Intra-Party Politics and Party System Factional Conflict, Cooperation and Fission Within Italian Parties

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Intra-Party Politics and Party System Factional Conflict, Cooperation and Fission Within Italian Parties UNIVERSITA` DEGLI STUDI DI MILANO Graduate School in Social and Political Sciences Dipartimento di Studi Sociali e Politici Dottorato di ricerca in Studi Politici, ciclo XXIV Tesi di dottorato Intra-party Politics and Party System Factional Conflict, Cooperation and Fission within Italian Parties Settore Scientifico-Disciplinare: SPS/04 Autore: Andrea Ceron Tutor: Prof. Luigi Curini Coordinatore del dottorato: Prof. Marco Giuliani ANNO ACCADEMICO 2010-2011 ii Tutor: Prof. Luigi Curini University of Milan Doctoral Committee Prof. Kenneth Benoit London School of Economics (LSE) Prof. Thomas Konig¨ Mannheim Centre for European Social Research (MZES) Prof. Paolo Martelli University of Milan iii iv Acknowledgements First and foremost I offer my deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Prof. Luigi Curini, who supported me with his expertise throughout my dissertation. I would like to sincerely thank him for his guidance, carried out with patience and respect. He has always been there to discuss any major concern and to help me solving any trouble I faced during the work. His hints and suggestions leaded me to constantly improve my research. Despite his many commitments, prof. Curini has always found a way to supervise my work with accuracy, even when we were several time zones away from each other. Far from any rhetoric, I have really much appreciated his helpfulness. I am also grateful to some other people who gave me suggestions about how to improve the present work. In particular, I would like to thank Prof. Paolo Martelli who devoted time to revising one chapter of the present work, giving me useful ideas to clarify some aspects of the dissertation before writing the final handout. In turn, Prof. Fabio Franchino gave me some hints to improve one empirical chapter and he deserves my gratitude for that. I would like to thank Prof. Gary King, for hosting me at the Institute for Quantitative Social Science (IQSS), Harvard University, and for his advices about how to make my research more interesting, as well as Prof. Stefano Iacus for helping me to join the IQSS. I really appreciated the time spent there, and such experience contributed in several ways to enhance the quality of my work. In this sense, I also thank Professors Stephen Ansolabehere, v Nahomi Ichino, James Snyder and Arthur Spirling for their politeness. They devoted their time to read and discuss with me some points of the present dissertation and indeed the final version of my research benefits from their hints and suggestions. Along the same vein, I am grateful to the discussant and to the participants at the Research Workshop in Comparative Politics, Harvard University, where I presented an early draft of the present research. All the smart comments that I received there have been precious and I tried to take them all into account, in order to improve my study. That said, I cannot leave aside my family. My parents, Nicolangela and Vittorio, and my brother, Simone who always supported me and did their best to help me realize my dreams. I also want to thank my grandfather, who fostered my passion for politics since I was a kid, as well as my father did. They also brought me to a local party congress when I was seventeen and, in a sense, that was the day when the present research began. To conclude, I want to say thank you to my friends. First of all, my best friend Alessandro, whose voice is the only one I usually listen to; my crew, that will never exit from my life, no matter where we will be; my `group' that leaded me to discover the importance of loyalty while pursuing a common passion. Last, but not least, I want to thank my `Bostonian' friends, i.e., those that hopefully have been reading through these lines: I promise I'll bring you an hard copy, someday. vi Contents List of Figures 1 List of Tables 3 1 Introduction 7 1.1 Why Factions? . .7 1.2 Literature on Intra-party Politics and Party Factions . 12 1.3 Intra-party politics and the Party System . 20 1.4 Where Do Factions Come From? . 23 1.5 How to Allocate Portfolios among Factions? . 24 1.6 Who Sets the Party Line? . 25 1.7 Why Does the Party Break Up? . 25 1.8 Does Intra-party Politics Affect the Party System? . 27 1.9 Outline of the Dissertation . 27 2 Factional Politics: A Theory of Party Unity and Party Fission 29 2.1 Introduction . 29 2.2 A Theory of Party Unity and Party Fission . 30 2.3 The Party Leader Selectorate: Autonomy or Dependence . 49 3 Analyzing Intra-party Politics: The Dataset on the Italian Case 55 vii 3.1 Factional Politics: The Italian Case . 