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Apodei as

An Aggregate Primary Source Account of Greek Political xis Historı́ Edited by . Edward Garvin, ©2014

The purpose of a sourcebook is to allow the subjects to speak their own history and to allow the student, the reader, to gain an understanding of Greek historical through a selective sampling. The key word is ‘selective.’ Contained herein are passages excerpted from their contexts. Without exception, this very process produces a falsehood because both the narrative and meta-narrative are destroyed when the continuity of the composition is interrupted. Nevertheless, this seems the most expedient way to expose students to a wide range of primary source material without an onerous reading list. I have tried to keep my voice out of it as much as possible and will intervene as editor (in Times New Roman font) only to give background or exegesis to the text. All of the texts contained in frames and in Goudy Old Style font are excerpts from Greek or texts (primary sources) that have been translated into English. These translations were published as print books but have since fallen into Public Domain - which means that the copyright has expired. As editor of this volume, I have copied, edited and partially retranslated these texts to bring the translations up to date. The title of this collection is adapted from the opening line of ' : "The results of the research (historías) of Herodotus of are herein presented for public display (apodexis)." The Greek apodexis means a 'display' or 'public presentation': The word historía, when Herodotus used it, referred to a process of rational pragmatic inquiry. With the popularity of Herodotus' publication, the word historia came first to denote the work itself, and later to denote any literary work composed of a rational inquiry into events of the past. Modern languages, English included, have adopted the term and the word 'history' now refers to the past in general, the study of the past and a literary work about the past. The title of this work is, then, a play on words: What follows is both 'history on display' and the results of various enquiries into the past.

EEG 2

Sources

Our primary sources rarely come to us directly; that is to say that few copies of any work date to the time of publication or even to the ancient world. Most of these texts were originally written on, and hand-copied to, scrolls of papyrus. These scrolls were held in personal collections or in libraries such as the Library of , where scholars and scribes studied them and made further copies. Over the centuries, the task of preserving and copying the manuscripts was taken over by Catholic monasteries and Islamic libraries. Also during this period, scholars developed a system by which the ancient works were divided and numbered; sometimes by 'books', usually by sections and always by lines. The beauty of this system, once it was standardized, is that every text, regardless of format, publication or language, uses a consistent numbering system. For example, one of the excerpts I offer below is cited as Herodotus i. 56-58.1 In every publication of Herodotus’ Histories those lines can be found in Book I, Chapters 56 to 58; whether it is a Greek manuscript, an English, German or French translation, just published or five-hundred years old. Below is an example from ’ , Book One, showing the English translation on the left and the Greek original on the right.

[1] Sing to me, goddess, about the [1] μῆνιν ἄειδε θεὰ Πηληϊάδεω Ἀχιλῆος wrath of the son of Peleus, , [2] οὐλομένην, ἣ μυρί' Ἀχαιοῖς ἄλγε' ἔθηκε, [2] which brought pain upon so many [3] πολλὰς δ' ἰφθίμους ψυχὰς Ἄϊδι προί̈αψεν . [4] ἡρώων, αὐτοὺς δὲ ἑλώρια τεῦχε κύνεσσιν [3] Many stout souls did it send, too [5] οἰωνοῖσί τε πᾶσι, Διὸς δ' ἐτελείετο βουλή, soon, to meet , [6] ἐξ οὗ δὴ τὰ πρῶτα διαστήτην ἐρίσαντε [4] while the corpses of the heroes were [7] Ἀτρεί̈δης τε ἄναξ ἀνδρῶν καὶ δῖος left prey to dogs Ἀχιλλεύς. [5] and vultures, by the will of , [6] from the moment they were divided in conflict; [7] the son of , king of men, and great Achilles.2

As you can see, a very literal translation which maintains the line numbers results in awkward English. This is most pronounced in poetry and less so in prose, but in all cases translation from one language to another involves some interpretation and even creativity on the part of the translator. For example, the following translation is not in verse, but might convey the meaning of the Greek more effectively into English:

Sing to me, Muse, of the anger of Achilles, son of Peleus. That anger which brought so much suffering to the Achaeans from the very moment when Atreus, king of men, and great

1 Books are usually indicated by numbers (ie: Book 1, Book 2 etc.) but (i,ii,iii,iv etc.), which is my preference, are also acceptable. 2 Editor's translation. 3

Achilles first began to quarrel; that anger which sent so many young and brave souls to Hades while their corpses, by the will of Zeus, lay on the field of battle, prey to vultures and wild dogs.

