Superior basin from the Mis to Lake Superior.•'' sissippi Valley.''' Owing to a delay in the issuance of instruc Here Schoolcraft divided the party, send tions, the 1831 expedition did not set out from ing the military detachment and heavy bag the Sault until late June. It included School gage to Lac Courte Oreilles, where he planned craft, Douglass Houghton, a physician who to hold an Indian council while he, Houghton, had lectured on the natural sciences at Detroit and the interpreter descended the Nameka- the previous winter, an interpreter, secretary, gon and the St. Croix to the Yellow River voyageurs, and Indians. In addition, a sepa where they met with several other Chippewa rate barge carried a small military detach bands. After urging their leaders to exchange ment. They left Point Vermillion on Lake Su gifts with the Sioux, they returned upstream perior on June 29, by which time Schoolcraft in order to head off a Chippewa war party had decided to omit the proposed visit to the gathering to attack their traditional enemy. upper Mississippi region, probably because This effort proved successful and after a series there were reports of low water in the streams of further councils the reunited expedition that season. Consequently the party made a '••Schoolcraft to Elbert Herring, September 21, 1831, in Henry Rowe Schoolcraft, Narrative of an Expedition "Thomas McKenney to Cass, July 21,1830, Michigan Through the Upper Mississippi to Itasca Lake, the Actual Source Superintendency of Indian Affairs, Letters Received; of This River, Embracing an Exploratory Trip through the St. Cass to Schoolcraft, August 9, 1830, Michigan Superin Croix and Burntwood (or Broule) Rivers: in 1832 (New York, tendency of Indian Affairs, Sault Ste. Marie Agency, Let 1834), 265-285; Schoolcraft to Cass, June 28, 1831, in ters Received; Schoolcraft to Cass, September 14, October Territorial Papers, XII:304-305; Schoolcraft, Personal 1, 1830, Michigan Superintendency of Indian Affairs, Memoirs, 351-370; Schoolcraft to Jane Schoolcraft, July Sault Ste. Marie Agency, Letters Sent. 10, 1831, HRS-LC. 53 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 descended the Chippewa River to the Missis of seven years, beginning with his marriage in sippi, which they followed as far as the vicinity the autumn of 1823. At that point, following of Galena, Illinois. Schoolcraft obtained a some five years of acute personal and eco wagon and went overland into the interior of nomic anxiety, he had become sufficiently es the lead district, passing through Gratiot's tablished in life to marry, and during the next Grove, Mineral Point, and the Blue Mounds four years his domestic life was one of great fe en route to Fort Winnebago, where he re licity. His correspondence with his half-Indian joined the rest of the party which had come up wife at that time reveals a marital relationship by canoe. From this point they returned by the of unusual intensity and suggests that follow usual route through the Fox River Valley, ing his years of travail he had found a sense of Green Bay, and Mackinac.'^ peace based upon his family. His wife became That autumn Lewis Cass, now Secretary of pregnant soon after their marriage and the War, instructed Schoolcraft to submit plans fact of impending fatherhood led him to pon for an expedition to the upper Mississippi the der the meaning of life and his place in the following summer. Both men well knew that universe. Prior to this time he had paid the the Indian agent would, if possible, visit the usual lip service to religion as the foundation true source of the Mississippi which had of civilized society, but had displayed no pietis- eluded them a dozen years earlier. Schoolcraft dc inclinations of note. Now, during the win reiterated his intention of following the route ter of 1823-1824, he came under the influ he had oudined in the autumn of 1830, and he ence of the Reverend Robert Laird, a invited Houghton to accompany him as physi Presbyterian minister who spent the winter at cian and natural scientist. When Congress the Sault vainly attempting to awaken a Chris provided for the vaccination of Indians tian spirit among the members of the military against smallpox, Schoolcraft appointed garrison. Within the extremely limited circle Houghton to perform this duty. He also rec of respectability at the Sault, Schoolcraft read ommended that Lieutenant James Allen com ily associated with Laird and began to under mand the military escort and perform topo take serious bible study. However, he did not graphical duties. Finally, he decided to take feel sufficiently sure of his religious convic- along the Reverend William Boutwell, a Con- dons to make a public confession of faith, and gregationalist missionary to the Chippewa, his interest in religion faded during the next who was sponsored by the American Board of three years.'" Commissioners for Foreign Missions. In the spring of 1824 Schoolcraft became a Boutwell was to undertake a moral reconnais father for the first time, and for the next two sance ofthe Indians with a view to their future and a half years he and his wife adulated their evangelization. Thus Schoolcraft's 1832 expe son. In March, 1827, however, the child suc dition combined a variety of disparate func cumbed to a sudden attack of the croup. This tions, including peacemaking between hostile disaster shattered the peace that Schoolcraft tribes, vaccination of the Indians, the inspec had found within his family circle and revived tion of trading posts, a moral survey ofthe ab his sense of personal insecurity. After brood origines, and geographical exploration. Be ing over the event for some days, he con fore setting out he announced two novel rules cluded that the loss of his son represented an that would be enforced during the tour. First, act of divine retribution against himself and it would be a teetotaler expedition; the usual his wife for their sin in idolizing their son allowance of a gill of liquor per boatman per above God himself. From that time on he gave day would be omitted. Secondly, he would not travel on Sunday, when, instead, Boutwell "•Cass to Schoolcraft, December 11, 1831, HRS-LC; would offer religious services for those who Schoolcraft to Cass, February 24, 1832, in the Lewis Cass might feel inclined to attend."* Papers, Clements Library, University of Michigan; Schoolcraft to Herring, February 13, 1832; Schoolcraft to The latter aspect ofthe tour stemmed from David Greene, February 25, 1832; Herring to School Schoolcraft's religious conversion, which had craft, May 3, 1832, all in HRS-LC; Schoolcraft, jVarratiwo/ occurred in piecemeal fashion over the span an Expedition, 19-21, 117-118. ^'Schoolcrdiil, Personal Memoirs, 190-191; Schoolcraft ''Schoolcraft to Herring, September 21, 1831, in to Cass, June 7, 1824, Michigan Superintendency of In Schoolcraft, Narrative of an Expedition, 265-285; School dian Affairs, Letteis Received; Robert M. Laird to School craft Persona/M^TBOJVJ, 371—396. craft, May 20, 1824, HRS-LC. 54 Schoolcraft, Indian tribes ot U.S. The discovery of Lake Itasca—capstone of Schoolcraft's career as explorer—as drawn by Seth Eastman from a sketch by Schoolcraft. himself over increasingly to the study of reli physician at Ft. Brady with whom Schoolcraft gion, culminating in his formal profession of had a bitter personal feud, urged him to re faith in the winter of 1830-1831. At this point sign from or face expulsion from the local he seriously considered entering the ministry, temperance society. Following the local flurry but ultimately decided against doing so. Reli generated by this squabble, the Indian agent gion, however, dominated his outlook on life decided to eliminate any possibility of future and, following a prolonged series of personal reproaches by not carrying any liquor at all.'** and family catastrophes after 1836, grew into After leaving the Sault on June 7 the expe an obsession. dition made a relatively uneventful sixteen- day passage to Fond du Lac. It replicated the IVEN the intensity of his reli route followed by the Cass expedition as far as G-gious feelings, his own career in Cass Lake, where Schoolcraft left a number of the Indian department, and his marriage to a men with the heavy baggage before ascending Christian woman of Indian origins, School the Mississippi with a small party guided by craft became increasingly concerned with the the Chippewa chief Ozawandib. They made a problem of the conversion of the Indian. He rapid journey because the streams were run now concluded that conversion must precede ning full. After passing through Lake Bemidji the civilization ofthe aborigines and was, con and Lake Irving, the men reached the fork of sequently, indispensable to their physical sur the river and followed the smaller branch, vival. He decided to include Boutwell on the expedition. The decision not to travel on Sun "Schoolcraft, Personal Memoirs, 260-263: Schoolcraft to C. C. Trowbridge, April 28, 1827, in the C. C. day arose from Schoolcraft's own Sabbatarian Trowbridge Papers, Burton Historical Collections, De conviction as well as from a desire to demon troit Public Library; Schoolcraft to Jane Schoolcraft, No strate the practical efficacy of Christian princi vember 24, December 22, 1830, HRS-LC. A journal kept ples. The rule against alcohol also arose in part by Schoolcraft in February, 1831 (filed under general cor respondence in HRS-LC) gives an account of his daily reli from personal belief, as Schoolcraft had be gious observances. Schoolcraft, Narrative of an Expedition, come a teetotaler in the late 1820's. It also re 144—146; Schoolcraft to Boutwell, February 14, 1832, flected a desire to avoid embarrassment of the HRS-LC. In the summer of 1824 Schoolcraft had deter kind which had greeted him after the 1831 ex mined not to receive Indians at the agency on Sunday, nor pedition. His voyageurs had gotten drunk on to receive any Indians in a state of intoxication. School craft, Personal Memoirs, 146. Edwin James to Schoolcraft, several occasions, and Dr. Edwin James, the November 29, December 9,1831, HRS-LC. 55 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 now the Schoolcraft River, to a point where it cai Pillager band. Flat Mouth, one of the best- virtually disappeared in the swamps. A six- known Chippewa chiefs, responded to School mile portage through tamarack swamps and craft's peacemaking overtures with a sand hills brought them to Lac La Biche, the blistering attack upon the United States gov main source ofthe Mississippi River's primary ernment and its representatives. He accused branch. Schoolcraft renamed the lake Itasca, Lawrence Taliaferro, Indian agent at St. Pe from an anagram made from the Latin words ter's, of encouraging the Sioux to attack his Veritas caput, which Boutwell had earlier sug own tribesmen and complained of School gested as meaning true head or true source." craft's bad faith in promising to visit his band Although Lake Itasca represented the pri the previous year and then failing to appear mary geographical objective of the expedition while they awaited him. He further hinted and its discovery proved to be the summit of that he would seek assistance from the British, Schoolcraft's career as an explorer in the Mis and added that he would offer further re sissippi Valley, the men remained there for marks the next day. Schoolcraft had already only a few hours. They passed through the heard enough. He moved his men to a new lake in their canoes but did not coast the entire campsite on the lake that very night. The next shore. They erected a tent, raised a flagstaff, day they passed through the chain of lakes and hoisted a small American flag on the is leading to the Crow Wing River and de land which James Allen named for School scended it to the junction with the Mississippi, craft. Several of the men gathered tree limbs continuing down the latter stream as far as suitable for fashioning into walking canes and Fort Snelling. Schoolcraft held another coun collected a few plants and shells. They left the cil with the Sioux, who received his announce lake at about five o'clock that afternoon, July ment of the government's new policy of total 13, 1832. From this point they made a rapid liquor exclusion from the Indian country with descent of the river so that the entire round a notable lack of enthusiasm. After this brief trip from Cass Lake to Lake Itasca and return respite the party again set off down the Missis occupied only five days.^" sippi as far as its junction with the St. Croix, From Cass Lake the expedition continued which they ascended.*' on to huge Leech Lake, where it halted for a At this point the military detachment fell day to vaccinate and hold councils with the lo- behind Schoolcraft's civilian party, as had hap pened before, because the soldiers had diffi ''Schoolcraft, Narrative of an Expedition, 19-46; James culty with the canoes. When the water level be Allen, "Journal of an Expedition into the Indian country, gan falling rapidly, Schoolcraft decided to to the source ofthe Mississippi, made under the authority of the War Department," 7-44, in "Schoolcraft and return to Lake Superior with all possible speed Allen—Expedition to the Northwest Indians" (23rd Con instead of waiting for the men who had fallen gress, 1st Session, House Executive Document 323); behind. Since he took with him both the inter Schoolcraft to Addison Philleo, July 24, 1832, reprinted in preter and the physician, the soldiers had to the Detroit Democratic Free Press and Michigan Advertiser, Oc make their way through unfamiliar country, tober 25, 1832;Jacob V. Brower, The Mississippi River and Its Source, An Historical and Geographical Record (Minneapo unable to communicate with the Indians, with lis, 1893), 148-149. To be accurate, the source of the Mis rapidly deteriorating canoes, and in unfavor sissippi lies in the catchment basin surrounding Lake able travel conditions. They reached Lake Su Itasca rather than in the lake itself. Schoolcraft did not ac perior five days after the civilians, and in a tually discover the lake, whose significance local Indians state of near-complete exhaustion. School and traders clearly understood, but he was the first visitor to write a book on the subject and to provide maps show craft subsequently received considerable criti ing its proper location. In his Summary Narrative (1855) cism from military and other quarters for leav Schoolcraft wrote, "Having previously got an inkling of ing the soldiers behind to fend for themselves some of their mythological and necromantic notions of in unknown country at a time when the Black the origin and mutations ofthe country, which permitted the use of a female name for it, I denominated it ITASCA" Hawk war fever and fear of a general Indian (p. 243). There is not a word of truth in this version, de uprising were rampant in the upper Missis signed to bolster his reputation as an ethnologist. He ac sippi Valley. The agent's haste in returning to companies this claim with several stanzas of popular verse of his own composition. Many of his other "Indian" names ^'Schoolcrcift, Narrative of an Expedition, 70-126; Allen, are equally spurious. "Journal," 46-56; Lawrence Taliaferro,yoi(rna/, X:l 17, in •'"Schoolcraft, Narrative of an Expedition, 57—67; Allen, the Lawrence Taliaferro Papers, Minnesota Historical So "Journal," 45^6. ciety. 56 BREMER: SCHOOLCRAFT the Sault in a span of time which he himself de the change in personal outlook that had oc scribed to Cass as twenty or thirty days less curred during the dozen years. The later work than could have been expected resulted from offered only a minimal amount of geographi a combination of concern for his family (a cal description, save for observations by cholera epidemic broke out on the upper lakes Schoolcraft on the previously untraveled that summer), concern for his budget allow routes from Cass Lake to Lake Itasca, from ance (which he had already overspent), and a Leech Lake to the Mississippi, and from the desire to prove the efficacy of evangelical ex junction of the Mississippi and St. Croix to ploration. In any case his performance on this, Lake Superior. For the remainder ofthe route his final expedition, appears in a less than and for the day-to-day incidents of the jour completely creditable light.*^ ney, the journals of Allen, Houghton, and Following the conclusion ofthe 1831 expe Boutwell offer far more satisfactory accounts. dition, Schoolcraft and Houghton had dis By contrast, Schoolcraft includes many de cussed the possibility of publishing a joint scriptions of councils with the Indians, a dis work covering that tour, but deferred the pro cussion of the fur trade which focuses on the ject until after the completion of the 1832 ex evils of liquor, several Indian legends, and pedition. During the winter of 1832-1833, various atrocity stories. The real message of Schoolcraft wrote a manuscript narrative of the book, however, lay in the evangelical nat the latter expedition which he later published ure of the expedition and the readiness of the in New York. Most of the papers planned for Chippewa for conversion.