55 3.2 Party Congress Arena: where Factional Bargaining Takes Place 62 3.3 From Words to Fact(ion)s: Measuring Factions' Policy Positions through Wordfish . 70 3.4 Assessing the Validity and the Reliability of the Estimates . 81 3.5 Changes in Political Language and Communication . 89 4 Where Do Factions Come From? The Determinants of Fac- tionalism 101 4.1 Introduction . 101 4.2 The Role of Rules: Party Organization and Intra-party Repre- sentativeness . 102 4.3 The Determinants of Factionalism: Literature and Hypotheses . 104 4.4 Data and Methodology . 113 4.5 Analysis and Results . 119 4.6 The Determinants of Factionalism: Findings . 121 5 Portfolio Allocation among Italian Factions 131 5.1 Introduction . 131 5.2 Intra-party Bargaining over Office Payoffs: Literature and Hy- potheses . 132 5.3 Data and Methodology . 139 5.4 Analysis and Results . 143 5.5 Intra-party Portfolio Allocation: Findings . 153 6 Bounded Oligarchy: Factional Bargaining over Party Position- taking 157 6.1 Introduction . 157 6.2 Who Sets the Party Position: Literature and Hypotheses . 158 viii 6.3 Data and Methodology . 167 6.4 Analysis and Results . 170 6.5 Leader, Factions, and Party Position-taking: Findings . 177 7 The Politics of Fission: Determinants of Faction Breakaway 181 7.1 Introduction . 181 7.2 Factions and Fissions . 182 7.3 Party Unity and Party Fission: Literature and Hypothesis . 186 7.4 Data and Methodology . 198 7.5 Analysis and Results . 207 7.6 The Determinants of Factional Breakaways: Findings . 214 8 Factions, Fissions, and Their Effects on the Party System 221 8.1 Introduction . 221 8.2 A Measure of Intra-party Division . 222 8.3 Policy: Does Factionalism Affect Policy-Making? . 224 8.4 Intra-party Politics and Government Formation . 236 8.5 The Impact of Factions and Fissions on the Electoral Performance247 8.6 Factions, Fissions, and the Party System: Findings . 253 9 Conclusion 255 9.1 Preferences and Rules. What Matters Most? . 255 9.2 Findings and Implications . 267 9.3 Direction for Future Research . 276 A List of Italian Parties with Acronyms and Abbreviations 281 B Factions' Positions and Confidence Intervals 283 Bibliography 295 ix x List of Figures 1.1 The Party System and the Factional System . 21 1.2 Interactions between The Party System and the Factional System 23 2.1 Inter-factional Bargaining as an Ultimatum Game . 36 2.2 Distributive Dynamics with Leader Bounded by Factional Agree- ment................................. 38 2.3 Party Unity and Party Fission Game . 40 2.4 Leader Selectorate and Leader Autonomy . 50 3.1 Factions' Position on the Left-Right Scale in the First and Sec- ond Period (Parties Clustered by Political Family) . 80 3.2 Weighted Mean of Factions' Position within each Party Congress in the First and Second Period (Main Parties Only) . 80 3.3 Kernel Density of Documents Length . 81 3.4 Beta Coefficients and Diagnostic of Words' Estimates (First Pe- riod) . 83 3.5 Beta Coefficients and Diagnostic of Words' Estimates (Second Period) . 84 3.6 First Period. Average Position of Factions over Party . 85 3.7 Second Period. Average Position of Factions over Party . 85 1 3.8 Comparison between Wordfish and Hand-coding Estimates for a Sample of 32 DC Factions . 86 3.9 PSI Shift from Left towards the Centre . 88 3.10 Trajectory from Left to the Centre Made by the Heirs of PCI . 88 3.11 Logged Mean Count of Words related to New Policy Issues. Differences between First and Second Period . 94 3.12 Logged Mean Count of Words related to Political System Changes. Differences between First and Second Period . 95 3.13 Differences in the Logged Mean Count of Words related to Po- litical System Changes . 95 3.14 Logged Mean Count of Words related to Ideology and Person- alization. Differences between First and Second Period . 98 3.15 Logged Mean Count of Words related to the Use of Political Language. Differences between First and Second Period . 100 4.1 Number of Factions (Motions) per Congress . 114 4.2 Effective Number of Factions per Congress . 115 5.1 Distribution of the Share of Minister per Faction . 142 5.2 Faction Share of Ministers as its Seats Share Changes . 147 5.3 Faction Share of Ministers as its Seats Share Changes. Dif- ference between Mainstream (Black) and Non-Mainstream Fac- tions (Gray) . 148 5.4 Marginal Effect of Share of Seats on Share of Ministers as Dis- tance Increases . 150 5.5 Marginal Impact of being the Party Leader Faction on the Share of Ministers as the Margin of Parliamentary Support Retained by Government Parties Growths. Differences between Autonomous (Black) or Bounded Leaders (Gray) . 153 2 6.1 Party Position and Weighted Mean of Factions . 173 6.2 Marginal Impact of GAP on PARTY POSITION as YBE Changes when Leaders are Autonomous . 175 6.3 Marginal Impact of GAP on PARTY POSITION as YBE Changes when Leaders are Bounded .