The Alexander Pope translation (in parts more of an interpretation than a translation) is certainly more poetic:

Achilles’ wrath, to the direful spring Of woes unnumber’, heavenly goddess sing! That wrath which hurl’d to Pluto’s1 glommy reign The souls of mighty chiefs untimely slain; Whose limbs unburied on the naked shore, Devouring dogs and hungry vultures tore. Since great Achilles and Atrides strove, Such was the sovereign doom, and such the will of Jove!2

1 Pluto was the Latin name for Hades 2 Jove, or Jupiter, is the Latin name for Zeus. 4

The Greek , Transliteration and Modern Spelling

The development of the alphabet was a long process of simplification and specialization. The earliest system in the was cuneiform, developed by the Sumerians and used in the ancient for millennia. This system derived from pictographic systems but added the refinement of syllabics: instead of one symbol representing one word, a symbol could represent a syllable. The Phoenicians took this system one step further by assigning one sound to each symbol. The borrowed the Phoenician system and deleted some while adding other symbols to fit their own language more efficiently. The is the first adaptation of the in but there have been many since. The Latin and English are merely two more, but later, examples.

The Alphabet Herodotus .58 Now these Phoenicians who came with brought in among the Hellenes many arts when they settled in this land of , and especially letters, which did not exist, as it appears to me, among the Hellenes before this time; and at first they brought in those which are used by the Phoenician people generally, but afterwards, as time went on, they changed, with their speech, the form of the letters also. During this time the were the Hellenic people who dwelt near the Phoenicians in most of the places where they were; and these, having received letters by instruction of the Phoenicians, changed their form slightly and so made use of them, and in doing so they declared them to be called “Phoenician,” as was just, seeing that the Phoenicians had introduced them into Hellas. Also the Ionians from ancient time call paper “skins,” because formerly, paper being scarce, they used skins of goat and sheep; nay, even in my own time many of the Barbarians write on such skins.

The word ‘paper’ comes to English from the Greek ‘papyrus.’ Papyrus is a reed that grows only in and the outer husk, the biblos, is used to manufacture a durable sheet product that is suitable for writing. The Greeks used biblos to describe a book, and biblion a or smaller document. From that, English and the Romance Languages derive many words like Bible and bibliography in English and biblioteque (library) in French. There was a Phoenician trading port called Byblos and the mistaken assumption is often made that these words derive from that port because papyrus was traded through to Greece. But, of course, the Greeks were already calling paper biblos and the port was named for the trade that already existed, not the other way around. We take much for granted with our technologically sophisticated papers and inks, but the ancient problem was to find a product that would take ink without absorbing too little and smudging, or absorbing much and diffusing, the ink. Papyrus was, for centuries, the most cost effective product. The development of the alphabet has now been traced from Phoenician characters with some certainty. The first nineteen letters have Phoenician names, the last five are Greek inventions. The Greek alphabet reproduced below represents both Classical and Middle Age evolution. It is, essentially, the Ionic alphabet and was adopted by the Athenians (replacing the Attic alphabet) in 5

404 BC. Some of the names of the letters, such as epsilon, omicron, upsilon and omega are late additions. In classical Greek, only what we now call upper case letters were used, the lower case letters are a Medieval invention.