** the original volume appeared in the appendix In praising the Christian character of the of this work. It was published in 1834 as A'arra- expedition, Schoolcraft conveniently over tive of an Expedition Through the Upper Missis looked the fact that the military detachment sippi to Itasa Lake. . . . The actual narrative ac had occasionally traveled on Sunday in order counted for about half the text; the appendix to catch up with the Sabbatarian civilians and made up the remainder. In the latter section that the latter only managed to observe the Houghton reported on the vaccination of the rule by traveling extra hours during the other 2,070 Indians and the copper mines of Lake days of the week. Furthermore, Boutwell's Superior, and William Cooper, a New York services failed to achieve any great success naturalist, furnished a list of shells collected by among the voyageurs, who preferred to de Schoolcraft which he had identified. The In vote the sabbath to gambling, swearing, wash dian agent himself provided a list of localities ing clothes, sleeping, and dancing to the vio of minerals he had observed, and an article de lin. Schoolcraft, however, had no doubts as to scribing the lead-mining district of the upper the wisdom of evangelical exploration: "It was Mississippi. In addition, he included a number found by computing the whole route, and of official reports and letters, together with comparing the time employed . . . that an two lectures on the nature of the Chippewa equal space had been gone over, in less time, language.*' than it has ever been known to be per formed. . . . And the whole expedition, its in COMPARISON of Schoolcraft's cidents and results, have been of a character A narratives ofthe expeditions of furnishing strong reasons for uniting in as 1820 and 1832 offers a revealing insight into criptions of praise to the Eternal Power, who hath been our shield from 'the pestilence that walketh in darkness, and from the destruction ••^Allen, "Journal," 57-68; Schoolcraft, Narrative of an that wasteth at noon-day.' " It appears quite Expedition, 125-144; Schoolcraft to Cass, August 16, 1832; Boutwell to Schoolcraft, September 27, 1832, HRS-LC; possible that the singular haste of the expedi Schoolcraft's original allowance of $3,200 was reduced to tion and the abandonment of Allen's military $2,200 shortly before his departure, but, in fact, his dis bursements came to more than $3,150. Herring to School **Ibid., passim. One original copy of Boutwell's Journal craft, May 17, May 21, 1832, in Territorial Papers, XII: survives in the papers of tbe American Board of Commis 481-482; "Abstract of Disbursements Made on an Expe sioners for Foreign Missions at the Houghton Library, dition to the Sources of the Mississippi During the Sum Harvard University. A copy of another original copy (now mer of 1832," HRS-LC. lost) is reprinted together with Houghton's journal in •"Schoolcraft to John Torrey, June 2, 1832, Burton Philip P. Mason, ed., Schoolcraft's Expedition to Lake Itasca: Historical Collections; Schoolcraft, Narrative of an Expedi The Discovery of the Source of the Mississippi (East Lansing, tion, passim. 1958). 57 Schoolcraft. Indian Tribes of U.S. Seth Eastman's depiction of an Indian encampment at the falls ofthe Montreal River on the present border between Michigan and Wisconsin. detachment were directly related to School HE 1832 expedition marked the craft's desire to prove to an unchristian world T-termination of Henry Rowe the practical value of keeping the Sabbath. Schoolcraft's exploring career. Although he As for the evangelization of the Indians, retained an interest in geology and mineral Schoolcraft again displayed a high degree of ogy he became increasingly concerned with optimism in contrast with the more realistic religion, the Indian, and family problems. In observations of Allen and Boutwell. As he ex the mid-1840's, following his dismissal from plained, "No very strong barriers appear to the Indian department and the death of his stand in the way of the introduction of Chris first wife, he began publishing or republishing tianity among the northern tribes. Their insti materials pertaining to his earlier travels. tutions, moral and political, are so fragile, as to These publications proved as unsuccessful be ready to tumble on the application of the commercially as their predecessors had been, slightest power. . . . Nothing is more com and by the time of his death in 1864 School mon . . . than to find individuals who are craft and his role in the exploration of the ready to acknowledge, the insufficiency of West had been largely forgotten, save for a these means, and who appear to be prepared few lingering personal acquaintances. His ac to abandon them, and embrace the doctrine of tual career as an explorer had run its course in the Savior, the moment the fear of popular opinion among their own people can he re moved. . . ." Under these promising circum ••"Schoolcraft, Narrative of an Expedition, 117—118, 68-69. For Boutwell's ordeals with the voyageurs, traders, stances he felt free to call for public efforts to and Indians, see his journal. For the Algic Society, see bring about the speedy conversion of the Henry Rowe Schoolcraft, Constitution of the Algic Society, In Chippewa. To achieve this goal he had already stituted March 28, 1832. For Encouraging Missionary Effort in organized his Algic Society with the object of Evangelizing the North Western Tribes, and Promoting Educa collecting information about the Indians and, tion, Agriculture, Industry, Peace fc? Temperance, Among Them (Detroit, 1833). In fact, the organization largely coincided in particular, their languages, in order to assist with two meetings of the Western Synod of the Presbyte the missionaries in effecting their salvation. rian Church in Detroit in 1832 and 1833. The grandiose Now, through the medium of his Narrative, national organization which appeared impressive on pa the conversion campaign might hope to be per never functioned and, in practice, the society amounted to a local literary-missionary society which come national in scope.*^ functioned sporadically at the Sault. 58 BREMER: SCHOOLCRAFT fourteen years. It was peculiarly the career of character of the copper country of Lake Supe a self-made man who created his own profes rior which would become the primary Ameri sional credentials and pursued his explora can source of that metal in the latter half of the tions while groping for a way to transmute nineteenth century. In this regard one should them into fame and fortune. Yet, despite the consider not only his own researches, but also blatantly self-promotional nature of his travels his role as tutor to Douglas Houghton, whose and writings, he retains a strong legitimate own reports touched off the copper boom of claim to be remembered for his role in the the 1840's. Schoolcraft also largely resolved early history of the upper Mississippi valley the geographical puzzle ofthe whereabouts of and in the larger American West.*'^ the source ofthe Mississippi, at least insofar as In spite of all the flaws that characterize his it was amenable to solution by visual observa travel volumes, Schoolcraft left a substantial tion. While this may now appear a trivial ac legacy of relatively reliable writings which his complishment, it at least led to some clarifica torians of the Old Northwest have found in tion of the farther reaches of the upper dispensable for their descriptions of the Up Mississippi country. Again, Schoolcraft, for all per Lakes country. In his own time, he made practical purposes, discovered the existence of three significant contributions to the general Indian mythological tales in the Northwest knowledge of that region. It was Schoolcraft and published them, both in a condensed who first made known to the public the real form as in his 1820 Narrative and in relatively complete direct translation in his 1825 vol ume. With those publications, and his own later researches, he contributed directly to the •"•Schoolcraft's major later travel publications (or, discovery of Indian cultures and the begin more properly, republications) include: Oneota nings of American ethnology. The fact that (1844—1845); Personal Memoirs (1850); Scenes and Adven tures in the Semi-Alpine Region ofthe Ozark Mountains of Mis Schoolcraft claimed to have done so much souri and Arkansas (Philadelphia, 1853); and Summary Nar more than he actually did should not obscure rative (1855) The poor sales of these works led him to the fact that his career did include significant forego plans to republish his Travels in the Central Portions achievements toward the development of the of the Mississippi Valley, as well as his Notes on the Iroquois Northwest and the national study of the (\'i4&) and Algic Researches (\di'i9). Schoolcraft to J. B. Lip- pincott & Co., October 19, 1855, HRS-LC. American Indian. 59 READING AMERICA Wayward Reporter: The Life of A. J. Liebling. By of newspapers in New York and Providence RAYMOND SOKOLOV. (Harper & Row, New before finally landing a job on Harold Ross's York, 1980. Pp. xii, 354. Notes, index. ten-year-old magazine. The New Yorker. In the %\Q.95.) Liebling Abroad: The Road Back to Paris, company of such staff writers as E. B. White, Mollie y Other War Pieces, Normandy Revisited, James Thurber, Joseph Mitchell, Alexander Between Meals. By A.J. LIEBLING. (PEI Books, Woolcott, and Wolcott Gibbs, Liebling honed New York, 1981. Pp. x, 672. Paper, $11.95.) his reporting skills, expanded his fields of in terest, and developed a writing style and view Abbott Joseph Liebling could have gone of the world that was unique for its time: "per down in American history as one of the twenti sonal journalism." eth century's greatest journalists, if he hadn't Of course, up to the mid-1930's, The New died from gluttony first. Such is Raymond So- Yorker catered mainly to well-heeled and so- kolov's conclusion in this lean story of Lie- jhisticated readers who wanted to know what bling's life, fleshed out with generous portions lappened at the yachting races last week and from Liebling's writings. what the upper crust were doing these days. Liebling was born in 1904 on New York's Ross was ruffled when Liebling and Mitchell Lower East Side. His father had immigrated to started handing in stories about what Ross re America in the 1880's, a penniless Austrian ferred to as "lowlifes"—carnival barkers, "Tel Jew. Joseph Senior rose from furrier's ap ephone Booth Indians" (promoters who oper prentice to proprietor of his own wholesale ated out of Broadway office lobby phone fur business; by 1910 he had moved his family booths), boxers, jockeys, gym owners, and so out of the crowded tenement district to on. But by combining The New Yorker's pol middle-class respectability in a Long Island ished style with the rowdy voices of his friends suburb and was taking his wife and two chil and subjects, Liebling brought to life a society dren on trips to Europe, where his son fell in that moved at the fringes ofthe "respectable" love with France. world of the average New Yorker reader. "Joe" Liebling attended Dartmouth Col During World War II Ross sent Liebling to lege, where he did well but was bounced twice cover the Allied invasion of North Africa, D- for skipping chapel too many times. In 1923, Day, and the battle of France. Like Ernie Pyle, after a confrontation with his father, he Liebling wrote his pieces from the viewpoint agreed to enter the Puiitzer School of Journal ism at Columbia University, which he later de scribed as having "all the intellectual status of a MARY Lou M. SCHULTZ is a free-lance editor and book training school for future employees of the reviewer. She holds a bachelor's degree in American A & P." history from the University of Wisconsin and has done Following his graduation from Columbia, postgraduate work in American history and urban affairs Liebling worked as a reporter at a succession at Boston University. 60 SCHULTZ: READING AMERICA ofthe common soldier, not from that ofthe of bling's desire to be considered a "serious" ficers and politicians. Liebling's wartime writ writer and his dream of writing fiction. To ings had much ofthe flavor of travelogues and wards the end of his life he did write a few diaries. According to Sokolov, they imitated books which he had originally conceived of as Stendahl's "ironic, close-up, anti-grandiose books, and not as gathered articles—The Earl war writing." For instance, of Anthony J. of Louisiana (1961) about Huey Long's Drexel Biddle, Jr., boxer, Philadelphia mil brother, Earl, anABetweenMeals {l^fii), a nos lionaire, and ambassador to Poland (and later talgic look at his youth. to seven other collapsed countries), Liebling During the last fifteen years of his life (he observed: "His dispatches must have read like died in 1963) Liebling also wrote on boxing a play-by-play account of a man falling down and collected many of his New Yorker writings stairs." into several of the books reprinted in Liebling Back in the United States after the war, Lie Abroad: The Road Back to Paris (about the battle bling entered his most prolific writing period. of France), Mollie and Other War Pieces (about He revived Robert Benchley's "Wayward his experiences in Africa), and Normandy Re Press" column in The New Yorker and began visited (about his return to Normandy after the taking well-aimed shots at conservative pub war and the changes he found there). lishers and their confused and hysterical re Raymond Sokolov, who has worked as a porting. For example, ofthe U-2 spying scan foreign correspondent, a book reviewer, a res dal involving Gary Powers (1960), he wrote: taurant critic, and a columnist, spent four "After denying we did it, admitting we did it, years retracing Liebling's steps around Eu denying Ike knew we did it, admitting Ike rope. He has produced a book of Liebling's knew we did it, saying we had a right to do it life, roughly sketched, leaving many intrigu and denying we were still doing it, we dropped ing questions unanswered and filling in too the subject." much with his own notions of why Liebling felt Liebling's atrocious eating habits devel or acted as he did. But his book is engagingly oped during the Depression and grew to gar written, and with its enticing morsels from gantuan proportions by the end of his life. So Liebling's own writings, it is a good way to kolov implies that in addition to just plain learn something of Liebling's hectic life. Still, loving good food and drink, the five-foot- the best place to learn about Liebling's view of nine, 260-pound journalist also ate his way out the world and himself is through his own of frequent depressions. His personal life of works. Some of his subjects may have grown fered him little pleasure—one marriage to a stale with time, but his writing, in the style of schizophrenic, another to a borderline alco Mark Twain and H. L. Mencken, is as fresh, holic, and a third to a hard-drinking novelist crisp, and literate as when he originally wrote with writer's block. Sokolov also mentions Lie the pieces. Good writing never palls. 61 BOOK REVIEWS Mudville's Revenge: TlieRise and Fall of American mention machine politics and Boss Tweed in Sport. By TED VINCENT. (Seaview Books, New exams and papers might be surprised at York, 1981. Pp. 346. Illustrations, biblio Tweed's considerable involvement with base graphical notes, index. $12.95.) ball teams as vote-getting devices. The book contains interesting curiosities of Reading books over the radio is an honored historical detail, but fails to make a convincing and near-ancient practice in Wisconsin. To point. Vincent, like many of us, doesn't partic convert a radio series into a book, on the other ularly care for "society" or the Ted Turner- hand, would seem to be difficult. There is a de George Steinbrenner model of owner- gree of unevenness in this book that is proba promoter in professional sports. But he bly attributable to its origin as a sports history doesn't indicate that Mudville's revenge, how series presented over a California radio sta ever defined, has any impact on such folks. tion during 1975 and 1976. A senior colleague once advised me, "Never Mudville's Revenge seems to be a state of break a man's rice bowl." Do not harm him to mind: a participatory approach to sport, an the point of interfering with his making a liv outlook that places neighborhood above cen ing! But Vincent's writing style kindles de tral city development. It carries a partially ar structive urges. For example, he applies a ticulated civic philosophy alongside occasion burst of retrospective psychology to baseball ally intriguing discussions of sport in America players of the 1892 monopoly time: "The in the mid- and late nineteenth century. players acted out the frustrations of their jobs Vincent describes the American beginnings in displays of violence." He claims that the of three major sports: track and field, baseball, popularity of baseball in small industrial cities and basketball. He concentrates on the group such as Toledo and Altoona (Pennsylvania, ings and social characteristics of those who not Wisconsin) "stemmed . . . from an excite were involved. He sees a proletarian basis for ment brought on by rapidly changing social each ofthe three, particularly the invention of patterns and by intense conflict on the labor basketball to fill a need for active recreation in front." However, the discussion of the YMCA. Professional "pedestrians" walked nineteenth-century pedestrianism, if reread, and ran for gambling stakes through much of can tend to quiet the urge for mayhem to the first half of the period. Gambling on pe- crockery. destrianism was the major attraction for many, In addition to a tendency to tedium, the as it was in baseball, boxing, swimming, and writing lacks quality, perhaps because of practically everything else of a sporting nat difficulties translating the verbal into the writ ure. The disappearance of proletarian, local, ten. Writing such as, "big city organi even neighborhood qualities is the central ten zations . . . were into baseball," and "Pro dency which he decries. track's image problem was an impasse" sug Saloonkeepers and politicians were promi gests that the editor may have had too big a nent among the supporters of early baseball lunch. At times the detail of