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Interacción Entre Latinos Y Bizantinos En Vísperas De La Cuarta Cruzada (1204): El Testimonio De Teodoro Balsamón

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Interacción Entre Latinos Y Bizantinos En Vísperas De La Cuarta Cruzada (1204): El Testimonio De Teodoro Balsamón Estudios bizantinos 4 (2016) 95-105 Revista de la Sociedad Española de Bizantinística ISSN: 2014-9999. DOI: 10.1344/EBizantinos2016.4.5 License: Creative Commons INTERACCIÓN ENTRE LATINOS Y BIZANTINOS EN VÍSPERAS DE LA CUARTA CRUZADA (1204): EL TESTIMONIO DE TEODORO BALSAMÓN Alex Rodriguez Suarez Gran via, 345 08014 Barcelona [email protected] Abstract Theodore Balsamon, nominal patriarch of Antioch, is a well known figure from the second half of the twelfth century. His anti-Latin stance has been associated with the fact that Balsamon was not allowed to take over his appointed see. The Syrian city was under Crusader rule and thus its patriarch was of Roman rite. Nevertheless, two references analysed in this paper demonstrate that his resentment towards the Latins was not only the result of his personal circumstances. The study of a brief treatise and a commen- tary shows that Balsamon witnessed the impact that the interaction between Byzantines and Latins had on the society of his period. As a consequence, Balsamon became an advocate of the Byzantine church and its traditions. Key-words: Theodore Balsamon, Antioch, Manuel i Komnenos, Anti-Latin Literature, Cultural Interac- tion, Twelfth Century Resumen Teodoro Balsamón, patriarca titular de Antioquía, es un conocido personaje de la segunda mitad del siglo xii. Su postura antilatina ha sido relacionada con el hecho de que Teodoro nunca pudo ocupar su sede. La ciudad siria estaba bajo control cruzado y por consiguiente tenía un patriarca de rito romano. En este artículo, sin embargo, se analizan dos referencias de la obra de Teodoro que demuestran que su resentimiento hacia los latinos no sólo estaba basado en razones personales. El estudio de un breve tra- tado y un comentario indican que Teodoro fue testigo del impacto que los intercambios entre bizantinos y latinos tuvieron en la sociedad de su época. En este contexto, Teodoro se convirtió en defensor de la Iglesia bizantina y sus tradiciones. Metadata: Teodoro Balsamón, Antioquía, Manuel i Comneno, Literatura antilatina, Interacción cultu- ral, Siglo xii INTERACCIÓN ENTRE LATINOS Y BIZANTINOS EN VÍSPERAS DE LA CUARTA CRUZADA (1204): EL TESTIMONIO DE TEODORO BALSAMÓN Alex Rodriguez Suarez 1. Introducción Teodoro Balsamón es un renombrado personaje bizantino de la segunda mitad del si- glo xii1. Entre los varios cargos que ocupó durante su carrera eclesiástica están los de nomophylax y chartophylax del patriarcado de Constantinopla. Su figura es conocida principalmente por sus comentarios del Nomokanon, obra que le fue encargada por el patriarca Miguel iii y el emperador Manuel i Comneno (1143-1180) durante la última década de su reinado. Teodoro es también conocido como uno de los principales per- sonajes antilatinos de la época anterior a 1204. Por ejemplo, era de la opinión de que un sacerdote bizantino no debía administrar los sacramentos a un latino hasta que éste hubiera renunciado a sus errores2. El resentimiento que Teodoro parece haber sentido hacia los latinos se ha relacionado con la última dignidad que ostentó3. Con la llegada 1 A. Kazhdan, The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, 3 vols., Oxford 1991, vol. 1, 249, s.v. “Balsamon, Theodore”; G. P. Stevens, De Theodoro Balsamone. Analysis operum ac mentis juridicae, Roma 1969, 5-21. 2 S. Runciman, Eastern schism: A Study of the Papacy and the Eastern churches during the 11th and 12th centuries, Oxford 1955 (reimpr. Oxford 1997), 72-74, 138-140; C. Gallagher, “Gratian and Theodore Balsamon: Two twelfth-century canonistic methods compared”, en N. Oikonomides (ed.), Byzantium in the twelfth century: Canon law, state and society, Athina 1991, 61-89: 83-84. Esta referencia se encuentra entre las respuestas a unas preguntas que el patriarca de Alejandría había solicitado al patriarcado de Constantinopla durante el primer reinado de Isaac Ángelo (1185-1195). Por eso, aunque fueron anotadas por Teodoro, quizá no solo refleja- ran su opinión personal, V. Grumel, “Les réponses canoniques à Marc d’Alexandrie. Leur carac- tère officiel. Leur double rédaction”, Échos d’Orient 38 (1939) 321-333: 322-324. 