Recommended publications
  • Political Ideas and Movements That Created the Modern World
    harri+b.cov 27/5/03 4:15 pm Page 1 UNDERSTANDINGPOLITICS Understanding RITTEN with the A2 component of the GCE WGovernment and Politics A level in mind, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that created the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, the first half of the book looks at core political concepts including the British and European political issues state and sovereignty, the nation, democracy, representation and legitimacy, freedom, equality and rights, obligation and citizenship. The role of ideology in modern politics and society is also discussed. The second half of the book addresses established ideologies such as Conservatism, Liberalism, Socialism, Marxism and Nationalism, before moving on to more recent movements such as Environmentalism and Ecologism, Fascism, and Feminism. The subject is covered in a clear, accessible style, including Understanding a number of student-friendly features, such as chapter summaries, key points to consider, definitions and tips for further sources of information. There is a definite need for a text of this kind. It will be invaluable for students of Government and Politics on introductory courses, whether they be A level candidates or undergraduates. political ideas KEVIN HARRISON IS A LECTURER IN POLITICS AND HISTORY AT MANCHESTER COLLEGE OF ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY. HE IS ALSO AN ASSOCIATE McNAUGHTON LECTURER IN SOCIAL SCIENCES WITH THE OPEN UNIVERSITY. HE HAS WRITTEN ARTICLES ON POLITICS AND HISTORY AND IS JOINT AUTHOR, WITH TONY BOYD, OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION: EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION? and TONY BOYD WAS FORMERLY HEAD OF GENERAL STUDIES AT XAVERIAN VI FORM COLLEGE, MANCHESTER, WHERE HE TAUGHT POLITICS AND HISTORY.
    [Show full text]
  • 19 10 13.Pdf
    22/10/2013 INDICE RASSEGNA STAMPA 22/10/2013 Fiesole Nazione Firenze 19/10/2013 p. 25 Non ci sono soldi per il sacrestano Il Duomo chiude da 1 novembre Repubblica 19/10/2013 p. 47 Lo charme raffinato della torre Irene Maria 2 Scalise Unita` 19/10/2013 p. 6 Le variabili intese dei congressi locali del Pd Vladimiro 3 Frulletti Iniziative ed eventi Repubblica Firenze 19/10/2013 p. XXI Domenica in concerto comincia la Vukotic 4 Nazione Firenze 19/10/2013 p. 34 Un percorso per San Francesco 5 Indice Rassegna Stampa Pagina I T • • p / ' sono per • Il Duomo chìude da novembre LE OFFERTE dei parrocchiani non bastano più a coprire le spese per il sacrestano, così la chiesa chiu- de. La scelta drastica, ma sempre più frequente fra le parrocchie di paese con le casse vuote, sta per di- ventare realtà anche nella `ricca' Fiesole, dove a rischio off limits è addirittura la cattedrale di San Ro- molo, millenaria costruzione che conserva importanti testimonian- ze artistiche nonché le reliquie del patrono cittadino. Il parroco, don Roberto Pagliazzi, ha già avvisato i fedeli durante la messa e, salvo non arrivi un aiuto all'ultimo minuto, da novembre il duomo, che oggi è visitabile almeno fino a mezzogior- no, con buona probabilità terrà il portone serrato a tempo indetermi- nato, tranne che per le celebrazioni ufficiali. Don Roberto, dopo aver reso pubblica la sua decisione ha scelto il riserbo. «Vediamo cosa ac- cadrà, ancora non c'è niente di defi- nitivo - ha detto - certamente una chiesa così grande e a rischio furti degli arredi non può essere aperta senza che sia presente un cu- stode che oggi non possiamo più permetterci».