Phoenician Greek Modern Ox Aleph Α, α ἄλφα Alpha A, a House Beth , b βῆτα Beta B, b Throw/ Gimel Γ, γ γἀμμα Gamma , g Camel Door Daleth Δ, δ δἐλτα Delta D, d Window/ He Ε, ε ἔψιλόν Epsilon Ĕ, ĕ Wall Weapon Zayin Ζ, ζ ζῆτα Zeta , z Fence Heth , h ἤτα Eta Ē, ē Wheel Teth Θ, θ θῆτα Theta Arm Yodh Ι, ι ἰῶτα Iota I, i Hand Kaph Κ, κ κάππα Kappa , k Goad Lamedh Λ, λ λάμβδα Lambda , l Water Mem Μ, μ μῦ Mu , m Fish Nun Ν, ν νῦ Nu , n Samekh Pillar/ Ξ, ξ ξεῖ Xi , x fish Eye Ayin Ο, ο ὂ μικρόν Omicron Ŏ, ŏ Mouth Π, π πεῖ P, p Head Resh Ρ, ρ ῥῶ , r Tooth Shin Σ,σ, ς σίγμα Sigma S, s Mark Taw Τ, τ ταῦ Tau , t Υ, υ υ ψιλόν Upsilon U, u Φ, φ φεῖ ph Χ, χ χεῖ Chi Kh Ψ, ψ ψεῖ Psi Ω, ω ὦ μέγα Omega Ō, ō

6

Myth, and the Origins of the Gods and Humans

Perhaps the most enduring legacy of is the collection of stories about the gods and heroes that were passed down through the Bronze Age, became the foundation of Greek, and later Roman, culture, and continue to influence the way we tell stories to this day. Modern literature and are wholly indebted to, are actually derived from, the tradition we now call Greek .

Muthos, Logos, Faith and Reason: The word ‘myth’ comes to English from but the meaning has changed somewhat over the centuries. The Archaic Greek meaning of muthos, was ‘statement,’ ‘utterance’ or any sort of spoken declaration or story: Simply ‘that which is said.’ The Archaic meaning of logos was ‘story,’ ‘account’ or ‘argument’ implying a computation of things; of ideas or facts. In that sense, a logos could be constructed out of a series of muthoi. By the Classical period of Ancient Greece, the two words had taken on very distinct and even oppositional meanings: Muthos was associated with unsubstantiated or fantastic utterances while logos referred to a statement, argument or proposition derived from a computation of verifiable evidence. This is not to say that logos is ‘true’ and muthos ‘false:’ but rather that the former operates in the realm of the empirical while the latter operates in the realm of the metaphysical. , the father of scientific method, thought that myth, or poetry as it was more commonly called, was actually a superior method for the communication of ideas because it deals with the general while more pragmatic forms such as history can only deal with the particular.

Aristotle, Poetics 1451a. 35 – b. 5 The work of Herodotus might be put into verse, and it would still be a species of history, with metre no less than without it. The true difference is that one relates what has happened, the other what may happen. Poetry, therefore, is a more philosophical and a higher thing than history: for poetry tends to express the universal, history the particular.

There were others, however, who thought that the were nonsense and that reason and rational investigation, and history, provided a better source of knowledge.

Pausanias i.3.3 There are many false beliefs current among the mass of mankind, since they are ignorant of history and consider trustworthy whatever they have heard from childhood in choruses and tragedies...1

Pausanias viii. 2.6-7 All through the ages, many events that have occurred in the past, and even some that occur today, have been generally discredited because of the lies built up on a foundation of

1 In all fairness, Pausanias is here referring to the myth that was the founder of Athenian , what we might call a myth of political expediency rather than tradition. 7 fact. Those who like to listen to the miraculous are themselves apt to add to the marvel, and so they ruin truth by mixing it with falsehood.