the exposition teams. Political science students who easily makes one long for footnotes that could be 62 BOOK REVIEWS checked. Some assertions would be worth fol historians have given scant notice to the his lowing. For example, Vincent says that in 1892 tory of domestic service in America. Neither the National (baseball) League "achieved a labor historians nor, more recently, scholars in true monopoly in big league ball and began the field of women's history have paid it the at acting against the player. . . ." tention it merits. To try to capture Vincent's vision of sports This gap is now being filled. In 1978 came Utopia leads to something like the following: a David M. K'dtzman's Seven Days a Week: Women financially successful women's professional and Domestic Service in Industrializing America, basketball league is run by the players; the which focuses on the post-Civil War era. Now teams are owned by numbers of people in the comes Daniel E. Sutherland, who sets out to home cities, many of whom are saloonkeepers examine the time span from 1800 to 1920. or local politicians or merchants; the salaries Ambitious in scope, Sutherland's book is ofthe players are comfortable but not so astro uneven in execution. The weakest chapters nomical as those of today's National Basketball are the early ones, which survey American at Association; women's support groups, labor titudes toward servants, employer-servant re unions, and neighborhood associations pro lations, wages and working conditions, and vide most ofthe fans; the players mingle with the general life experiences of servants. These their supporters at picnics and even compete chapters tend to be impressionistic, anecdotal, against them in pickup games at parks encir and occasionally patronizing in toite ("For cled by marathon runners. Then, truly, would jilted lovers or others sick at heart or weary in Mudville have its revenge on the over- body, John Barleycorn was a popular re commercialized, excessively gladiatorial in lease"). Believing that domestic service dustry which professional sport has become. changed little in its essentials over the 120- Ted Vincent's polemic to show the populist year time span of his study, Sutherland gives roots of much of American sports provides scant attention to shifts over time. Nuances are patches of interesting historical detail. They further blurred by his tendency to lump to do not, however, add up to a successful "his gether three distinct categories of servants: torical exploration ofthe emotion in sport, the hotel and restaurant workers, the elaborate qualities of attachment and concern that can domestic staffs in the mansions of the elite, not be adequately measured by mere attend and the general "maid of all work" found in ance figures," as claimed. In the spirit of the more modest middle-class households. book, you should read the library's copy and Sweeping generalizations often go undocu use your money to buy running shoes. mented: "Perhaps surprisingly, most servants were not discontented with their wages." Sur EDWARD V. SCHTEN prising indeed! University of Wisconsin—Extension Sutherland has done extensive research in the letters, diaries, and published reminis cences of employers and occasionally of ser Americans and Their Servants: Domestic Service in vants themselves. This is a rich lode, and it the United States from 1800 to 1920. By DANIEL yields valuable material. But little attention E. SUTHERLAND. (Louisiana State University has been given to manuscript census records, Press, Baton Rouge and London, 1981. Pp. xv, which would have enabled Sutherland to offer 229. Illustrations, itotes, bibliography, index. more than impressionistic evidence about the $20.00.) social characteristics of the servant class, dura tion of service, etc. Down to the 1920's domestic service was a Sutherland's most valuable contribution central feature of American life. Through comes in his last three chapters, which trace most ofthe nineteenth century, at least 50 per reform attitudes and chart the decline of do cent ofthe female work force was "in service." mestic service. The shifts in reform strategies As late as 1910 the census recorded 2,300,000 are charted in the respective writings of Ca servants. Most urban households that could tharine Beecher and Lucy Salmon. Beecher's afford the expense had at least one servant. Treatise on Domestic Economy (1841) took an es Yet a deep stigma attached to this occupation. sentially moralistic view of the problem, urg To a people prizing democracy, individual ing mistresses to be kinder to their servants ism, and egalitarian ideals, it seemed an em and pay greater heed to their immortal souls. barrassing vestige of feudalism. Perhaps un The less-well-known Salmon, author of the consciously reflecting these cultural altitudes, influentialDowM^zf Service (1897), was embued 63 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 with the scientific spirit. The solution to the Saxon myth in England and America early servant problem, she insisted, was to trans emphasized the importance and supremacy of form domestic service into a profession. In Saxon institutions. Most prominent English place of the demeaning live-in arrangement, thinkers accepted the view of a glorious Saxon she said, household service should be a day- past and most Americans of the Revoliuionary labor occupation paid on an hourly basis. generation also embraced the myth of stipe- Salmon also called for training schools where rior Anglo-Saxon institutions. At this point, future servants could learn their craft. In re however, racial matters had not significantly sponse to this proposal, a "School of House intruded and a generally optimistic halo encir keeping" was founded in Boston in 1897. It cled Anglo-Saxonism. Several ingredients al never flourished, and was eventually absorbed tered the relatively innocuous Anglo-Saxon by Simmons College. (Ironically, Lucy Salmon myth. The rise of romanticisuL the theory of was herself plagued by servant problems all Aryanism, and the European fascination with her life!) the Germanic past helped to alter "the em It was technology, not reformism, that phasis on superior racial characteristics as a eventually rang the death knell of domestic reason for strong institutions" to "an emphasis service. Beginning in the late 1800's, a series of on inferior racial characteristics as a reason for labor-saving innovations such as the gas stove, weak institutions." A growing interest in the commercial laundry, and the vacuum scientific questions that seemed to impinge on cleaner gradually rendered the old-time ser race strengthened the emergence of a concept vant anachronistic. In the illustrated magazine of racial inferiority. Phrenologists, craniolo- advertisements of these years, notes Suther gists, and anthropometrists all worked inexo land in an interesting aside, the servant was rably toward the establishment of a racial hier gradually replaced by the mistress or daugh archy with Caucasians, Anglo-Saxons, or ter ofthe household. Changes in domestic ar Germans at the top of the racial ladder. chitecture and the rise of apartment-house liv In the emergent United States, the Enlight ing also contributed to the demise in the enment ideal persisted among those who 1920's of this venerable and tenacious social thought about institutional and racial matters. institution. On the frontier, however, contacts with In Though flawed and disappointing in some dians and contacts with blacks in the South respects, Americans and Their Servants is a se prodticed widespread convictions of white su rious and valuable exploration in one of the periority. Blacks could not progress, it was ar more shadowy corners of American social his gued, and Indians were foredoomed to ex tory. tinction before the inevitable crush of white "civilization." Whereas proponents of Ameri PAUL BOYER can expansion had earlier believed that Amer University of Wisconsin—Madison ican advances into available territory would make those areas "bastions of republicanism," the new emphases on race made it possible to Race and Manifest Destiny. By REC;INALD HORS argue for manifest destiny on grounds of ra MAN. (Harvard University Press, Cambridge, cial superiority. 1981. Pp. xi, 367. Notes, index. $22.50.) By 1850, Horsman concludes, the Ameri can belief in a special national destiny com In this excellent book, Reginald Horsman bined with convictions of a superior racial and traces the origins and development of Anglo- cultural heritage to give Americans the ideo Saxon racial ideology and its impact upon logical justification for continuing slavery and American expansionism in the first half of the for advancing on desired territories in the nineteenth century. Perhaps the book's signal West. The Mexican War presented an oppor accomplishment is that it firmly establishes tunity for application of these theories and that the American fascination with race and Americans rushed to justify the war on racial racial theory fundamentally transformed the grounds. Ultimately, a distaste for the integra national outlook on other peoples and impe tion of "inferior" peoples into the American rial expansion in the early nineteenth century. Republic brought a rationalizaticm for expan Horsman carefully details the growth of sion based upon commercial penetration of Anglo-Saxonism from its European roots vulnerable territories. through its full expression in the years just be The book has many strengths. Horsman is fore the Civil War. He shows how the Anglo- particularly adept at showing the relationship 64 BOOK REVIEWS between thought and action, a hallmark of su cuse for its heinous measures employed perior intellectual history. He has also suc against King: that of national security. It does ceeded in unraveling extremely complex and not wash. What forces guided the FBI are not confused racial theories. Horsman correctly presented to the reader in any convincing emphasizes the haziness that surrounded ra manner. At the same time the author ignores cial theorizing in the early nineteenth century the Christian tradition of social justice flowing and points to the shuttling back and forth be from St. James through the Social Gospel tween race and culttue which went on in the movement, the latter the focus of King's aca minds of American thinkers and politicians. demic studies whose doctrines tumbled from lhe book has no serious weaknesses and his lips as often as they popped up in his offers a treasure trove of sources to the histo writings—constantly. rian interested in early racial theory. If there is The description of the smear campaigns a slight smudge, it is Horsman's style, which is and manipulations suffers—hard as it might not uniformly felicitous. be for a reader to believe—from narrowness. The FBI's attack on King was much more mas THOMAS G. DYER sive and carefully coordinated than is spelled University of Georgia out in this book, with all the staggering sums expended never questioned. An example of material neither used nor mentioned is to be found in the 400-page "Inventory of Field The FBI and Martin Luther King, Jr.: From "Solo" Office Holdings" which contmns single line en to Memphis. By DAVID J. GARROW. (W. W. Nor tries listing files on the surveillance. Each en ton & Company, New York, 1981. Pp. 320. try could range from an inch to several feet of Notes, index. $15.95.) documents. This does not include the "deli cate" files and the headquarters material. Over the past few years legal suits and fed Garrow's account is also imperfect. One eral investigations have pried loose fragments central question raised by the April 4, 1968, of the story of the FBI's surveillance of Dr. assassination of King was why he was in Mem Martin Luther King, Jr., and Professor Gar- phis at a time and place to coordinate with the row has now gathered them into a usable sum movements of his assassin(s). A March 28 riot mary volume. Wiretapping, invasion of pri during a demonstration required him to re vate life, efforts to stop the formation of a turn. But why did the riot break out? Such an "Black Messiah," the sorry list of informants important question cannot be dismissed by cit and false friends of King, and sinister Bureau ing the House Select Coinmittee's Final Report political activities in pursuit of King and the that the FBI had nothing to do with creating civil rights movement are all included. This the riot. Although this may prove in the end to book should make every citizen of a constitu be correct, the scholarship ofthe committee is tional democracy shudder to read it. so flawed that its findings ought to have been Unfortunately Garrow has given us several bolstered by a discussion of the ample docu problems. A major one erupts in the first mentary evidence available. Garrow also chapter where he raises the Red Specter by breaks off the narrative just before King's as discussing two top members of the Commu sassination, which he does not discuss. The nist party, both FBI informants, as well as FBI, however, continued with unabated zeal their former friend, secretly tracked by the to control, manipulate, and confuse the evi Bureau, who later became for a few years a mi dentiary base ofthe killing. For example, it did nor irregular associate of King. While this in not bother to interview several of the abso formation is interesting, what possible reason lutely key witnesses whose testimony would can there be for including it? At every point have made conviction of the alleged assassin where an attempt is made to relate the com extremely difficult if not impossible while se munists to King and the civil rights movement curing the testimony of scores of trivial wit Garrow is forced, as he admits, to resort to nesses. The ballistics evidence was improperly conjecture and supposition and not to the evi prepared; key documents were withheld from dence history requires coeval with reality. It is the public record; massive violations of nor a stray belonging to a different book. mal criminal procedure occurred; and so By emphasizing the non-germane Red is forth. sue, though, Garrow has given apparent The most unsatisfactory portion appears scholarly support to the FBI's only viable ex near the end when the FBI's activities are at- 65 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 tributed to the workings of a few misguided tion to showing how the President and his men within the Bureau. With their removal Commerce Secretary interacted. Both Hard and replacement by men of good character, ing and Hoover come off well—Harding per we are encouraged to conclude that the Bu haps a little the better. The discussion follow reau righted itself. The recent history of fierce ing the paper emphasized Hoover's court fights to obtain evidence suggests that stubbornness and ideological commitments. this is a simplistic view. Irrespective of the This latter point, with the ideology in question character of the men and women operating being the "cooperative system," also appears within the Bureau, a more accurate diagnosis in editor Ellis Hawley's "Herbert Hoover and would have found an organic institutional flaw Economic Stabilization, 1921—22," primarily to be the main problem. illustrating Hoover's managerial vision and Notes claim 102 pages. While these are for the degree to which it led him to what other the most part accurate, several minor errors cabinet members might reasonably have con can be found. A few quotations in the text are sidered territorial aggrandisement. slightly inaccurate, e.g., the Special Agent The next two papers—Robert Zieger on Murtagh "get King" comment on page 81 has "Herbert Hoover, the Wage Earner, aitd the several variants within the citations provided. 'New Economic System,' 1919—29" and Joan For the general reader, the numerous initials Hoff Wilson on "Herbert Hoover's Agricul employed within the footnotes tend to tural Policies, 1921—28"—were both pub bewilder—MVC, CRDP, ASAC, etc.—and lished in 1977, the former in theBusiness His ought to have been explained in a separate list tory Review, the latter in Agricultural History. ing. For the purposes of the historical record, Both—like all the papers in the volume—are too, a comment within the notes on the ex careful studies based on primary sources. traordinary battle waged by a handful of re Both argue for Hoover's managerial vision sponsible critics in the face of severe opposi and managerial abilities. And both testify, be tion to preserve the evidence for posterity yond any argument, to his conviction that for would have been a worthy gesture. things to run right, he should be running them. Professor Wilson's paper sees Hoover's DAVID R. WRONE agricultural "corporatism" unsuccessful University of Wisconsin—Stevens Point against the McNary-Haugenites, a view ques tioned by Professor Zieger in the discussion following, as to Hoover's lack of success and as Herbert Hoover as Secretary of Commerce, to the general use ofthe word "corporatism." 