    [Show full text]
  • Redalyc.History of the Colombian Left-Wings Between 1958 and 2010
    Revista Tempo e Argumento E-ISSN: 2175-1803 [email protected] Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina Brasil Archila, Mauricio; Cote, Jorge History of the Colombian left-wings between 1958 and 2010 Revista Tempo e Argumento, vol. 7, núm. 16, septiembre-diciembre, 2015, pp. 376-400 Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina Florianópolis, Brasil Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=338144734018 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative e ‐ ISSN 2175 ‐ 1803 History of the Colombian left‐wings between 1958 and 20101 Abstract This article looks at the history of left‐wings in Colombia, Mauricio Archila framed within what was happening in the country, Latin Ph.D. and Professor in the Graduate program at America, and the world between 1958 and 2010. After the Universidad Nacional, in Bogotá, and specifying what we mean by “left‐wings” and outlining their associate researcher of the CINEP. background in the first half of the 20th century, there is a Colombia. panorama of five great moments of the period under study to [email protected] reach the recent situation. The chronology favors the internal aspects of the history of Colombian left‐wings, allowing us to appreciate their achievements and limitations framed into Jorge Cote such a particular context as the Colombian one. MA student in History at the Universidad Nacional, in Bogotá. Keywords: Colombia; Left‐wings; Guerrillas; Social Colombia.
    [Show full text]
  • State, Democracy, Socialism
    chapter 6 State, Democracy, Socialism The ‘third way’ to socialism was complementary to the Austromarxists’ reflec- tions on the state and the direction that Social-Democratic politics aspired to take within the bourgeois-democratic framework. The idiosyncratic quality of these analyses was that they understood the state, law, and forms of political order (democracy, dictatorship) as mutually independent forms: they distin- guished between a formal and a sociological order – i.e. they abstracted the form of phenomena from their content and social function. The views of Hans Kelsen, a moderate liberal theorist on law and the state and founder of the ‘pure theory of law’, provided the basis for this differentiation.1 Three fundamental theses of legal normativism were most influential in the Austromarxists’ the- ory of state formation. The first was of a purely formal character of political and legal categories, which granted them the status of a priori ideas. The second served to justify the dualism between being and ought, form and content, facts and values, causality and normativity, and, ultimately, law and politics. The third was the assumption that the state was synonymous with the law, and as such the territorial order was identical to the coercive order. Owing to the fact that they drew on Kelsen’s ‘pure theory of law’, the Austromarxists developed perspectives on democracy and the state which are still discussed today.2 The Austromarxian theory of law and the state was devised mainly by Karl Renner and Max Adler. Renner in particular focused on the formal aspects of the categories under investigation, while Adler researched both normative and sociological functions.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • Cartelization As Institutional Drift in Romania and the Czech Republic Daniel J
    Hamline University DigitalCommons@Hamline Departmental Honors Projects College of Liberal Arts Spring 2015 Stabilization or Exploitation? Cartelization as Institutional Drift in Romania and the Czech Republic Daniel J. Muck Hamline University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.hamline.edu/dhp Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, Eastern European Studies Commons, and the Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies Commons Recommended Citation Muck, Daniel J., "Stabilization or Exploitation? Cartelization as Institutional Drift in Romania and the Czech Republic" (2015). Departmental Honors Projects. 29. https://digitalcommons.hamline.edu/dhp/29 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Liberal Arts at DigitalCommons@Hamline. It has been accepted for inclusion in Departmental Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Hamline. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Stabilization or Exploitation? Cartelization as Institutional Drift in Romania and the Czech Republic Daniel James Muck An Honors Thesis Submitted for partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with honors in Political Science from Hamline University April 22, 2015 Abstract To prevent private interests from distorting the democratic process, most European countries have implemented public funding schemes to guarantee fair competition among political parties. However, very little research has explored the possibility of institutional corruption in conjunction with state political party funding. Katz and Mair’s cartel party thesis argues state support strengthens ties between political parties and the state at the expense of civil society. Oliveira uses organizational theory to point to institutional corruption as a design problem. This paper serves as a preliminary exploration of whether Oliveira’s institutional corruption model and the cartel party theory can be applied to the European context.