But most of the ancient Greeks believed that the stories we now call myths were based in actual fact; that these things did occur and that the people and events depicted in these stories were real. It was a matter of religious necessity, just as today one could not claim to be a Christian and also deny the truth of the miracles of , in ancient Greece one could not claim to be pious without accepting the truth of the stories of the gods. Even Pausanias, cited above for his scepticism, eventually concedes:

Pausanias viii.2.41 I for my part believe this story; it has been a legend among the Arcadians from of old, and it has the additional merit of probability. For the men of those days, because of their righteousness and piety, were guests of the gods, eating at the same table; the good were openly honored by the gods, and sinners were openly visited with their wrath. Indeed, in those days men were changed to gods, who down to the present day have honors paid to them…

And just a few lines later… Pausanias viii.8.3 When I began to write my history I was inclined to count these legends as foolishness, but on getting as far as I grew to hold a more thoughtful view of them, which is this. In the days of old those Greeks who were considered wise spoke their sayings not straight out but in riddles2, and so the legends about I conjectured to be one sort of Greek wisdom. In matters of divinity, therefore, I shall adopt the received tradition.

The Greeks understood that mankind must be very old indeed, but they had no empirical knowledge of the more distant past. They tended, then, to fill in the blanks from imagination. likens this practice to early problems in :

Plutarch, Theseus 1.1 Just as the , in their geographical sections, fill the parts of the which elude their knowledge with explanatory notes like ‘What lies beyond is sandy desert without water and full of wild beasts,’ or ‘blind marsh,’ or ‘Scythian cold,’ or ‘frozen ,’ so in the writing of my Parallel Lives, now that I have traversed those periods of time which are accessible to probable reasoning and which afford a basis for a history dealing with facts, I might well say of the earlier periods ‘What lies beyond is full of marvels and unreality, a land of poets and fabulists, of doubt and obscurity.

1 See also Pausanias viii.8.3, reproduced in the section below. 2 The original is αἴνιγμα (ainigma) from whence we derive the English ‘enigma.’ 8

Divine Inspiration The poets themselves would deny that there was any doubt and argue that the obscurity was deliberate and necessary. We saw above (pg. 1) that Homer begins the Iliad with the line; “Sing to me, goddess…” The also begins with “Tell me, Muse, of the man…” This should not be dismissed as mere formula; Homer, and anyone who recites the Iliad, is invoking divine revelation and what follows, the stories he tells, were thought to be sanctioned by the gods. How else could Homer, or anyone, know anything? The idea that only God, or the gods, can have true knowledge, and that man only acquires a sampling of this knowledge from the divine, is both ancient and current: Christians believe that the various authors of the Bible, especially of the books of the New Testament, were merely conduits for the word of God. Muslims also believe that the Prophet Mohamed was given the Quran (Koran) by God through a vision.1 The ancients too believed that true knowledge was the sole possession of the gods but that the gods would occasionally impart glimpses of that universal knowledge to man, through the poets, seers and . All of our extant works of that treat of things divine or things very ancient, begin with the invocation of the gods as the source of knowledge.

Hesiod In the eighth-century BC , a Greek from Boeotia, composed several texts on the nature of the gods and the origins of man and the world around us. These texts, combined with the works of Homer, comprise the main canon of the Greek mythical past and the foundations of the Greek identity. Hesiod begins, of course, with an invocation of the :

Hesiod, 1 - 4; 22 - 29 [1] From the Heliconian2 Muses let us begin to sing, who hold the great and holy mount of Helicon, and dance on soft feet about the deep-blue spring and the altar of the almighty son of Cronus…

[22] And one day they taught Hesiod glorious song while he was shepherding his lambs under holy Helicon, and this word first the goddesses said to me -- the Muses of , daughters of Zeus who holds the aegis: [26] “Shepherds of the wilderness, wretched things of shame, mere bellies, we know how to speak many false things as though they were true; but we know, when we will, to utter true things.” So said the ready-voiced daughters of great Zeus.