1921-1928: Studies in New Lira Thought and The two internationally oriented papers Practice. Ed by ELLIS W. HAWLEY. (University likewise testify to the breadth of Hoover's con of Iowa Press, Iowa City, 1981. Pp. xii, 263. cerns. Melvyn Leffler, in "Herbert Hoover, $19.95.) The 'New Era,' and American Foreign Policy, 1921-29," takes a middle ground between This book presents the reviewer with two those who see in Hoover's actions a fully devel difficulties above and beyond those normal to oped almost Weberian vision, essentially suc the task: It is a collection of papers, and it was cessful in developing a new internationalism, published seven years after the seminar at and those who see in it one more example of which those papers were originally presented. an increasingly out-of-touch manager unable In the interim, two of them were published in (or unwilling) to deal with international politi journals, and there has been some modest up cal realities. Joseph Brandes, in "Prodtict Di dating, at least in the notes. What we have here plomacy: Herbert Hoover's Anti-Monopoly is thus neither entirely new to us, nor does it Campaign at Home and Abroad," shows fully reflect work done in the past seven Hoover appreciating free trade when it years—nor, given the fragmentary nature of benefitted the United States, supporting pro any collection of essays, is it a rounded portrait tection when that was to our benefit, and slay of its subject. ing (or trying to slay) the foreign cartel But it is almost unfailingly interesting, if dragon—in this case, British rubber. Once not always entirely for what it says about again. Hoover comes down squarely for coop Hoover. Robert K. Murray's study of "Her eration within the U.S. economy. bert Hoover and the Harding Cabinet," as we Finally, George W. Carey, in "Herbert would expect, continues his arguments for Hoover's Concept of Individualism Revis Harding's much underrated ability, in addi- ited," wrestles with his subject's place among 66 BOOK REVIEWS ancients and moderns, in the course of assert lationship must be based on thorough archival ing Hoover's relevance (and achievement) as a research, not simply on the secondary sources political thinker. The ensuing discussion sug and congressional material Koistinen cites. gests that the seminar participants, at least, For the interwar years Koistinen does em came up with a Scotch verdict: not proven. But ploy relevant archival materials, most notably Professor Carey is always interesting, and this the records of the Office of the Assistant Sec piece, like the rest ofthe book, deserves read retary of War (OASW), upon whom Congress ing. in 1920 placed the burden of industrial mobi If the papers, taken together, have any lization planning. These records graphically weakness, it is in not coming fully to grips with detail the numerous problems with which the Hoover's flaws—stubbornness, overcon- small group of officer-planners in OASW had fidence in himself and his pr(\gram, overcon- to cope: exiguous budgets and insufficient fidence in the abilities of American business. personnel; the distrust of important civilian Their strengths are, however, considerable— WIB veterans (particularly Baruch, whose as, unfortunately, is the price ofthe book. If it personal papers reveal the depth of his suspi were not for this detail, 1 would say it should cion that the army sought to control any fu be on every historian's shelf. ture economic mobilization); the assistant sec retary's lack of power to coordinate effectively the activities of the supply bureaus, which JARED C. LOBDELL largely had regained their prewar autonomy; Carnegie-Mellon University and the general staffs long and obstinate re fusal to recognize that the economy's produc tive potential set basic limits on manpower mo The Military-Industrial Complex: A Historical Per bilization and strategy. spective. By PAUL A. C. KOISTINEN. (Praeger But Koistinen touches lightly on or ignores Publishers, New York, 1980. Pp. xiv, 168. all of these points except the last. He admits Notes, bibliography, index. $19.95.) that only in the late 1930's did the army's power structure accept (at least nominally) the Paul Koistinen maintains that the military- need to relate all army plans to a mobilized industrial complex of World War II and after economy, but inexplicably fails to recognize is an outgrowth of economic mobilization for the damage of this admission to his thesis. Sim World War I, of interwar industrial mobiliza ilarly, he does not confront the obvious impli tion planning, and of defense spending in the cations of his observations that the OASW 1920's and 1930's. This collection, consisting planners distrusted civilian institutions, that of his three oft-cited articles on the subject as they intended as late as 1930 to dominate any well as several previously unpublished essays, wartime mobilization agencies, and that they offers the opportunity for a fuller assessment resisted until the late 1930's any official shar of his thesis. ing of their planning authority with industrial According to Koistinen, the foundations of ists. One also might question whether mere the military-industrial complex were laid in mention of the creation of the Army Indus 1918 through the shared decision-making of trial College and the advisory War Depart military officers and businessmen within the ment Business Council adds significantly to War Industries Board (WIB) headed by proof of a growing military-industrial com Bernard Baruch. Vital to Koistinen's argu plex. The army treated the college as a step ment is the degree of success with which the child and the council, formed in 1926 (not army, after reforming its archaic, fragmented 1925, as Koistinen states), faded away in 1928 procurement system, integrated its represent after three meetings. Finally, to say that inter atives into the WIB's commodity sections. war planning was "guided by thousands of in Here he relies very heavily on biased accounts dustrialists" is an exaggeration surpassed in written by or for Baruch, who had a vested in audacity only by the claim that today's terest in claiming success for the WIB. Hugh military-industrial complex is an outgrowth of Johnson, the army's representative on the Depression defense budgets. board itself, contradicts in his memoirs Kois In a single essay dealing with World War II, tinen's picture of army-business harmony— Koistinen's focus shifts from the military- and does it on the very page that Koistinen industrial relationship per se to organized la cites as supporting evidence. Any solid evalua bor's effort to gain a greater voice in economic tion ofthe World War I military-industrial re mobilization. There is obvious merit to his ar- 67 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 gument that the army and industry found which occurred in this period. He then dis more in common with each other than with la sects the thought of Louis Brandeis, "the god bor. But in developing this line of reasoning father or patron saint of a major wing of the he also demonstrates that "the industrial and American regulatory tradition," as a means of military communities had to go through a discussing the limited understanding by many difficult adjustment process from 1940 to "reformers" of the dynamics of changing 1943 before they could function as an effective economy. team." How he then can assert that " interwar Morton Keller's "The Pluralist State: mobilization planning had fully conditioned American Economic Regulation in Compara the army and navy to working in harmony tive Perspective, 1900-1930," traces the devel with industrial America" is a mystery. opment of federal policy, legislative and judi Koistinen briefly sketches some interesting cial, toward "large enterprise" and offers some comparisons of methods employed at various intriguing comparisons with the European ex "stages" ofthe "American economic mobiliza perience. Ellis Hawley, in "Three Facets of tion process." He finds that unlike the Revolu Hooverian Associationalism: Lumber, Avia tion and the two world wars, and despite in tion, and Movies, 1921—1930," explores at creasing industrialization, the Civil War did tempts in the 1920's to develop systems of self- not involve a blurring of institutional lines be regulation in three industries under tween the military and business. This conclu government sponsorship. sion casts doubt on the applicability of the Samuel P. Hays follows with an overview of word "process" and ought to serve as a general the changing political environment in which caveat against a too-linear concept of the de the regulatory function has been exercised velopment of military-industrial interaction. during this century. In "Political Choice in Paul Koistinen has pioneered in an ex Regulatory Administration," he emphasizes tremely important area, the neglect of which the close connection between choices made by by historians has been noted amply by now. It regulators and the political climate of the is time to accept the challenge that his work dmes. offers and to build the broad monographic David Vogel's "The 'New' Social Regulation base essential to a full appraisal of the com in Historical and Comparative Perspective" bined role of the military and industry in our focuses on more recent trends in regulation. It national life. examines federal regulatory efforts in the areas of environmental and consumer protec TERRENCE J. GOUGH tion over the last two decades in the context of U.S. Army Center of Military History earlier "reform eras" and the approaches of European countries to the same issues. Regulation in Perspective; Historical Essays. By These essays represent a very high level of THOMAS K. MCCRAW. (Harvard University historical analysis. Each author is dedicated to Press, Cambridge, 1981. Pp. ix, 246. Notes. a comparative approach to history, seeking to $14.95.) describe trends and to make informed con nections between eras, while drawing Regulation in Perspective is a singularly im effectively upon the European experience for portant contribution to our understanding of perspective. the development of the economy and public The concluding chapter contributes to the policy in twentieth-century America. It is com strength and value ofthe volume. In it, Gerald posed of five essays which leading scholars Berk offers an able summary of the views of first presented at a Harvard Business School other prominent historians who offered cri conference in 1980. A concluding chapter tiques of the essays, and, in that context, pro summarizes the responses to the essays by vides a fine review of some other avenues other participants in the conference. which might be pursued in seeking to under The first three essays offer new perspec stand the complex subject of regulation in tives on the early decades of the century. twentieth-century America. Thomas McCraw, in an extended, highly pro Two themes emerge strongly from this vol vocative essay entitled "Rethinking the Trust ume. The first is the degree to which the study Question," utilizes a "new vocabulary" taken of regulation requires historians to under from contemporary research in economics stand and interpret cultural and intellectual and business administration to analyze the trends which underlie particular institutional complex changes in corporate organization arrangements. The second is the degree to 68 BOOK REVIEWS which, in this century, debates over the distri The Communist party's first tentative bution of wealth and investment and over cor efforts on the rural front was to aid the Non porate power and discretion have, as Berk partisan League and its demands for state- states it, "progressively shifted from political owned grain elevators and milling system. parties and Congress to administrative agen Next, they established the United Farmers Ed cies and other public bureaucracies." ucational League (as well as a Farmer Labor These well-documented essays create a party) as a way to propagandize farmers and context for much additional fruitful study of stir up activism. Likewise, they organized the these provocative themes. It must be hoped Cooperative Central Exchange in order to that the book's unpretentious title will not pre influence the national coop movement led by vent its wide circulation. the Cooperative League ofthe U.S. When violence broke out in the Midwest in STANLEY P. CAINE the 1930's, the Communist party quickly Hanover College jumped in to lend aid and support. They backed the two most radical farm leaders in Red Harvest: The Communist Party and American the persons of Milo Reno (who organized Farmers. By LOWELL K. DYSON. (University of strikes by his Farm Holiday Association) and Nebraska Press, Lincoln, 1982. Pp. xii, 259. John Simpson (ofthe National Farmers Union Notes, index. $18.95.) who proposed a populistic cost-of-production scheme). They organized a Cannery and Agri Whereas Communist revolutions had been cultural Workers Union to take advantage of most successful in agrarian settings {e.g., Rus the National Labor Relations Act. Some aid sia and China), the Communist party in Amer was also given to the Southern Tenant ica was strongly urban oriented and scarcely Farmers Union and its attempt to unionize gave agriculture but marginal attention. Its sharecroppers. membership was mostly from New York City, In general, they opposed the conservative there was no peasant class in America, and, Farm Bureau and Grange in favor ofthe more finally, party dogma called for the eventual liberal National Farmers Union. The New collectivization ofthe agricultural economy. A Deal farm program was opposed as too con goal such as that was anathema to American servative. By 1948, the Communist party sup farmers, who were highly individualistic and ported Henry A. Wallaces's Progressive party. deeply committed to the family-owned farm Their support was primarily on the basis of stead. The poverty and despair of the Great foreign policy (anti-Marshall Plan) and not ag Depression did, however, offer the Commu riculture (Wallace only gave one speech on the nist party a golden opportunity to fish in trou subject during the whole campaign). This bled waters and take advantage of rural pro study provides us with much interesting detail test and dissent. of the workings of the cadres and function In a very well-documented and objectively aries ofthe Communist party. Essentially, they written narrative, Lowell Dyson relates the contributed their hard work and skills for a maneuverings of the Communist party to chance to infiltrate reformist allies and use infiltrate, organize, and inffuence the agricul them to foster their own long-range revolu tural sector. In the end all their attempts were tionary goals. Their basic flaw, which always unsuccessful. First, their slavish devotion to ruins them, was their slavish devotion to Mos the party line forced them to make abrupt cow in all things. changes which hurt them very badly {i.e., the dumping of Earl Browder and his successful FREDERICK H. SCHAPSMEIER Popular Front approach in favor of William University of Wisconsin—Oshkosh Foster and his hard-line anti-Fascist tactic). Second, and perhaps most significant, was the Indian Traders on the Middle Border: The House of success of the New Deal farm program. Once Ewing, 1827-1854. By ROBERT A. TRENNERT, the Agricultural Adjustment Act reduced sur JR. (University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln, pluses and raised farm prices with acreage al 1981. Pp. xiii, 271. Illustrations, maps, notes, lotments, and the Commodity Credit Corpo bibliography, index. $17.95.) ration provided for price supports, the American farmer was no longer in a rebellious The very words "Indian trade" conjure up mood. Subsequently, there was no agitation romantic visions of French-Canadian voya for the Communist party to exploit. geurs or the interracial bacchanalia of the 69 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 Rocky Mountain fur trade rendezvous. west repay routinely inflated or fabricated Against these images, what could be the attrac traders' claims. tion of a monograph on a staid midwestern In effect, the federal government indirectly trading firm operated by a colorless, if avari subsidized prominent traders. Trennert item cious, pair of brothers? Professor Trennert's izes a repetitious string of schemes whereby carefully documented analysis provides us "the nation's first welfare system, intended for with a valuable case study that not only ex one group of people, supplied profits to plains the inner workings of a successful mid- others." Whatever devices they used—bribery nineteenth-century business concern, but re of compliant Indian "leaders," Washington veals the nexus connecting government lobbying for favors, land purchases, pocketing Indian policymakers with those who sought commissions for collecting other traders' profits in the "Indian business." claims, finagling power-of-attorney rights to From the outset, Trennert makes no pre represent tribal claims against the govern tense that his book is primarily about Indians. ment, bidding for Indian removal contracts Rather, it is clearly a "chronicle of frontier (including those for Wisconsin Winnebagos business and political influence." That focus and Menominees) on a per capita basis—the does not, of course, change the fact that busi Ewings amassed both large fortunes and, for a ness and political decisions involving the time, considerable power over federal Indian House of Ewing greatly affected Indians. In policy. Their methods illustrate that secret deed, "in the last analysis," Trennert observes, gentlemen's agreements, price-fixing among "it was the Indians who suffered. Neither gov supposed competitors, and other means of ernment policy nor the trading system limiting risk and controlling markets did not benefited them." originate with late-nineteenth-century entre Arriving in northeastern Indiana in the preneurs. Similarly, the Ewings saw no incon 1820's, the opportunistic George and William sistency in characterizing the reform efforts of Ewing engaged in general merchandising in Indian commissioners T. Hartley Crawford, Fort Wayne while simultaneously being drawn William Medill, and George W. Manypenny as deeper into Indian trade. That business was meddling, while doggedly working for gov undergoing a gradual change away from furs ernment aid in their business ventures. Tren toward a much more complex system. A fed nert neither excuses nor condemns these eral Indian policy