    [Show full text]
  • E42 Mark Blyth & David Kertzer Mixdown
    Brown University Watson Institute | E42_Mark Blyth & David Kertzer_mixdown [MUSIC PLAYING] MARK BLYTH: Hello, and welcome to a special edition of Trending Globally. My name is Mark Blyth. Today, I'm interviewing David Kertzer. David is the former provost here at Brown University. But perhaps more importantly, he knows more about Italy than practically anybody else we can find. Given that the elections have just happened in Italy and produced yet another kind of populist shock, we thought is was a good idea to bring him in and have a chat. Good afternoon, David. DAVID KERTZER: Thanks for having me, Mark. MARK BLYTH: OK, so let's try and put this in context for people. Italy's kicked off. Now, we could talk about what's happening right now today, but to try and get some context on this, I want to take us back a little bit. This is not the first time the Italian political system-- indeed the whole Italian state-- has kind of blown up. I want to go back to 1994. That's the last time things really disintegrated. Start there, and then walk forward, so then we can talk more meaningfully about the election. So I'm going to invite you to just take us back to 1994. Tell us about what was going on-- the post-war political compact, and then [BLOWS RASPBERRY] the whole thing fell apart. DAVID KERTZER: Well, right after World War II, of course, it was a new political system-- the end of the monarchy. There is a republic. The Christian Democratic Party, very closely allied with the Catholic Church, basically dominated Italian politics for decades.
    [Show full text]
  • Treacherous Words
    Treacherous Words How Climate Change Conspiracy Sceptics use Conceptual Metaphors to Extinguish our Future Ida-Maria Chvostek Student Vt 2019 Examensarbete för kandidatexamen, 15 hp Engelska Abstract This study examined the metaphors used in contemporary American conservative discourse between October 2018 and March 2019, focusing on material published by conservative think tanks (CTTs) and tweets made by Republican senators in relation to climate change. For the CTTs, a domain-specific corpus (36,388 words) was compiled and a smaller corpus (3967 words) was assembled based on 135 tweets. These datasets showed that conspiracy scepticism was the most common type of scepticism used to discredit climate change data, scientists and environmental policies. In addition, the datasets indicate that conservative agents frequently used metaphors of WAR, RELIGION, HEALTH, BUILDING, JOURNEY, WATER and PRODUCT to convey negative frames. These domains linked to the conceptual key LIFE IS A STRUGGLE FOR SURVIVAL and were presented in a moral context. In response to these findings it is suggested that the scientific community incorporate emotional language, metaphors and moral values when communicating environmental issues. Keywords: United States of America, conservative think tanks, critical metaphor analysis, IPCC, framing Table of contents 1 Introduction ............................................................................................................... 3 1.1 Background ....................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • State of Affairs in Europe
    State of affairs in Europe Workshop of Transform and Rosa Luxem- burg Foundation, July 7- 9 2016 Franz-Mehring-Platz 1, 10243 Berlin Documentation Cornelia Hildebrandt/Luci Wagner 30.07.2017 DOCUMENTATION: BERLIN SEMINAR 2016 2 Introduction This documentation is produced as a material outcome of the two days workshop that was organised by transform! Europe and the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation on 7 - July 2019 in Berlin under the title “State of affairs in Europe”. This European seminar aimed to bring together left-wing political actors and scholars to debate the possibilities of common perspectives and political action of the Left in Europe. When the preparation process of this seminar started the political landscape was of course different. Against the backdrop of blackmail of SYRIZA government in the nego- tiations with the institutions , further cuts to pensions and social benefits make the mass protests against these measures as against the implementation of the privatization, the continuation of neoliberal politics, the alarming soar of the far right in numerous coun- tries, but also the introduction of a progressive government in Portugal with the support of the left parties , the electoral success of Unidos Podemos in Spain etc., we believed that a new determination of the positioning of the Left is necessary. This is still our be- lief, despite the crucial and controversial developments that took place in Europe during 2017. In 2016 a respectable number of conferences, seminars and debates had been taken place (especially the foundation and conferences of DiEM-25, the conference ‘Building alliances to Fight Austerity and to Reclaim Democracy’ in Athens organized by trans- form!, the Party of the European Left and Nicos Poulantzas Institute, the “Plan B” - con- ferences and the strategy conference of the RLS).