The phrase “we know how to speak many false things…” may be a reference to the nature of the information that the gods impart. Divine wisdom is always given in riddles and parables; stories which are not literally ‘true’ but are representations of a divine truth. Truth, is a much more complex issue than one might initially suppose. Is it true, for example, that the sun rose this morning? Of course not. The sun doesn’t ‘rise’ but we still

1 Quran 2.4.32: “Glory to thee: of knowledge we have none, save what Thou hast taught us: in truth it is Thou who art perfect in knowledge and wisdom” 2 The nine Muses, daughters of Zeus, live on Mt. Helicon, on the north of the Gulf of . 9 express the untruth of the rising sun every day because it is a convenient expression of the world as we observe it. In the ancient world it was not merely a matter of convenience, it was more the fact that the world around them was strange and often inexplicable. Ancient mythographers were looking for explanations and the simplest was the Intelligent Design theory. If some god or gods created the world we live in, who better than they to tell us how and why they did it? Hesiod goes on to explain the origins of the universe, the gods, and man:

Hesiod, Theogony:1 [36 - 52] Come, let us begin with the Muses who gladden the great spirit of their father Zeus in Olympus with their songs, telling of things that are and that will be and that were in times past with consenting voice. Unwearyingly flows the sweet sound from their lips, and the house of their father Zeus the loud-thunderer is glad at the lily-like voice of the goddesses as it spread abroad, and the peaks of snowy Olympus resound, and the homes of the immortals. And they uttering their immortal voices, celebrate in song first of all the reverend race2 of the gods from the beginning, those whom Earth () and wide Heaven (Ouranos) begot, and the gods sprung of these, givers of good things. Then, next, the goddesses sing of Zeus, the father of gods and men, as they begin and end their strain, how much he is the most excellent among the gods and supreme in power. And again, they chant the race of men and strong , and gladden the heart of Zeus within Olympus, -- the Olympian Muses, daughters of Zeus the aegis-holder.3 [104 - 115] Hail, children of Zeus! Grant lovely song and celebrate the holy race of the deathless gods who are for ever, those that were born of Earth and starry Heaven and gloomy Night and them that briny Sea did rear. Tell how at the first gods and earth came to be, and rivers, and the boundless sea with its raging swell, and the gleaming stars, and the wide heaven above, and the gods who were born of them, givers of good things, and how they divided their wealth, and how they shared their honours amongst them, and also how at the first they took many-folded Olympus. These things declare to me from the beginning, Muses who dwell in the house of Olympus, and tell me which of them first came to be. [116 - 138] Verily at the first came to be, but next wide-bosomed Earth, the ever-sure foundations of all the deathless ones who hold the peaks of snowy Olympus, and dim in the depth of the wide-pathed Earth, and Eros4, fairest among the deathless gods, who unnerves the limbs and overcomes the mind and wise counsels of all gods and all men within them. From Chaos came forth and black Night; but of Night were born and Day, whom she conceived and bore from union in love with Erebus. And Earth first bore starry Heaven, equal to herself, to cover her on every side, and to be an ever-sure abiding-place for the blessed gods. And she brought forth long Hills, graceful haunts of the goddess- who dwell amongst the glens of the hills. She bore also the fruitless deep

1 This is not the complete text. 2 The Greek word genos is here, as often, translated as ‘race.’ It is, of course, the same word we see in other Indo-European languages such as the Latin genus and the French ‘genre’ and English ‘gender.’ It refers to origin and means a ‘type’, ‘kind’, or ‘sort.’ 3 An aegis is a small round shield held by a single handle in the centre. 4 is often translated as ‘love’ but this is unsatisfactory. Eros is the god of passion and desire, especially sexual passion, whence English derives the word ‘erotic.’ It should not be confused with ‘love’ in the sense of ‘devotion’. 10