emphasizing removal, os practices; he assesses them in the context of tensibly as a means to protect Indians so that frontier business ethics. assimilationist forces could work on them Exactly how Indian communities and indi more effectively, combined with frontier pres viduals fit into this picture is problematic. sure for access to cheap fertile land to usher in Even coupled with excellent recent studies of a period of extensive land cession treaties. Indian groups among whom the Ewings These, in turn, meant Indians received fed operated—e.g., R. David Edmunds, The Pota- eral annuities in goods and/or cash. Tren watomis: Keepers ofthe Fire (1978) and James A. nert's study details the methods by which the Clifton, The Prairie People: (Continuity and Ewings succeeded in building fortunes which Change in Potawatomi Indian Culture qualified them as millionaires by the time of 1665—1965 (1977)—Trennert's book offers their deaths at mid-century. little on such important questions as which In In this "sordid atmosphere" the entrepre dian factions cooperated with traders and neurial brothers went to work with astounding why. For example, on one occasion we learn persistence. Land allotments or set-asides that certain Indian leaders "decided" some given in the treaties to influential Indians or thing in council, after the author had just sug well-connected mixed-bloods in order to ob gested that traders manipulated leaders by tain cessions, passed quickly to speculators, writing letters purportedly espousing their and an exploitative seasonal credit system in views. Who were these leaders? How did they debted individual Indians to traders far be reach their decisions? What was their intratri- yond their capacity for repayment. A recur bal constituency? Did they ever exploit traders ring, irregular, but inexorable cycle perpet for Indian purposes? Did traders gain control uated the system. Only through recognition of through bribes, threats to withhold credit, lev "national" or tribal debts, which in turn re erage exercised through strategic marriages? quired further land cessions to garner federal How did mixed-blood intermediaries and dollars, could the Indians of the Old North "bread chief leaders function within native 70 BOOK REVIEWS societies? In short, precisely how did traders to develop alternative "strategies of indepen work their inffuence in Potawatomi, Miami, or dence" in daily life. The last third of the book Menominee societies? Although we are fre so interprets such aspects of working-class cul quently told that "traders played a significant ture as speech, "film noir," roller derby, car role in getting tribal cooperation," seldom do customizing, drag racing, and the black and either ethnohistorians or business historians white musical genres which converged in rock spell out how this was done. Both groups of and roll—and Elvis Presley. This portrait of a scholars seem as intrigued by the questions culture succeeds better with some topics posed here as they are frustrated by the pau (roller derby, music) than others (film). It also city of evidence bearing on them. omits such f'acets of life as religion and home- Because these limitations are endemic to owning patterns. One suspects too that devo the field, and beyond the stated scope of this tees of several of these popular pursuits were book. Professor Trennert merits praise for a younger as a group than the strikers chroni meticulously researched, solid contribution to cled elsewhere in the book. our understanding of frontier entrepreneur This work, an outgrowth of a University of ial history. Wisconsin dissertation, is steeped in revision MARTIN N. ZANGER ist scholarship in the manner of William Ap- University of Wisconsin—La Crosse pleman Williams and in the radical sociology of C. Wright Mills. Its underlying theme, that an inherently militant working class was con Class and Culture in Cold War America: "A Rain stantly being done in or co-opted by corporate bow at Midnight." By GEORC;E LIPSITZ. (J. F. liberalism, is at least debatable. Similarly, the Bergin Publishers, South Hadley, Massachu author is rather quick to label fragments of setts, 1982. Pp. ix, 254. Illustrations, notes, popular culture such as the Mills Brothers' hit bibliography, index. $24.95; $12.95 paper.) song "Till Then" expressions of working-class This book examines working-class mili utopianism. tancy during and after World War II and re The book's argument at times seems to re counts efforts by the "monopolistic sector" of verse the order of things. Anti-communism, business, leagued with the federal govern surely an ideological reality of postwar Amer ment and accommodationist labor leaders un ica, is treated as a mere device used by Presi der the banner of "corporate liberalism," to dent Truman to sell a foreign policy whose stem that upsurge. The war lay at the root of real aims were economic. Conversely, inter the developments Lipsitz traces: it stimulated pretive concepts such as "corporate liberal massive migration, an influx of blacks and ism" are assumed, not always convincingly, to women into the factories, and accompanying flex muscles of their own as historical agents. turmoil; worker contentiousness rose in re Nevertheless, Lipsitz's book offers a vigor sponse to these tensions and to pressures in ously, sometimes imaginatively, argued anal the factory; and the monopoly sector ce ysis of working-class history, and its coverage mented its hold on the nation's economic life. of postwar strikes provides a glimpse of im Lipsitz celebrates worker efforts, most nota portant and hitherto buried episodes in the bly in wildcat strikes, to preserve shop-floor annals of postwar labor. autonomy. (In one 1943 strike, workers scis RICHARD M. FRIED sored off the ties of their supervisors). Lipsitz University of Illinois at Chicago also scrutinizes a series of postwar strikes, some of which, if briefly and raggedly, qualified as "general strikes" and illustrate the The Union Cavalry in the Civil War: Volume II, rank-and-file militancy which flourished until The War in the East from Gettysburg to Appomat corporate liberal forces found ways to contain tox, 1863-1865. By STEPHEN Z. STARR. (Louisi it. The Taft-Hartley Act offered one weapon; ana State University Press, Baton Rouge, so, somewhat less effectively, did anti- 1981. Pp. 510. Illustrations, maps, notes, bibli communism. Soon, most union leaders fell in ography, index. $30.00.) behind cold-war foreign policies which, Lip sitz asserts, were designed to preserve Ameri This is the second volume of Stephen Z. can capitalism through its global expansion. Starr's planned trilogy on the Union cavalry of Though blocked in their quest for shop- the Civil War. The first volume was received floor autonomy, the working classes managed with widespread acclaim and won the Fletcher 71 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 Pratt and Jefferson Davis awards. This second bines issued to the cavalry were considered volume seems destined to achieve similar suc unreliable, while the repeating Spencer car cess. Like its predecessor, this volume is a bine was much sought after once it appeared. smoothly written, traditional narrative his However, the distinctions between the Burn- tory. Like a veteran trooper, Starr knows his side carbine and the Sharps or the Joslyn are ground and has foraged it thoroughly. He has never discussed. A lesser complaint concerns done a prodigious amount of research and the maps, which provide only a rough guide to pulls material from a wide variety of primary movements and locations. Important roads sources, particularly regimental histories. are sometimes not labeled and the maps do Starr deserves a great deal of praise for the not always correlate completely with the text. skill with which he puts together his story. The On the whole these are relatively minor pace rarely flags, and Starr manages to insert criticisms. Traditional narrative military his details deftly without becoming mired in tan tory is rarely done as well, or with such a felici gential asides. tous style. Insofar as the operations ofthe Un Starr's trilogy has already been labeled as ion cavalry are concerned, Starr's trilogy has definitive by some reviewers. But despite its no peer and does seem definitive. Serious stu many virtues, there are (at least to this re dents and scholars of the Civil War, and any viewer) some important gaps in Starr's ac one interested in the cavalry of that conflict, count. One of the great changes in tactics to cannot afford to miss this, or the preceding, emerge from the Civil War was the increasing volume. use of cavalry as mounted infantry who used ROBERT S. BROWKINC; their superior mobility to get to a position but Sam Houston State University who then fought dismounted. Although Starr clearly indicates when the Union cavalry Ethnicity on the Great Plains. Edited by FRED fought dismounted, he spends only two pages ERICK C. LUEBKE. (University of Nebraska on this development as an important tactical Press for the Center for Great Plains Studies, change. Lincoln, 1980. Pp. xxxiii, 237. Tables, illustra Left unanswered is the question of how, if tions, notes, index. $25.95.) at all, this change altered the way cavalrymen or senior commanders viewed the cavalry's The dozen essays comprising this volume role. Did, for example, cavalrymen continue were originally presented at the second an to see themselves as elite shock troops, deliver nual symposium ofthe Center for Great Plains ing the coup de grace of the mounted sabre Studies, an interdisciplinary program of the charge which was the traditional function of University of Nebraska—Lincoln for coordi cavalry? Or, did the Union troopers pragmati nating activities contributing to an under cally accept dismounted fighting as a new, and standing of the Great Plains. These articles logical, cavalry function? Starr's narrative sug represent fewer than half of those presented, gests that the former response was more typi some of which will be included in a future vol cal. The enthusiasm with which officers re ume. Together they provide a sample of con ported mounted saber charges indicates that temporary research among anthropologists, they regarded cavalry as fulfilling its proper folklorists, geographers, historians, and soci role as I'arme blanche in this kind of fighting. If ologists focusing on the Great Plains; they this was the general attitude, it hardly makes should also serve to caution historians against Civil War cavalrymen unique; European overgeneralization about a region so vast and varied. horsemen were equally determined to main tain their traditional role. Given, however, the Frederick Luebke's introductory overview fact that Civil War troopers dismounted more and summary integrate the essays as much as their diverse content permits. The articles are and more often indicates that a pragmatic rec generally of high quality, and several deserve ognition of tactical realities (especially the fire to be mentioned. In her article on historical power of rifled weapons) triumphed over tra approaches to studying rural ethnic com dition. Since the Civil War is widely regarded munities, Kathleen Conzen stresses the im as a harbinger of "modern" warfare, more ex portance of adequate population concentra ploration of this area would do much to place tion for ethnic community formation. Such Civil War cavalry operations in their proper concentrations, which may vary among ethnic historical context. groups, can best be determined by examining There are other quibbles. Starr points out location and residence patterns, the chain mi many times, for example, that some of thecar- gration of families, and other variables that 72 BOOK REVIEWS affect cultural maintenance. Without provid ing specific guidance, Conzen suggests that such studies applied in a comparative fashion Special Book Orders may "produce a typology of adaptive proc esses. ..." Her continued research in rural The Society will order any book currently ethnicity, it is hoped, will yield a paradigm offered by any American publisher at a which scholars can test and adapt to their own discount of 10 per cent, for both use. members and non-members. Please Anthropologist Raymond DeMallie ex plores the differences in Indian and white cul supply the author's name, the full title, tures through the process of treaty-making and (if known) the publisher. Write to: from 1851 to 1892. While some major Special Book Orders, 816 State Street, differences were understood by each side, Madison, Wisconsin 53706. A special such as the importance to the Indians of smok handling charge of $1.50 will be levied ing the peace pipe and to whites of "touching the pen" (signing the treaty), other rituals, em on each complete order. Please do not send ployed to gain specific advantage, were not. payment with your order; the Society will ship DeMallie, by examining verbatim transcripts and bill you when the order if fulfilled. of a number of treaty negotiations, explains the significance of these rituals and the impor tance ofthe choice of specific metaphors used in discussions. His insights contribute to a bet ter understanding of the Indian perspective the impact of religion in settlement patterns on treaty-making. througn studies of the religious geography of the Hill Country Germans in Texas; folk reli Another anthropologist, John A. Hosteller, gion among the Hungarians of Kipling, Sas analyzes the colonization efforts of Old Order katchewan; and Czech-American freethinkers Amish in an attempt to identify those elements in six Great Plains states. Fittingly, the final es of Amish culture that ill suited them for sur say examines ethnic assimilation and plural vival on the Great Plains. Both their previous ism in a single state, revealing the persistence experience in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indi of ethnic self-identification among Nebras- ana and their religious prohibitions made kans and confirming the general presumption them unable to adapt their small-scale inten that immigrants from northern and western sive farming methods to the more expansive Europe feel generally more assimilated than and mechanized agricultural requirements of later arrivals from southern and eastern Eu the Great Plains. Only those who compro rope. mised their strict adherence to Old Order As these examples suggest. Ethnicity on the Amish tenets by adapting to the physical char Great Plains will appeal to those interested in acteristics of their new environment were able an interdisciplinary approach to ethnicity, es to survive. pecially in its rural setting. A comparison between Czech farmers and Mexican laborers in Nueces County, Texas, by NICHOLAS C. BURCKEL historian Josef J. Barton reveals the important University of Wisconsin—Parkside difference in kinship as determinants in land ownership. Mexicans were linked by lateral ties; Czechs, by generational lines. The gener Ethnic Chicago. Edited by PETER D'A. JONES and ational pattern among Czechs led to gradual MELVIN G. HOLLI. (William B. Eerdman's Pub accumulation of sufficient capital to purchase lishing Company, Grand Rapids, Michigan, land and to pass it from father to eldest son. 1981. Pp. viii, 384. Illustrations, notes, index. Lateral associational ties among Mexicans, on $12.95.) the other hand, inhibited land ownership, contributing to high tenancy and migrant One ofthe major trends in recent historiog working patterns. raphy has been the rise of ethnicity as a means Other essays in the volume treat the adap of interpredng the American past. A number tive experience of Volga Germans in the grass of original anthologies, such as Frederick lands of Russia and North and South Amer Luebke's Ethnicity on the Great Plains, have also ica; Swedish migration patterns to the Dakota appeared describing the ethnic mix in particu frontier; Nebraska immigrants' agricultural lar areas. Ethnic Chicago, edited by Peter d'A. patterns; and Eastern Indians' forced coloni Jones and Melvin G. Holli, is a fine addidon to zation ofthe Great Plains. Still others examine the academic market, richly describing the 73 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 community histories of the Irish, Jews, The J efferson Scandals: A Rebuttal. By VIRCJINIUS Greeks, Ukrainians, Italians, Germans, and DABNEY. (Dodd, Mead and Company, New Japanese in the "Windy City." York, 1981. Pp. xiii, 154. Illustrations, notes, Michael Funchion's "Irish Chicago: bibliography, index. $8.95.) Church, Homeland, Politics, and Class—The Shaping of an Ethnic Group, 1870—1900" de This book is the most recent contribution to scribes the role of Roman Catholicism and a debate which is now about 200 years old. Irish patriotism in forging ethnic solidarity While Thomas Jefferson was President, it was and how the creation of the local parish and charged by his political opponents that he kept later the nationality parishes insulated the a black mistress, Sally Hemings, and had in Irish immigrants from Anglo Protestants as deed fathered five illegitimate children by her. well as from Polish, Czech, German, and Ital These charges were recently revived by Fawn ian Catholics. In "Irish Chicago: The Mul Brodie and have become, Dabney says, widely tiethnic Road to Machine Success," Paul accepted by the popular press and television. Green shows how the political alienation be Dabney sets out to set the record straight. tween the Irish machine and the "new immi In a well-written book of only 154 pages, he grants" from southern and eastern Europe discusses the origins of the original charges, was ultimately transcended by Czech mayor masses evidence against them step by logical Anton Cermak. Irving Cutler's "The Jews of step, and