    [Show full text]
  • How to Cite Complete Issue More Information About This Article
    Colombia Internacional ISSN: 0121-5612 Departamento de Ciencia Política y Centro de Estudios Internacionales. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad de los Andes Castañeda, Néstor Electoral volatility and political finance regulation in Colombia Colombia Internacional, no. 95, 2018, July-September, pp. 3-24 Departamento de Ciencia Política y Centro de Estudios Internacionales. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad de los Andes DOI: https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint95.2018.01 Available in: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=81256886001 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System Redalyc More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America and the Caribbean, Spain and Journal's webpage in redalyc.org Portugal Project academic non-profit, developed under the open access initiative Electoral volatility and political finance regulation in Colombia Néstor Castañeda University College London (England) HOW TO CITE: Castañeda, Néstor. 2018. “Electoral volatility and political finance regulation in Colombia”. Colombia Internacional (95): 3-24. https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint95.2018.01 RECEIVED: May 4th, 2018 ACCEPTED: May 21st, 2018 REVISED: June 15th, 2018 https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint95.2018.01 ABSTRACT: This article examines the relationship between electoral volatility and political finance regulation in Colombia. The author argues that recent political finance reforms in this country (e.g. changes in regulation of campaign donations, campaign spending, and public funding
    [Show full text]
  • An Uncertain Italy
    Geographical Overview | EU’s Mediterranean Countries Panorama An Uncertain Italy Marc Lazar has submitted his resignation in the wake of this dis- Professor of History and Political Sociology at aster. In fact, the PD’s defeat is yet another example Sciences Po, Paris of the deep crisis of the entire continental European President, School of Government, Libera Università left. For its part, Silvio Berlusconi’s Forza Italia, with Internazionale degli Studi Sociali Guido Carli (LUISS), 14% of the votes, has obtained its lowest election Rome results since it was founded in 1994. Il Cavaliere, at 81 years of age, no longer mobilizes anyone but his most diehard followers and no longer aggregates an The results of the 4 March 2018 Italian elections are arc of broader forces behind him ranging from the paradoxical. On the one hand, they clearly show extreme right to the centre. He has thus been great- Geographical Overview Mediterranean | EU’s Countries three winners and three losers. On the other hand, ly weakened by the results of this election. The ex- they have made Italy enter a stage of extreme politi- haustion of his party, which exists nearly exclusively cal uncertainty. for and by him, attests to a more generalized phe- The losers are, first and foremost, the two main po- nomenon, that of the difficulties of the European 192 litical parties that had been attempting to impose right, as can be seen, for instance, in France, Ger- their hegemony for years on their respective ends of many, Austria and Spain. In Italy, as elsewhere, the the political spectrum.
    [Show full text]
  • Democratisation's Third Wave and the Challenges of Democratic Deepening
    Good Governance, Aid Modalities and Poverty Reduction: Linkages to the Millennium Development Goals and Implications for Irish Aid Research project (RP-05-GG) of the Advisory Board for Irish Aid Working Paper 1 Democratisation’s Third Wave and the Challenges of Democratic Deepening: Assessing International Democracy Assistance and Lessons Learned Lise Rakner (Chr. Michelsen Institute), Alina Rocha Menocal (ODI) and Verena Fritz (ODI) August 2007 Disclaimer and acknowledgements The views presented in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Advisory Board for Irish Aid or those of any of the organisations in the research consortium implementing the project. The authors thank Bill Morton of the North-South Institute for comments on a previous draft, and Tammie O’Neil and Jo Adcock (ODI) for excellent editorial assistance. Responsibility for the content of published version remains with the authors. Overseas Development Institute 111 Westminster Bridge Road London SE1 7JD, UK Tel: +44 (0)20 7922 0300 Fax: +44 (0)20 7922 0399 www.odi.org.uk ii Contents Executive summary ...........................................................................................................v 1. Introduction....................................................................................................................1 1.1 The emergence of democracy assistance............................................................................... 1 1.2 Democracy assistance and the broader ‘good governance’ agenda .....................................
    [Show full text]