with his raging swell, , without sweet union of love. But afterwards she lay with Heaven and bore deep-swirling , and and Hyperion1 and , Theia2 and , Themis3 and Mnemosyne4 and gold-crowned Phoebe5 and lovely .6 [138] After them was born Cronos the wily, youngest and most terrible of her children, and he hated his lusty father. [139 – 146] And again, she bore the , overbearing in spirit, Brontes, and Steropes and stubborn-hearted Arges (6), who gave Zeus the thunder and made the thunderbolt: in all else they were like the gods, but one eye only was set in the midst of their fore-heads. And they were surnamed Cyclopes (Orb-eyed) because one orbed eye was set in their foreheads. Strength and might and craft were in their works. [147 – 163] And again, three other sons were born of Earth and Heaven, great and doughty beyond telling, Cottus and Briareos and Gyes, presumptuous children. From their shoulders sprang a hundred arms, not to be approached, and each had fifty heads upon his shoulders on their strong limbs, and irresistible was the stubborn strength that was in their great forms. For of all the children that were born of Earth and Heaven, these were the most terrible, and they were hated by their own father from the first. And he used to hide them all away in a secret place of Earth so soon as each was born, and would not suffer them to come up into the light: and Heaven rejoiced in his evil doing. But vast Earth groaned within because she was so burdened, and she made the element of grey flint and shaped a great sickle, and told her plan to her dear sons. And she spoke, cheering them, while she was vexed in her dear heart: [164 – 75] `My children, gotten of a sinful father, if you will obey me, we should punish the vile outrage of your father; for he first thought of doing shameful things.' So she said; but fear seized them all, and none of them uttered a word. But great Cronos the wily took courage and answered his dear mother: `Mother, I will undertake to do this deed, for I reverence not our father of evil name, for he first thought of doing shameful things.' So he said: and vast Earth rejoiced greatly in spirit, and set and hid him in an ambush, and put in his hands a jagged sickle, and revealed to him the whole plot. [176 – 206] And Heaven came, bringing on night and longing for love, and he lay about Earth spreading himself full upon her. Then the son from his ambush stretched forth his left hand and in his right took the great long sickle with jagged teeth, and swiftly lopped off his own father's genitals and cast them away to fall behind him. And not vainly did they fall from his hand; for all the bloody drops that gushed forth Earth received, and as the seasons moved round she bare the strong Erinyes7 and the great Giants with gleaming armour, holding long spears in their hands and the Nymphs whom they call all over the boundless earth. And so soon as he had cut off the genitals with flint and cast them from the land into the surging sea, they were swept away over the main a long time: and a white foam spread around them from the immortal flesh, and in it there grew a maiden. First she

1 is the Sun god. 2 Divinity? Religion? 3 Law, order. 4 Memory. 5 Light, brightness. 6 Mother, the sea as source of life. 7 The three avenging goddesses. 11

drew near holy Cythera, and from there, afterwards, she came to sea-girt , and came forth an awful and lovely goddess, and grass grew up about her beneath her shapely feet. Her gods and men call , and the foam-born goddess and rich-crowned Cytherea, because she grew amid the foam, and Cytherea because she reached Cythera, and Cyprogenes because she was born in billowy Cyprus, and Philommedes because sprang from the genitals. And with her went Eros, and comely Desire followed her at her birth at the first and as she went into the assembly of the gods. This honour she has from the beginning, and this is the portion allotted to her amongst men and undying gods, the whisperings of maidens and smiles and deceits with sweet delight and love and graciousness. [207 – 210] But these sons whom he begot himself great Heaven used to call Titans1 in reproach, for he said that they exerted themselves and did presumptuously a fearful deed, and that vengeance for it would come afterwards. [211 – 32] And Night bore hateful Doom and black Fate and Death, and she bore Sleep and the tribe of . And again the goddess murky Night, though she lay with none, bore Blame and painful Woe, and the who guard the rich, golden apples and the trees bearing fruit beyond glorious . Also she bore the Destinies and ruthless avenging Fates, and and , who give men at their birth both evil and good to have, and they pursue the transgressions of men and of gods: and these goddesses never cease from their dread anger until they punish the sinner with a sore penalty. Also deadly Night bore to afflict mortal men, and after her, Deceit and Friendship and hateful Age and hard-hearted Strife. But abhorred Strife bare painful Toil and Forgetfulness and Famine and tearful Sorrows, Fightings also, Battles, Murders, Manslaughters, Quarrels, Lying Words, Disputes, Lawlessness and Ruin, all of one nature, and Oath who most troubles men upon earth when anyone wilfully swears a false oath.2 [404 – 452] Again, came to the desired embrace of Coeus. Then the goddess through the love of the god conceived and brought forth dark-gowned , always mild, kind to men and to the deathless gods, mild from the beginning, gentlest in all Olympus. Also she bare of happy name, whom once led to his great house to be called his dear wife. And she conceived and bare whom Zeus the son of Cronos honoured above all.3 He gave her splendid gifts, to have a share of the earth and the unfruitful sea. She received honour also in starry heaven, and is honoured exceedingly by the deathless gods. For to this day, whenever any one of men on earth offers rich sacrifices and prays for favour according to custom, he calls upon Hecate. Great honour comes full easily to him whose prayers the goddess receives favourably, and she bestows wealth upon him; for the power surely is with her. For as many as were born of Earth and Ocean amongst all these she has her due portion. The son of Cronos did her no wrong nor took anything away of all that was her portion among the former Titan gods: but she holds, as the division was at the first from the beginning, privilege both in earth, and in heaven, and in sea. Also, because she is an only child, the goddess receives not less honour, but much more still, for Zeus honours her. Whom she will she greatly aids and advances: she sits by worshipful kings in judgement, and