offers his own view as to who was the Chicago: From Shtetl to Suburb" is a tradi actual father of Sally Hemings' children. His tional treatment of immigrant rivalry between effort is as persuasive as is possible in view of Reformed German Jews and Orthodox East the evidence. Jefferson was at Monticello nine European Jews, their gradual dispersion months prior to the birth of each one of Sally's throughout the Chicago suburbs, and the de children, one of them stated explicitly that the cline of intraethnic competition because of nation's third President had made Sally his prosperity, secularism, and the impact of the concubine, and, moreover, questions about Holocaust. the paternity of Sally's children were origi Andrew Kopan, in "Greek Survival in Chi nally raised by Thomas Jefferson's neighbors. cago," provides a richly textured picture of Dabney concludes the charges are un Greek life and how, despite a strong penchant proved and unprovable. Jefferson had a very for individualism and entrepreneurial suc strong and lifelong aversion to racial mixture; cess, they managed to preserve their language other observers said Sally's children were sired and cultural values. The three ethnic cultures by one or both of the Carr brothers; the of the Ukrainian community—the Russian- charges were popularized by a notorious scan oriented supporters of Father Alex Toth, the dalmonger by the name of James Callender Uhro-Rusins of the Rusin-Ruthenian tradi who had been refused appointive office by the tion, and the Ukrainian values of the Galician President; and Jefferson himself implicitly de clergy—are ably portrayed in Myron Kuropas' nied the charges. All major Jefferson scholars "Ukrainian Chicago." In a well-written, if reject Brodie's claims. standard, piece, Dominic Candeloro describes Whatever the eventual outcome of the de the role ofthe nuclear family and campanilismo bate, it is certain Jefferson's reputation as a in a small Italian suburb. Melvin Holli's "The major contributor to the American tradition is Great War Sinks Chicago's German Kultur" secure. Dabney rightly points out that his shows how the German-American passion for achievements in the creation of democracy, Teutonic culture and for shaping American education, government, science, law, and values to a German mold inspired enormous other fields put him in the pantheon of Amer hostility from native Americans during World ica's great leaders. But the interesting ques War 1. Finally, Masako M. Osako offers a con tion is, why are Americans still discussing this ventional description of how Japanese- question after a period of 200 years? Americans rose to success from the financial There is enough evidence to make the and emotional rubble ofthe World War II re charges against Jefferson plausible, f here is location camps. enough evidence to make Dabney's case plau Jones and Holli can well be proud of this sible. But aside from the evidence, perhaps book. It is original, well-written, and a real Americans still discuss the question because contribution to American ethnic history. race and "race mixture" still agitate Ameri JAMES S. OLSON cans. Jefferson was a slaveholder, owning Sam Houston State University more than 200 Afro-Americans during most 74 BOOK REVIEWS of his life. Slavery, wherever it has been prac- cans lose their sensitivity to such questions, ticed, has made slave women vulnerable and The book uncovers no new evidence. It is exploitable t)y slaveholders. Virginia was a simply a rehash of what has been done before, slave-breeding state which exported its stir- John C. Miller's recent book on Jefferson cov- plus slave population to the lower South. ered the same turf. But Dabney's brevity and Perhapsit is simply the guilt of holding peo- clarity of expression should make the views of pie in bondage in a republic truly devoted to the opponents of Brodie, Callender, and liberty and equality that makes these charges others much more accessible, against Jefferson a historical perennial. If this is true, perhaps tfie charges against him will be forgotten (after 200 years there is reason to TIMOTHY M. MATTHEWSON doubt they will ever be resolved) when Ameri- Fairlawn Museum, Superior Book Reviews Dabney, The Jefferson Scandals: A Rebuttal, reviewed by Timothy M. Matthewson 74 Dyson, Red Harvest: The Communist Party and American Farmers, reviewed by Frederick H. Schapsmeier 69 Garrow, The FBI and Martin Luther King, Jr.: From "Solo" to Memphis, reviewed by David R. Wrone 65 Hawley, editor, Herbert Hoover as Secretary of Commerce, 1921—1928: Studies in New Era Thought and Practice, reviewed by Jared C. Lobdell 66 Horsman, Race and Manifest Destiny, reviewedhy Thonvds CJ. Dyer f)4 Jones and Holli, editors, Ethnic Chicago, reviewed by James S. Olson 73 Koistinen, The Military-Industrial Complex: A Historical Perspective, reviewed by TerrenceJ. Gough 67 Lipsitz, Class and Culture in Cold War America: "A Rainbow at Midnight", reviewed by Richard M. Fried 71 Luebke, editor. Ethnicity on the Great Plains, reviewed by Nicholas C:. Burckel 72 McCraw, Regulation in Perspective: Historical Essays, reviewed by Stanley P. Caine 68 Sokolov, Wayward Reporter: The Life of A. J. Liebling, reviewed by Mary Lou Schultz 60 Starr, The Union Cavalry in the Civil War: Volume II, The War m the East from Gettysburg to Appomattox, 1863-1865, reviewed by Robert S. Browning 71 Sutherland, Americans and Their Servants: Domestic Service in the United States from 1800 to 1920, reviewed by Paul Boyer 63 Trennert, Indian Traders on the Middle Border: The House of Ewing, 1827-1854, reviewed by Martin N. Zanger 69 Vincent, Mudville's Revenge: The Rise and Fall of American Sport, reviewed by Edward V. Schten 62 75 Wisconsin History Casey, Marion. Charles McCarthy: Librarianship and Reform. (Chicago, Illinois, 1981. Pp. Checklist 247. Illus. $16.00. Available from Ameri Recently published and currently available Wisconsiana can Library Association, 50 East Huron added to the Society's Library are listed below. The Street, Chicago, llhnois 60611.) A leading compilers, Gerald R. Eggleston, Acquisitions Librarian, and Susan Dorst, Order Librarian, are interested in Progressive, McCarthy developed the Leg obtaining information about (or copies of) items that are islative Reference Library into a model of not widely advertised, such as publications of local its kind and was instrumental in creating historical societies, family histories and genealogies, the State Board of Public Affairs. privately printed works, and histories of churches, institutions, or organizations. Authors and publishers wishing to reach a wider audience and also to perform a Driessel, Richard Henry. The Albert Roth Fam valuable bibliographic service are urged to inform the ily, the Ursus Engel Family, the John Jacob compilers of their publications, including the following Muser Family. (Fern Park?, Florida, 1982. information: author, title, location and name of publisher, [19] leaves. No price listed. Available from price, pagination, and address of supplier. Write Susan Dorst, Acquisitions Section. author, 217 Nettlewood Lane, Fern Park, Florida 32730.) This is a supplement to the Adams, Peter. Neenah Historical and Architec Genealogy of Richard Henry Driessel and Mar tural Survey Project: Intensive Survey Report. garet Louise Otto Driessel. (Neenah, Wisconsin, © 1982. Pp. 128. Illus. No price listed. Available from Neenah De Dunbar, Robert G. The Van De Vrede Sisters: a partment of Community Development, Family History. (Bozeman, Montana, 1981. 211 Walnut Street, Neenah, Wisconsin Pp. 42. Illus. No price listed. Available from 54956.) author. Department of History & Philoso phy, Montana State University, Bozeman, Allison, R. Bruce and Durbin, Elizabeth. Wis Montana 59717.) Family members lived in consin's Famous and Historic Trees. (Madison, Milwaukee and Sheboygan counties. Wisconsin, ©1982. Pp. 119. Illus. $14.95. Available from Wisconsin Books, 2025 Ehlert, Edward. Manitowoc County Historical Dunn Place, Madison, Wisconsin 53713.) Society Diamond Anniversary Issue: Seventy- Five Years of Historical Collection, Preservation Asplund, Arvid and Baer, Marcie. The J. E. and Publishing. (Manitowoc, Wisconsin, Hamilton Community House, Two Rivers, Manitowoc County Historical Society, Oc 1931-1981. (Manitowoc, Wisconsin, Mani cupational Monograph 47, 1982 Series. Pp. towoc County Historical Society, Occupa [16]. $2.25 plus $.70 postage and handling. tional Monograph 46, 1982 Series. Pp. [8]. Available from author, 1115 North 18th Illus. No price listed. Available from News Street, Manitowoc, Wisconsin 54420.) letter, 1115 North 18th Street, Manitowoc, Wisconsin 54220.) Engelmann, Ruth. Leaf House, Days of Remem bering: a Memoir. (New York, New York, Bailey, Mrs. Sturges. Index to Memorial & Bio ©1982. Pp. 245. $12.02. Available from graphical Record & Illustrated Compendium of Harper & Row Publishers, Inc., 10 East Biography: Columbia, Sauk and Adams Coun 53rd Street, New York, New York 10022.) ties, Wisconsin, George A. Ogle tf Company, Author's life on the Wisconsin and Michi Chicago, 1901. (Madison, Wisconsin, Wis gan border during the 1920's and 1930's. consin State Genealogical Society, Inc., 1979. Pp. 29. No price listed. Available An Every Name Index to the History of Marathon from WSGS Book Store, c/o 465 Charles County, Wisconsin. Edited by Patricia A. Lane, Madison, Wisconsin 53711.) Grasse. (Wausau, Wisconsin, 1982. Pp. 64. $4.00. Available from Marathon County Billings, Jane. Anna Margareta: the Holsten, Gar Genealogical Society, P. O. Box 1512, des, and Kelly Families in Watertown. (Clinton- Wausau, Wisconsin 54401.) Index to the ville?, Wisconsin, 1982. Pp. vii, 53, [2]. Illus. 1913 history by Louis Marchetti. $8.00. Available from author, 158 North Clinton Avenue, Clintonville, Wisconsin Goranson, Rita. Simon Family History. (Mason 54929.) City, Iowa, 1982? [16] leaves. No price 76 WISCONSIN HISTORY CHECKLIST listed. Available from author, 115 Lakeview Nilsson, Svein. A Chronicler of Immigrant Life: Drive, Mason City, Iowa 50401.) Svein Nilsson's Articles in Billed-Magazine, 1868-1870. (Northfield, Minnesota,' 1982. Graber, Kathleen Neumann. A History of the Pp. 181. Illus. No price listed. Available GreberlGraeberlGraber Family, 1680—1980. from Norwegian-American Historical As (Oshkosh, Wisconsin, 1981. Pp. 689. Illus. sociation, Northfield, Minnesota 55057.) $35.00. Available from author, 140 Brooks Billed-Magazine was a literary magazine Lane, Oshkosh, Wisconsin 54901.) published in Madison and intended for Norwegian-Americans. Heckman, Ray M. The Sawmills of Jenny and Merrill. (Merrill, Wisconsin, 1981? Pp. 38. Notable Women from Marathon County's History: Illus. No price listed. Available from Mer 1982 Women's Community Calendar. rill Historical Society, P. O. Box 64, Merrill, (Wausau, Wisconsin, 1982. Pp. [26]. Illus. Wisconsin 54452.) No price listed. Available from The Wom en's Community, Inc., 4I6V2 Third Street, The History of Holy Apostles Parish, 1855-1980. Suite 2, P. O. Box 1502, Wausau, Wisconsin (New Berlin?, Wisconsin, 1980. Pp. 30. Il 54401.) lus. No price listed. Available from Holy Apostles Parish, 16000 West Nadonal Ave Olson, Rosanna Koziczkowski. Koziczkowski: nue, New Berlin, Wisconsin 53151.) Genealogia Mojej Rodziny (the Genealogy of My Family). (White Bear Lake, Minnesota, Kinney, Margaret Murrish. Our Family History: ©1981. Pp. 69. Illus. $7.75. Available from the Murrish-Johnson, Sims and Corin Families. author, 4171 North McKnight Road, White (Lancaster?, Wisconsin, 1982. Pp. 114, [4], Bear Lake, Minnesota 55101.) The family is No price listed. Available from author, Box from Portage County. 323, Lancaster, Wisconsin 53813.) The One Hundredth Anniversary of the Building Marolla, Ed. Mazzuchelli of Wisconsin. (Hori and Dedication of St. Francis Xavier Cathedral, con, Wisconsin, ©1981. Pp. 78. Illus. $5.00. Green Bay, Wisconsin, 1881—1981. (Green Available from The Marolla Press-Book Di Bay, Wisconsin, 1981. Pp. [37]. Illus. No vision, 116 South Vine Street, P. O. Box price listed. Available from St. Francis 148, Horicon, Wisconsin 53032-0148.) Xavier Cathedral, 139 South Madison, Green Bay, Wisconsin 54301.) Meyer, Dorothy; Raddatz, Elaine Doxtator; and Leach, William. The Stockbridge Story. O'Regan, Suzanne Hart. The Story ofthe Theda (Stockbridge?, Wisconsin, 1982? Pp. 302. Clark School of Nursing, 1912-1938: A Picto lUus. $21.95. Available from Mrs. Ann rial Chronicle. (Amherst, Wisconsin, Palmer Gilles, Stockbridge Community Historical Publications, Inc., 1982. Pp. 120. Iflus. Society, c/o State Bank of Stockbridge, $9.95. Available from Theda Clark Re Stockbridge, Wisconsin 53088.) gional Medical Center Bookstore, 130 Sec ond Street, Neenah, Wisconsin 54956.) Michael, Viola Fried. Hans Fried of Jenaz, Switz erland and Fountain City, Wisconsin and His Patterson, Betty and Allen, Velma. Index to Descendants. (Los Gatos, California, 1982. History of Crawford &' Richland Counties, Wis Pp. 178. Illus. No price listed. Available consin, Springfield, Illinois, 1884. (Madison, from author, 173 Luray Drive, Los Gatos, Wisconsin, Wisconsin State Genealogical California 95030.) Society, Inc., 1981. Pp. 36. No price listed. Available from WSGS Book Store, c/o 465 Mochal, Sandy. The Bell Family Tree. (Water Charles Lane, Madison, Wisconsin 53711.) loo?, Iowa, 1981. [IIOJ leaves. Illus. No price listed. Available from author, 910 Paulson, Gerald H. Madison's Thoreau Past and Black Hawk Road, No. 8, Waterloo, Iowa Present: 125 Years of Education on the Thoreau 50701.) Family came to Wisconsin from Site. (Madison, Wisconsin, 1982. Pp. [36]. England in 1855. Illus. $2.50. Available from Thoreau Ele- 77 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 mentary School, 3870 Nakoma Road, Mad The Stockbridge Bible: Documents Relating to Its ison, Wisconsin 53711.) Recovery by the Stockbridge Indians. (Bowler, Wisconsin, 1981. Pp. 45. No price listed. Reetz, Elaine. Come Back in Time: Volume II: Available from Stockbridge-Munsee His Business & Commerce. (Princeton, Wiscon torical Library-Museum, Route 1, Bowler, sin, ©1982. Pp. 240. Illus. $9.95 plus $1.00 Wisconsin 54416.) postage and handling. Available from Fox River Publishing Co., P. O. Box 54, Prince Styza, Clarence. Early Saloons in Merrill. (Mer ton, Wisconsin 54968.) History ofthe early rill, Wisconsin, 1982. Pp. 35. Illus. $1.00. businesses in central Wisconsin. Available from Merrill Historical Society, P. O. Box 64, Merrill, Wisconsin 54452.) Rusch, Lynn A. and Penman, John T. Historic Sites Along the Great River Road. (Madison, Thornton, ^2vy. A Photographer's History of Fond Wisconsin, 1982. Wisconsin Department of du Lac, City and Area, Volume II. (Fond du Transportation Archaeological Report 7. Lac?, Wisconsin, ©1981. Pp. 159. Illus. Pp. iii, 59, [40]. Illus. No charge. Available $9.95 plus $.86 postage and handling. from Highway Archaeologist, Museum Di Available from M'Ellens Bookshop, 770 vision, State Historical Society of Wiscon South Main Street, Fond du Lac, Wisconsin sin, 816 State Street, Madison, Wisconsin 54935.) 53706.) Universal Foods, the First 100 Years. (Milwau St. Mary Parish Centennial Directory, kee?, Wisconsin, 1982. Pp. 46. Illus. Availa 1881—1981, Brillion, Wisconsin. (Brillion, ble from Universal Foods Corporation, 433 Wisconsin, 1982. Pp. 60. Illus. $6.00. Avail East Michigan Street, Milwaukee, Wiscon able from St. Mary Church, 215 Center sin 53201.) Street, Brillion, Wisconsin 54110.) Booklet also contains the parish history. An Uplands Reader, Volume II, edited by Edna Meudt. (Dodgeville, Wisconsin, ©1981. Pp. Schlintz, Avis L. Wehrman. Genealogy of De 170. Illus. $9.95. Available from Upland scendants of Wehrmann Progenitors from Lippe Writers, Mary A. Rasmussen, Box 112, Detmold and Related Families from Hanover Dodgeville, Wisconsin 53533.) A series of and Other Areas of Germany. (Black Creek, literary and historical essays about the Wisconsin, 1982? 2 vols. Illus. No price Dodgeville area. listed. Available from author, Rural Route 2, Box 177, Black Creek, Wisconsin 54106.) Vint, Florence Shallow. DeKeuster-Coco Fami lies of U.S.A. and Belgium, 1600-1980. (De- A Self Guided Walking Tour, Merrill, Wisconsin. corah, Iowa, Anundsen Publishing Co., (Merrill, Wisconsin, 1980. Pp. [16]. Illus. 1980. Pp. 69. Illus. No price hsted. Availa No price listed. Available from Merrill His ble from author, 5829 South Datura Street, torical Society, P. O. Box 64, Merrill, Wis #223, Littleton, Colorado 80120.) The consin 54452.) families immigrated to Door County from Belgium. Sheboygan Indian Mound Park: History and Nat ure Trail Guide. (Sheboygan?, Wisconsin, Wanderer, JoAnne Popp. The Foertsch Family 1981? Pp. 24. Illus. $1.50. Available from in America and Allied Kin. (Waukesha, Wis Town & Country Garden Club, c/o Mrs. consin, 1979. Pp. 94. Illus. $8.50. Available Frank Bernard, 1722 Pheasant Lane, She from author, 2013 Garland Avenue, boygan, Wisconsin 53081.) Waukesha, Wisconsin 53186.) Steinhauer, Olive M. '"Stirred Up Memories': Se Welker, Mary Margarette. The Shuckharts from quel to Our Thirty Years. (Madison?, Wiscon Germany to U.S.: from Carahessa, Germany to sin, 1981. Pp. 128. Illus. No price listed. Stark Co., Ohio to Wisconsin. (Racine, Wiscon Available from author, 139 Kensington sin, 1982. 91, 8 leaves. No price listed. Drive, Madison, Wisconsin 53704.) Remi Available from author, 2110 Clarence Ave niscences ofthe author's family in Madison. nue, Racine, Wisconsin 53405.) 