3 D. Ceccarelli-Morolli, “Breve profilo di Teodoro Balsamon, canonista in Costantinopoli durante il xii secolo”, Ephemerides Iuris Canonici 49.3 (1993) 103-109: 103-104; C. G. Pitsakis, “Les mariages mixtes dans la tradition juridique de l’Église grecque: de l’intransigeance cano- nique aux pratiques modernes”, Études balkaniques 10 (2003) 107-145: 126. Según Michael An- gold, Church and society in Byzantium under the Comneni, 1081-1261, Cambridge 1995, 507, la postura antilatina de Teodoro era anterior a su elevación al patriarcado de Antioquía. Sobre [ 96 ] Estudios bizantinos 4 (2016) 95-105. ISSN: 2014-9999. DOI: 10.1344/EBizantinos2016.4.5 Alex Rodriguez Suarez de la nueva dinastía de los Ángelo, Teodoro fue nombrado patriarca de Antioquía. Sin embargo, la ciudad siria estaba bajo control latino desde que los ejércitos de la Primera Cruzada la conquistaran en 1098. Como consecuencia, Antioquía tenía un patriarca de rito romano y Teodoro nunca ocupó su sede. De hecho, es difícil que todos los comen- tarios antilatinos de Teodoro daten de la época durante la cual fue patriarca titular de Antioquía4. Además, la situación política del Imperio empeoró después de la muerte de Manuel I, y ciertos acontecimientos pudieron haber influenciado la opinión de Teodoro, por ejemplo, el saqueo de Tesalónica por parte de un ejército normando en 1185.5 Tres años antes la capital bizantina había sido testigo de una masacre de comerciantes occi- dentales, sobre todo genoveses y pisanos, que parece confirmar la existencia de un claro clima antilatino entre parte de los habitantes de Constantinopla. Por otro lado, es posible que la aversión de Teodoro hacia la población latina tam- bién fuera el resultado de los crecientes contactos entre bizantinos y latinos. Durante el siglo xii la presencia occidental en el Imperio bizantino aumentó gracias a las políticas de la dinastía Comnena, en particular la del emperador Alejo i (1081-1118). Por ejem- plo, fue Alejo quien ofreció importantes privilegios comerciales a venecianos y pisa- nos en 1082 y 1111 respectivamente6. Estos privilegios incluyeron el establecimiento de sus propios barrios comerciales en la capital bizantina. Fue también Alejo quien dio la bienvenida a los ingleses que se habían exiliado después de la conquista normanda de Inglaterra7. Algunos de éstos se alistaron en la famosa Guardia varega. Finalmente, la dinastía Comnena promovió el matrimonio entre miembros de la familia imperial y re- presentantes de las cortes occidentales. Éste fue el caso de la unión entre el hijo de Alejo, el futuro emperador Juan ii (1118-1143), y la húngara Piroska. Asimismo, Juan promo- vió el primer matrimonio de su hijo menor y sucesor Manuel i con la alemana Bertha de Sulzbach. Con este incremento de la presencia occidental en territorio bizantino se intensificaron los intercambios culturales entre la población local y los latinos. el patriarca griego de Antioquía, véase C. Pitsakis, “Ἡ ἔκταση τῆς ἐξουσίας ἑνὸς ὑπερορίου πατριάρχη· ὁ πατριάρχης Ἀντιοχείας στὴν Κωνσταντινούπολη τοῦ 12ου αἰῶνα”, en N. Oikono- midès (ed.), Byzantium in the 12th century (cit. n. 2), 91-139. 4 G. P. Stevens, De Theodoro Balsamone (cit. n. 1), 14-15. 5 Sobre este período, C. M. Brand, Byzantium confronts the West 1180-1204, Cambridge (Mass.) 1968. 6 S. Borsari, “Il crisobullo di Alessio I per Venezia”, Annali dell’Istituto Italiano per gli Studi Storici 2 (1969-1970) 111-131; id., “Pisani a Bisanzio nel xii secolo”, Bollettino Storico Pisano 60 (1991) 59-75: 61-62. 7 J. Shepard, “The English and Byzantium: A study of their role in the Byzantine army in the later eleventh century”, Traditio 29 (1973) 53-92. [ 97 ] Interacción entre latinos y bizantinos El resultado de estos contactos fue ciertamente visible en la corte bizantina. Así, los monasterios del Cristo Pantocrátor y del Cristo de Cora se decoraron con vidrieras policromadas durante el reinado de Juan ii8. Este tipo de decoración, única en Bizancio, es una innovación importada desde Europa occidental. Además, durante el reinado de Manuel se introdujeron en el ejército bizantino los torneos y las justas, prácticas deporti- vas que también tenían su origen en Europa occidental9. Estos son dos notables ejemplos del efecto que tuvo la interacción entre latinos y bizantinos antes de 1204, pero hay otros menos conocidos. En estas páginas me propongo analizar dos referencias de la obra de Teodoro Balsamón que nos proporcionan información sobre otros ámbitos que se vieron afectados como resultado de la presencia occidental en Bizancio. 2. El uso de campanas Teodoro escribió un breve tratado que explica cómo los monasterios bizantinos deben utilizar semantra para convocar a sus comunidades10. El semantron era el instrumento tradicional que los bizantinos utilizaban en monasterios e iglesias; normalmente con- sistía en una pieza de madera larga que se golpeaba con un mazo y producía un sonido característico. El texto describe el uso de tres semantra diferentes: uno grande, otro pequeño y un tercero hecho de bronce. Los monasterios más importantes de la época podían contar hasta con cuatro semantra diferentes; por ejemplo, éste es el caso del monasterio de la Virgen Kosmosoteira, fundado por el hermano de Juan ii, el sebasto- crátor Isaac Comneno11. El cuarto era el del refectorio, que se utilizaba para llamar a los 8 A. Megaw, “Notes on recent work of the Byzantine Institute in Istanbul”, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 17 (1963) 333-371; J. Lafond, “Découverte de vitraux historiés du Moyen Age à Constantinople”, Cahiers d’Archéologie 18 (1968) 231-237; F. Dell’Acqua, “The stained-glass win- dows from the Chora and the Pantokrator monasteries: A Byzantine ‘mystery’?”, en H. A. Klein (ed.), Restoring Byzantium. The Kariye Camii in Istanbul and the Byzantine Institute restoration, New York 2004, 68-77. 9 Juan Cínamo, Epitome rerum ab Ioanne et Alexio Comnenis gestarum, ed.
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