1 Difficult to translate. Perhaps it means ‘those who strive’ or ‘those who strain to accomplish a thing.’ 2 The problem with this whole section, of course, is that the gods have not yet created man. 3 Not one of the twelve Olympian gods, but a very important and powerful goddess. Her identity seems to be something of a compilation of all of the goddesses. 12

in the assembly whom she will is distinguished among the people. And when men arm themselves for the battle that destroys men, then the goddess is at hand to give victory and grant glory readily to whom she will. Good is she also when men contend at the games, for there as well the goddess is with them and profits them: and he who by might and strength gets the victory wins the rich prize easily with joy, and brings glory to his parents. And she is good to stand by horsemen, whom she will: and to those whose business is in the grey uncomfortable sea, and who pray to Hecate and the loud-crashing Earth-Shaker, easily the glorious goddess gives great catch, and easily she takes it away as soon as seen, if so she will. She is good in the byre with to increase the stock. The droves of kine1 and wide herds of goats and flocks of fleecy sheep, if she will, she increases from a few, or makes many to be less. So, then. Albeit her mother's only child, she is honoured amongst all the deathless gods. And the son of Cronos made her a nurse of the young who after that day saw with their eyes the light of all-seeing Dawn. So from the beginning she is a nurse of the young, and these are her honours. [453 – 506] But Rhea was subject in love to Cronos and bare splendid children, , , and gold-shod and strong Hades, pitiless in heart, who dwells under the earth, and the loud-crashing Earth-Shaker2, and wise Zeus, father of gods and men, by whose thunder the wide earth is shaken. These great Cronos swallowed as each came forth from the womb to his mother's knees with this intent, that no other of the proud sons of Heaven should hold the kingly office amongst the deathless gods. For he learned from Earth and starry Heaven that he was destined to be overcome by his own son, strong though he was, through the contriving of great Zeus. Therefore he kept no blind outlook, but watched and swallowed down his children: and unceasing grief seized Rhea. But when she was about to bear Zeus, the father of gods and men, then she besought her own dear parents, Earth and starry Heaven, to devise some plan with her that the birth of her dear child might be concealed, and that retribution might overtake great, crafty Cronos for his own father and also for the children whom he had swallowed down. And they readily heard and obeyed their dear daughter, and told her all that was destined to happen touching Cronos the king and his stout-hearted son. So they sent her to Lyetus, to the rich land of , when she was ready to bear great Zeus, the youngest of her children. Him did vast Earth receive from Rhea in wide Crete to nourish and to bring up. Thither came Earth carrying him swiftly through the black night to Lyctus first, and took him in her arms and hid him in a remote cave beneath the secret places of the holy earth on thick-wooded Mount Aegeum; but to the mightily ruling son of Heaven, the earlier king of the gods, she gave a great stone wrapped in swaddling clothes. Then he took it in his hands and thrust it down into his belly: wretch! He knew not in his heart that in place of the stone his son was left behind, unconquered and untroubled, and that he was soon to overcome him by force and might and drive him from his honours, himself to reign over the deathless gods. [492 – 506] After that, the strength and glorious limbs of the prince increased quickly, and as the years rolled on, great Cronus the wily was beguiled by the deep suggestions of Earth, and brought up again his offspring, vanquished by the arts and might of his own son, and he vomited up first the stone which he had swallowed last. And Zeus set it fast in the