78 Proceedings ofthe One Hundred and Thirty-Sixth Annual Business Meeting ofthe State Historical Society ojf Wisconsin, 1981-1982 Director's Report N my report to you a year ago I said pare volumes three and six in the series for I that 1981 had been "a year domi publication by the end of the coming fiscal nated by frustrating fiscal problems and year. alarms. Unfortunately, the end of such diver The budget had hardly passed when it be sions is nowhere in sight." That prediction came apparent that further reductions might proved accurate, and the present year has be required, and early in 1982 the Governor again been one dominated by budgetary con submitted to the Legislature what came to be cerns. known as the "budget repair bill." As finally The 1981—1983 biennial budget as finally approved in April, it required all agencies to enacted by the Legislature made across-the- reduce their tax-funded expenditures by 2 board reductions of 8 per cent in the tax- per cent in the first year of the biennium funded budgets of all state agencies except the (1981—1982) and by 4 per cent in the second University of Wisconsin, which received a re year (1982-1983). Again, the University of duction of 1 per cent. For the Society the per Wisconsin was the only exception to this, being centage was slightly less than 8 per cent be reduced by only 2 per cent each year. For the cause in the final stages of the legislative Society these additional reductions meant the process Representative Joanne Duren was loss of six more staff positions along with re able to secure an amendment restoring funds ductions in the budgets for purchase of library to keep the Pendarvis historic site open. As materials, utilities, supplies and services, and passed by the Legislature the budget bill, de funds for the purchase of the portraits of the spite the Society's protests, ordered the closing governors. In addition, the Society will have to of Stonefield historic site and removed the transfer to the state general fund 6 per cent of funds and staff positions necessary for opera the funds it receives from such revenue- tion of the site from the budget. The Gover producing activities as membership fees, sites nor vetoed the order to close Stonefield, but admissions, sale of books and merchandise this did not restore the operating funds and and library fines. Finally, the budget repair staff positions. The Governor also vetoed the bill removed from the Society's budget all the funding for a large number of projects in the tax funds previously appropriated for the state building program, including the appro purchase of books and microforms for the li priation for the exhibits in the new museum brary, placing the money in a special fund con on the capitol square. With the museum thus trolled by the Secretary of Administration and delayed for at least two years, we were able to the Joint Committee on Finance. We will now reassign one position from the museum staff be required to make special application for re and another from the Villa Louis to keep lease of funds to make library book purchases. Stonefield open, although only for a season of At various stages throughout the budgetary three months each year. process we attempted to secure smaller reduc With these exceptions, the results of the tions for the Society, which as a small and very budget reductions were as I predicted in last staff-intensive agency has less flexibility to ad year's report. The Society lost a total of 13.5 just to across-the-board reductions of this sort. staff positions, which was 10 per cent of its tax- Since 51 per cent of our tax-funded expendi funded staff. We will be able to keep one posi tures are for activities which directly support tion, the Director of Research, through the bi instruction and research by University faculty ennium by using private funds given to the and students, or are directly related to such Wisconsin History Foundation for the History University programs, it seemed more appro of Wisconsin project. This will enable us to pre priate for the Society to have the smaller per- 79 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 centages of reduction that were imposed on the Society providing conservation services the University. Many legislators were sympa statewide on a self-supporting fee basis. The thetic to this view, and tried to be helpful in se National Historical Publications and Records curing amendments to this effect, but all such Commission approved a grant of $25,000 for attempts failed to secure sufficient support. an assessment ofthe state's needs in the pres Despite the Governor's veto of the funds ervation of historical records. 1 he library re for planning and constructing the exhibits, ceived a grant of $52,000 of federal funds planning for the new museum proceeded available through the Wisconsin Department steadily with funds from a previous appropri of Public Instruction for a series of education ation released by the State Building Commis activities and production of a guide to materi sion. Two nationally recognized consultants als in Wisconsin libraries relating to Native produced a master plan for the renovation of Americans. the building and layout of the exhibits. Al For several months it was feared that fed though the consultant reports projected costs eral funds for the historic preservation pro nearly double the original estimates, the State gram would be cut off completely, as recom Building Commission recently authorized ad mended in President Ronald Reagan's ditional planning and released funds for it original budget recommendations. Preserva and to begin the renovation of the building. tionists throughout the nation rallied to save Meanwhile the Madison fund-raising commit this very popular program. While grants to tee secured nearly $127,000 in cash and the states were reduced, the $408,000 we re pledges which more than fulfilled the Society's ceived for Wisconsin enables us to continue commitment to the State Building Commis the statewide survey and nomination of sites sion for the purchase of the building. Robert and districts to the National Register of His B. Murphy, Walter Frautschi, Roth Schleck, toric Places and all other aspects of the pro and Rockne Flowers have earned the Society's gram except the subgrants for acquisition and deep appreciation for this achievement. restoration of historical properties. Senator In other instances, too, the gloom of budget James Moody of Milwaukee obtained passage reductions has been relieved by better news on of state legislation this session to promote his other fiscal fronts. The Milwaukee fund- toric preservation by the establishment of local raising committee secured a gift of $125,000 landmarks commissions, and the develop from the Demmer Foundation to purchase ment of a state building code more sympa new visitor transportation equipment for Old thetic to preservation of historic structures World Wisconsin. The two units, each of than the present one. The Society provided which can carry up to fifty passengers, are technical assistance in the drafting of this leg popular with visitors and quite unobtrusive in islation. the historic atmosphere ofthe museum. They Before leaving the subjects of funding and solve one ofthe more perplexing operational legislation I should report that Assembly Bill problems at the museum. 704, which proposed to divide the Society's functions between the Department of Natural Resources and the University of Wisconsin, HE Society enjoyed another ex did not emerge from the Assembly committee T' tremely successful year of to which it was referred. Those who spoke at grantsmanship, despite reductions of funding the public hearing on the bill were overwhelm for several federal programs from which we ingly opposed to it, as was most of the com have regularly received grants. The National ment in the press. Endowment for the Humanities provided the The Society issued several publications of archives division $95,000 to hire additional note during the year, in addition to the normal staff for two years to process manuscripts in production of periodicals. The best seller cer the collections of the Wisconsin Center for tainly was The Flavor of Wisconsin, the long- Film and Theater Research. The same source awaited cook book and history of food and eat also gave the Society $59,000 to conserve his ing in Wisconsin which was issued just in time torical records and photographs in the Socie for the holiday gift market. We also published ty's collections and also in other repositories in the fourth of sixteen volumes projected in the the state, as well as to study the feasibility of series on the Documentary History ofthe Ratifica- 80 PROCEEDINGS, 1981-1982 tion of the Constitution, edited under sponsor teers and other activities to improve site oper ship of the Department of History at the Uni ations without increasing costs. Volunteers versity of Wisconsin—Madison with funding from the Cassville community will staff the from the National Historical Publications and Dewey-Newberry house at Stonefield when it Records Commission. Two other Society opens in mid-July, and the local group has publications were the outgrowth of earlier agreed to underwrite any deficits incurred in grant-funded projects: Hispanics in Wisconsin: the re-establishment of the horse transporta A Bibliography of Source Materials and Sources tion system in Stonefield Village this year. for Mass Communications, Film and Theater Re search: A Guide. HE results of all these efforts The historic sites have been the subject of T' have been very encouraging. more discussion in the legislature and news The rate of decline in attendance at Pendarvis media during the past two years than at any has been slowed, and there was a substantial previous time. It is a pleasure to be able to re increase in attendance at Wade House for the port substantial progress during the past year first time in several years. Sales revenues were in the program to revitalize the historic sites as up at all sites, and because of this and the tight an important component of the Society's total management of costs we have not had to raise educational mission. The fiscal picture ofthe admission fees for any ofthe sites operated by sites has been markedly improved by a series the Society except Old World Wisconsin dur of management changes which reduced per ing the past two years. The sites ended the sonnel and other operating costs and in 1981 fiscal year with a favorable balance of creased revenues from sales of merchandise. $91,000. Our plans to reinvest this in in Improved interpretation at the sites, making creased promotion and further improve them more attractive to the public, is essential ments in program at the sites were dealt a to produce the increased attendance and sales sharp setback by the requirement that we revenues necessary to meet the continued in transfer 6 per cent of our total earned revenue flation of operating costs over which the Soci expenditure budget into the state general ety has no control. Staff from the historic sites, fund, which took half of these painfully accu the museum, and other units of the Society mulated site improvement funds. have made remarkable progress on this as The sites are in acceptable financial health signment during the year. Collections at two at this time, and I am more encouraged about of the sites have been completely catalogued their future than at any time since 1976. How for the first time. Major research on Pendar ever, our present projections indicate that the vis, Stonefield, and Old Wade House has been operating costs which must be met out of site completed and is being worked into the inter income will increase more rapidly than the pretation to provide visitors a more interest most optimistic estimates of increased reve ing and accurate presentation. Special events nues from sales and admission fees. This have been developed for each site, guide cos clearly indicates the necessity for restoring the tuming and training has been improved, and state tax funds for site operation that were cut comprehensive interpretive plans were com by the legislature in the 1981-1983 budget. pleted for two sites, with others in prepara Additional state subsidy of the sites may be tion. Promotion has been improved and in necessary if we are to avoid being thrown back creased by such means as a new color brochure into the attempt to meet rising operating costs on all sites and new brochures on the individ by the inherently contradictory measures of ual sites, publication ofthe calendar of special reducing program and charging higher ad events at each site, exhibiting at travel shows missions fees. within the primary marketing areas, and in creased advertising. The possibility that the Society would be forced to close one or more HE Office of Local History con- sites stimulated the formation of local citizen T dnued the revitalization of our support groups in Mineral Point, Cassville, relationship with the affiliated local societies and Prairie du Chien. We are working with and the Wisconsin Council for Local History. these groups to improve local promotion of A record total of 1,047 individuals attended the sites as well as the recruitment of volun the regional conventions this year, which was an increase of 39 per cent over the previous 81 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 year. As a part ofthe National Endowment for rumors, and concerns. On the whole, staff mo the Humanities grant-funded programs to rale has remained amazingly high. 1 want to improve the interpretive quality of affiliated mention several individuals particularly, start society museum exhibits, staff have conducted ing with Jerry Ham, who as acting Associate two exhibit workshops (in Madison and Director has ably managed the library and the Wausau) to which twenty-six affiliated soci search for a new librarian while laying the eties sent participants. Additional workshops foundation for greater future coordination of on paper conservation, producing newslet library and archival programs. Shel Strom- ters, and using volunteers were held in quist has done more than any other individual Kenosha, Eau Claire, and Richland Center; to demonstrate the potential of the Office of and a colloquium on local history research was Local History to improve local historical soci held in Delafield. All were well attended. The ety programming and practices. John Har Wisconsin Council for Local History is near- bour's keen analyses and capable manage ing completion of two projects to benefit affili ment ofthe historic sites have made it possible ated societies. Curator Sally Eager is doing the for us to improve programs at all the sites in a basic organizational work on a roster of volun year of unprecedented fiscal and political teer resource persons from among the affili stress. Bill Applegate and Thurman Fox have ates themselves, the area research centers, and completed the first phase of planning for the other individuals who have skills needed by lo new museum in addition to their normal ad cal societies. This roster will be published and ministrative duties, and Gene Spindler has distributed to all societies later this summer. dealt admirably with his new responsibilities as Vivian Guzniczak, the vice chairman of the head of administrative services and the Socie Council, with the assistance of Society staff, is ty's chief budget officer. compiling a Handbook of Youth History Projects, Each of these individuals would quickly— which also will be distributed to affiliated soci and justifiably—point out that many others in eties. all divisions have also contributed measurably In spite of all the frustrations and anxieties, to these and other achievements of the year, this has been a productive year at the Society and to all I tender my gratitude on behalf of and I have only touched the surface of the Board of Curators and the Society. achievement in this report. In closing 1 would like to commend the staff for their steadfast RICHARD A. ERNEY attention to duty in a year filled with changes, Director Digest of Board Action At Madison, October 17, 1981 dent Geilfuss, made under his general ap pointive power, to name a special committee • Approved minutes of the June 18, 1981, of curators and noncurators to review the Board of Curators meeting; present governing structure of the State • Approved treasurer's report; Historical Society and to report its findings • Authorized expenditures of $12,500 from and recommendations to the Board of mem the Historic Sites Foundation capital devel bership; opment fund to continue blacktopping the • Approved recommendation of application Circus World Museum grounds ($5,000) for affiliation for the Lafayette County His and to procure replacement canvas for vari torical Society; ous tents ($7,500); • Approved recommendations for continu • Authorized an increase in salary for the Act ance of affiliation of the Bark River Woods ing Associate Director from his current sal Historical Society, Inc., the Norway Histori ary of $36,803 to $37,686, the maximum for cal Society, Inc., and the Omro Area Histori the range; cal Society, Inc.; • Resolved, That the Board of Curators com • Approved the Annual Meeting Committee's mends and supports the decision of Presi- recommendation to hold the 1983 Annual 82 PROCEEDINGS, 1981-1982 Meeting at the American Club in Kohler, if amend these Bylaws at any annual or special feasible. meeting at which a quorum is present, by a two-thirds (2/3) affirmative vote of those At Madison, February 20, 1982 present and voting, upon at least fifteen • Approved minutes ofthe October 17, 1981, days notice to all Board members of the sub Board of Curators meeting; stance ofthe proposed amendment; • Approved donations and federal grants for • Moved that nominations be closed and the the period of Juiy 1, 1981, through Decem- following slate be unanimously reelected for ber31, 1981; three-year terms to the Board of Directors • Approved recommendation of Constitution of the Wisconsin History Foundation: Mrs. and Bylaws Committee to amend Chapter L. Prentice Eager, Jr., Mrs. Herbert V. A, Section 2, to read: "A member is consid Kohler, Jr., Mrs. Ida Baldwin, Rockne Flow ered in good standing if membership dues ers, Walter A. Frautschi; and to fill a direc have been paid at least forty-five (45) days torship which was created by the enlarge prior to the annual meeting. A family mem ment of the Board of Directors at the bership entitles two adult members of the meeting in Racine in 1978, but which has family to vote. Each other membership shall never been filled, Collins H. Ferris, with the be entitled to one vote"; term ending December 31, 1983; • Approved recommendation of Constitution • Approved recommendation of application and Bylaws Committee to amend Chapter A for affiliation and waiver of the four-year to renumber Section 4 to become Section 2, probationary period for the De Pere Histori renumber Section 2 to become Section 3, cal Society; and renumber Section 3 to become Section • Approved recommendation for continu 4; ance of affiliation ofthe Alma Historical So • Approved recommendation of Constitution ciety, Inc., Gordon Historical Society, Inc., and Bylaws Committee to amend Chapter A and the Merrill Historical Society, Inc.; of the bylaws to read: "Section 5. Notice of • Approved recommendation for a theme Meetings of Active Members: Written notice marker for the driftless area; stating the place, day, hour, and purpose or • Approved recommendation for rejection of purposes of the meeting shall be mailed to a marker for the Baraboo Iron District; all active members in good standing not less • Moved that the Board of Curators convey its than twenty (20) days prior to the date ofthe gratitude and appreciation to the Madison meeting. Notice of the annual business Fundraising Committee (Messrs. Murphy, meeting shall include notice of the election Frautschi, Schleck, and Flowers) for their ef of curators. Any member may present a pro fort in realizing the $110,000 fund-raising posal to be acted upon at a meeting of mem goal; bers provided such request is received in • Resolved, That the Board of Curators ex writing by the Secretary at least sixty (60) presses its special appreciation to Alice E. days prior to the date ofthe meeting"; Smith for her generous gift to the Society, • Approved recommendation of Constitution and sends its sincere best wishes for her con and Bylaws Committee to amend Chapter B tinued health and happiness. of the bylaws to include: "Section 5. Curator Emeritus: To be eligible for this category an At Wisconsin Rapids, June 17, 1982 individual must have served three terms as an elected member of the Board of Cura • Elected minutes ofthe February 20, 1982, tors. Election as Curator Emeritus shall be Board of Curators meeting; by the Board of Curators upon recommen • Received treasurer's report; dation ofthe Nominating Committee. Cura • Elected slate of officers for three-year tors Emeritus shall receive invitations to all terms ending in June, 1985: William C. meetings ofthe Board of Curators but shall Kidd, Racine, president; Newell G. Meyer, not have the right to vote"; Milwaukee, First Vice President; Mrs. L. • Approved recommendation of Constitution Prentice Eager, Jr., Evansville, Second Vice and Bylaws Committee to amend Chapter E President; Wilson B. Thiede, Madison, of the bylaws to read: "The Board may Treasurer; 83 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1982 ' Approved election of Curators Emeritus as Chapter of the Burnett County Historical follows: Robert H. Irrmann, Beloit; Mrs. Society; Edward C. Jones, Fort Atkinson; Howard ' Approved restatement of articles of incor W. Mead, Madison; poration ofthe Whitefish Bay Historical So I Approved recommendation of application ciety. for affiliation for the Grantsburg Area Minutes of the Annual Meeting RESIDENT John C. Geilfuss For election to an unexpired term ending in 1984: P called the annual business meet Kirby Hendee, Madison ing to order at 4:00 P.M. in the McMillan Me A unanimous ballot was cast for the nominees. morial Library, Wisconsin Rapids, on June 18, A new category, that of Curator Emeritus, 1982. One hundred forty members and guests has been created to be filled by the Board of were present. Curators, acting upon recommendations of The minutes of the June 19, 1981, meeting the Nominating Committee. To be eligible for were approved. this category an individual must have served Wilson B. Thiede, treasurer, reported that three terms as an elected member of the the State Historical Society of Wisconsin is Board of Curators. Curators Emeritus are in continuing its statutory duties with a Legisla vited to all meetings of the Board of Curators tive General Purpose Revenue Budget of but do not have the right to vote. Robert H. Ir $4,096,900 for the current fiscal year which rmann, Beloit; Mrs. Edward C. Jones, Fort ends June 30, 1982. In addition, the Society is Atkinson; and Howard W. Mead, Madison, operating on a Program Revenue Budget of were elected to this new category. $3,418,800 for the current fiscal year, an in President Geilfuss announced that the crease of approximately 3 per cent. The Pro Board of Curators had elected the following as gram Revenue portion of the budget is cov officers of the Society for a term ending in ered by monies received from the sale of 1985: President, William C. Kidd, Racine; publications, membership fees, general fees First Vice-President, Newell G. Meyer, Mil and sales, admissions and sales at historic sites, waukee; Second Vice-President, Mrs. L. Pren investment earnings, private gifts, and federal tice Eager, Jr., Evansville; Treasurer, Wilson grants. A financial statement for the entire fis B. Thiede, Madison. cal year is printed elsewhere in this issue of the Richard A. Erney, director of the Society, Magazine. delivered his annual report, which is printed E. David Cronon, Nominating Committee elsewhere in this Magazine. Chairman, presented the following slates of Communication was heard from Mr. E. S. nominees for election to the Board of Cura (Bert) Bohlin of Mineral Point and Reverend tors: Edwin Strodtman of Cassville, who repre sented the Southwest Wisconsin Action Team For re-election for a term ending inl 985: for History (SWATH), a group that combines Thomas H. Barland, Eau Claire the interests of three local citizens groups Mrs. L. Prentice Eager, Jr.,£famfz7fe from Mineral Point, Cassville, and Prairie du Nathan S. Heffernan, Mac/Mow Chien. SWATH was formed to express local Mrs. Peter D. Humleker, Jr.,/"one? rfuLac concern when the operation of two Society his John M. Murry, Hales Corners toric sites, Pendarvis in Mineral Point, and Frederick I. Olson, Wauwatosa Stonefield near Cassville, was threatened by Louis C. Smith, Cassville state budget cuts. President Geilfuss ex Wilson B. Thiede, Madison pressed his appreciation for their concern For election for a term ending in 1985: with the sites located in their areas. Oscar C. Boidt, Appleton The meeting was adjourned at 5:00 P.M. Mrs. James Czajkowski, Wauzeka Respectfully submitted, Wilfred J. Harris, Madison RICHARD A.ERNEY Gerald D. Viste, Wausau Secretary 84 PROCEEDINGS, 1981-1982 SUMMARY FINANCIAL STATEMENT, JULY 1, 1981 TO JUNE 30,1982 Public Funds Tax monies appropriated by the legislature through statutes 20.245-101, 102, 103, 105, 106, 107, 110, and 111. Balance Legislative Balance 7/1/81 Appropriation Expenditures Lapsed 6/30/82 $49,024.53 $4,118,231.80 $4,085,618.99 $33,503.10 $48,134.24 Revolving Funds (20.245-132. Endowment) Endowment funds given to the State Historical Society by individuals and estates. The principal and capital gains are invested; the interest and dividends can be spent in most cases only for the specific purposes for which the bequest was made. Capital Principal Gains Income Accounts Balance Balance 7/1/82 Receipts Expenditures 6/30/82 $1,067,165.33 $174,277.15 $125,128.93 $104,067.51 $51,027.45 $178,168.99 Revolving Funds (20.245-132. Gifts and Donations) Donations, grants, and bequests to the State Historical Society from individuals, estates, foundations, and institutions. Most of these funds can be used fjnly for the specific projects for which they were given. Balance Balance 7/1/81 Receipts Expenditures 6/30/82 $4,494.56 $316,215.63 $305,033.89 $6,687.18 Revolving Funds (20.245—131. General Operations Receipts) Income earned by the State Historical Society, primarily from sales of publications, admis sions and sales at historic sites, membership fees, and sales of photostats and microfilms. Balance Balance 7/1/81 Receipts Expenditures 6/30/82 $263,893.03 $1,366,585.03 $1,302,988.40 $327,489.66 Revolving Appropriations (20.245—141. Federal Aid) Funds granted to the State Historical Society by various federal agencies, primarily for specific research, surveys, publications, and historic restorations. balance Balance 7/1/81 Receipts Expenditures 6/30/82 50,211.88 $1,043,258.82 $1,048,150.10 -$55,103.16 85 Historic Sites Foundation N 1960 the Historic Sites Foundation was Foundation's Board includes members of the I established as a private, non-profit corpo Society's Board of Curators as well as distin ration for the sole purpose of assisting the guished citizens with an interest in circus his State Historical Society's historic sites pro tory and in the Society itself. Its sources of in gram. Its current function is to serve as the come are Circus World Museum admissions, management corporation, for the Society, of gifts, and grants. Gifts to the Foundation are the Circus World Museum in Baraboo. The tax-deductible. Officers CLARK WILKINSON, President MRS. WILLIAM H. L. SMYTHE, Secretary- DONALD H. DOOLEY, Vice-President Treasurer RICHARD A. ERNEY, Executive Vice-President MILO K. SWANTON, Assistant Secretary Board of Directors Term Expires 1982 Term Expires 1983 DONALD H. DOOLEY MRS. RICHARD L. HARTZELL Milwaukee Grantsburg KENNETH W. HAAGENSEN JAMES L. KIEFER Oconomowoc Baraboo JOHN T. HARRINGTON GAYLORD MATTI Milwaukee Madison MRS. EDWARD C.JONES HOWARD W. MEAD Fort Atkinson Madison MILO K. SWANTON MRS. WILLIAM H. L. SMYTHE Madison Milwaukee CLARK WILKINSON EDWARD J. VIRNIG Baraboo New Berlin Ex Officio RICHARD A. ERNEY Madison Director, State Historical Society of Wisconsin 86 Wisconsin History Foundation STABLISHED in 1954 as a private non publications, professional education of staff', E profit corporation, the Wisconsin His and building construction at our historic sites. tory Foundation has the sole purpose of assist The Board of the Foundation includes ing the State Historical Society in whatever members ofthe Society's Board of Curators as ways are mutually agreed upon by the Foun well as other distinguished citizens interested dation's Board and the Society's Board of Cu in history and in the objectives of the Society. rators. This assistance has covered a wide The Foundation's chief source of income is range of activities for which no public or un gifts and grants. Donations to the Foundation budgeted private funds were available, includ are tax-deductible. ing research projects, television programs. Officers ROBERT B. L. MURPHY, President THOMAS H. BARLAND, 1st Vice-President ROCKNE G. FLOWERS, 2nd Vice-President JOHN C. GEILFUSS, Treasurer RICHARD A. ERNEY, Secretary WILLIAH H. APPLEGATE, Assistant Secretary Board of Directors Term Expires 1982 NEWELL G. MEYER Milwaukee MRS. HENRY HARNISCHFEGER ROTH S. SCHLECK Milwaukee Madison W. PHARIS HORTON MILO K. SWANTON Madison Madison WILLIAN HUFFMAN Wisconsin Rapids Term Expires 1984 WILLIAM C. KIDD Racine MRS. IRA L. BALDWIN ROBERT B. L. MURPHY Madison Madison MRS. L. PRENTICE EAGER, JR. Evansville Term Expires 1983 ROCKNE G. FLOWERS Madison THOMAS H. BARLAND WALTER A. FRAUTSCHI Eau Claire Madison COLLINS H. FERRIS MRS. HERBERT V. KOHLER, JR. Madison Kohler Ex Officio JOHN C. GEILFUSS Milwaukee, President, State Historical Society of Wisconsin 87 Contributors PATRICIA HILTS is a docent at the State Histori cal Society of Wisconsin, where she frequently demonstrates spinning and weaving. Her cur rent research concerns the history of textiles, and she recently returned from Germany where she studied German weaving manu scripts of the eighteenth and nineteenth cen turies. Her publications include an article about the Reedsburg (Wisconsin) Woolen Mill for Wisconsin Then and Now, a monthly column about weaving (under the pen name Abelard) for the Madison Weavers Guild Newsletter, and work about the eighteenth-century German RICHARD G. BREMER grew up on a farm in Ne court weaver, Johann Michael Frickinger. braska, where he attended rural elementary Mrs. Hilts received a Master of Arts in teach and village secondary schools. He received his ing from Harvard University in 1964 and a B.A. degree from the University of Minnesota Master of Science in related arts from the Uni in 1966 and his M.A. from Stanford Univer versity of Wisconsin-Madison in 1976. For sity in 1968. A dual specialist in American ag merly she was a high school mathematics ricultural and frontier history, he studied un teacher in Marshall, Wisconsin, where she and der Professor Allan G. Bogue at the University her husband now live. She is a member of the of Wisconsin in Madison, where he received board of the Dane County Historical Society, his Ph.D. in American history in 1973. His re secretary of the Waterloo-Area Historical So vised doctoral dissertation, Ag-ncw/^Mra/ Change ciety, and is active in several other local histori in an Urban Age: The Loup Country of Nebraska, cal societies. 1910-1970, was published in the University of Nebraska Studies series. Bremer has taught at the Madison Area Technical College and at '*^'- • the University of Nebraska—Lincoln. He re sides in Madison, where he is at work on a 4^. scholarly biography of Henry Rowe School craft. VICTOR HILTS'S interest in history began with trips to Old Town in Great Falls, Montana, when he was a boy. He and his future wife spent most of their dates visiting New England historical sites, and for Christmas of 1966, they purchased a spinning wheel. For the past several years, Hilts has been chairman of the JOHN E. HOLLITZ is an assistant professor of History of Science Department at the Univer history at California State University, Chico. sity of Wisconsin—Madison. He received a He received a bachelor's degree from Stan Ph.D. from Harvard University in 1967 and ford University and a Ph.D. in history from teaches a course on the history of science, tech the University of Wisconsin in Madison nology, and society in which he discusses the (1981), where he studied under professors mechanization ofthe textile industry. His pre Daniel T. Rodgers and John M. Cooper, Jr. vious writings have concerned the history of His interest in the role of advertising men in the social sciences, and he has published A the 1952 Eisenhower campaign grew out of a Guide to Francis Gallon's English Men of Science broader interest in advertising and consump and Statist and Statistician. He and his wife re tion. He is currently at work on a study of main avid museum buffs and have visited American attitudes about advertising, spend many ofthe museums relating to the history of ing, and thrift in the late nineteenth and early technology both in the United States and Eu twentieth centuries. rope. THE BOARD OF CURATORS LEE SHERMAN DREYFUS, Governor ofthe State ROBERT M. O'NEIL, President ofthe University VEL PHILLIPS, Secretary of State MRS. JOHN ERSKINE, President of the Auxiliary CHARLES P. SMITH, State Treasurer ROBERT B. L. MVRPHY, President, Wisconsin History Foundation MRS. SONDRA ROCKENBACH, Chairman, Wisconsin Council for Local History THOMAS H. BARLAND, Eau Claire MRS. FANNIE HICKLIN, Madison OSCAR C. BOLDT, Appleton WILLIAM HUFFMAN, Wisconsin Rapids E. DAVID CRONON, Madison MRS. PETER D. HUMLEKER, JR., Fond du Lac MRS. JAMES P. CZAJKOWSKI, Wauzeka WILLIAM C. KIDD, Racine MRS. L. PRENTICE EAGER, JR., Evansville MRS. HERBERT V. KOHLER, JR., Kohler MRS. WILLIAM B. GAGE, Williams Bay NEWELL G. MEYER, Milwaukee PAUL C. GARTZKE, Madison GEORGE H. MILLER, Ripon JOHN C. GEILFUSS, Milwaukee JOHN M. MURRY, Milwaukee MRS. HUGH F. GWIN, Hudson FREDERICK I. OLSON, Wauwatosa JOHN T. HARRINGTON, Milwaukee DR. LOUIS C. SMITH, Cassville WILFREDJ. HARRIS, Madison MRS. WILLIAM H. L. SMYTHE, Milwaukee MRS. RICHARD L. HARTZELL, Grantsburg WILLIAM F. STARK, Nashotah PAUL E. HASSETT, Madison MILO K. SWANTON, Madison MRS. WILLIAM E. HAYES, De Pere WILSON B. THIEDE, Madison MRS. R. GOERES HAYSSEN, Racine CHARLES TWINING, Ashland NATHAN S. HEFFERNAN, Madison EDWARDJ. VIRNIG, New Berlin MRS. JEAN M. HELLIESEN, La Crosse GERALD D. VISTE, Wausau KIRBY HENDEE, Madison CLARK WILKINSON, Baraboo The Women's Auxiliary MRS. JOHN ERSKINE, Racine, President MRS. E. DAVID CRONON, Madison, Secretary MRS. WILLIAM B.JONES, Fort Atkinson, MRS. GEORGE STROTHER, Madison, Treasurer Vice-President MRS. A. PAUL JENSEN, Madison, Ex Officio Fellows Curators Emeritus VERNON CARSTENSEN ROBERT H. IRRMANN MERLE CURTI MRS. EDWARD C.JONES ALICE E. SMITH HOWARD W. MEAD THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY SHALL promote a wider appreciation ofthe American heritage with particular emphasis on the collection, advancement and dissemination of knowledge ofthe history of Wisconsin and of the West. —Wisconsin Statutes, Chapter 44 WHi (X3) 25994 In 1926, when this machine was exhibited by the University of Wisconsin Extension Division, it was considered both instructive and amusing to wiggle your toes while absorbing a dose of X-rays. (This photograph is featured in the 1983 edition of the Wisconsin Calendar, now in its thirty-seventh year of publication by the Society.) ^^^TE HlSTo^ fsbst