1 Old English, the plural of ‘cow.’ 2 , god of the sea. 13 wide-pathed earth at goodly Pytho under the glens of , to be a sign thenceforth and a marvel to mortal men.1 And he set free from their deadly bonds the brothers of his father, sons of Heaven whom his father in his foolishness had bound. And they remembered to be grateful to him for his kindness, and gave him thunder and the glowing thunderbolt and lightening: for before that, huge Earth had hidden these. In them he trusts and rules over mortals and immortals. [507 – 544] Now Iapetus took to wife the neat-ankled maid Clymene, daughter of Ocean, and went up with her into one bed. And she bore him a stout-hearted son, : also she bore very glorious and clever Prometheus2, full of various wiles, and scatter- brained Epimetheus3 who from the first was a mischief to men who eat bread; for it was he who first took of Zeus the woman, the maiden whom he had formed. But Menoetius was hubristic, and far-seeing Zeus struck him with a lurid thunderbolt and sent him down to Erebus because of his mad presumption and exceeding pride.4 And Atlas through hard constraint upholds the wide heaven with unwearying head and arms, standing at the borders of the earth before the clear-voiced Hesperides; for this lot wise Zeus assigned to him. And ready- witted he bound with inextricable bonds, cruel chains, and drove a shaft through his middle, and set on him a long- winged eagle, which used to eat his immortal liver; but by night the liver grew as much again everyway as the long-winged bird devoured in the whole day. That bird , the valiant son of shapely-ankled , slew; and delivered the son of Iapetus from the cruel plague, and released him from his affliction -- not without the will of Olympian Zeus who reigns on high, that the the Theban-born might be yet greater than it was before over the plenteous earth. This, then, he regarded, and honoured his famous son; though he was angry, he ceased from the wrath which he had before because Prometheus matched himself in wit with the almighty son of Cronus. For when the gods and mortal men had a dispute at Mecone, even then Prometheus was forward to cut up a great ox and set portions before them, trying to befool the mind of Zeus. Before the rest he set flesh and inner parts thick with fat upon the hide, covering them with an ox paunch; but for Zeus he put the white bones dressed up with cunning art and covered with shining fat. Then the father of men and of gods said to him: `Son of Iapetus, most glorious of all lords, good sir, how unfairly you have divided the portions!' [545 - 60] So said Zeus whose wisdom is everlasting, rebuking him. But wily Prometheus answered him, smiling softly and not forgetting his cunning trick: `Zeus, most glorious and greatest of the eternal gods, take whichever of these portions your heart within you bids.' So he said, thinking trickery. But Zeus, whose wisdom is everlasting, saw and failed not to perceive the trick, and in his heart he thought mischief against mortal men which also was to be fulfilled. With both hands he took up the white fat and was angry at heart, and wrath came to his spirit when he saw the white ox-bones craftily tricked out: and because of this the tribes of men upon earth burn white bones to the deathless gods upon fragrant altars. But Zeus who drives was greatly vexed and said to him: `Son of Iapetus,

1 Pytho, on Mt. Parnassus, became the location of the town of , and the of . 2 The name means ‘forethought.’ 3 This name means ‘afterthought.’ 4 This is one of the earliest mentions of a very common, even pervasive, theme in Greek thought: , excessive pride and a sense of entitlement, is amongst the greatest of sins and will always be punished by Zeus. 14 clever above all! So, sir, you have not yet forgotten your cunning arts!' [561-589] So spoke Zeus in anger, whose wisdom is everlasting; and from that time he was always mindful of the trick, and would not give the power of unwearying fire to the Ashen1 race of mortal men who live on the earth. But the noble son of Iapetus outwitted him and stole the far-seen gleam of unwearying fire in a hollow fennel stalk. And Zeus who thunders on high was stung in spirit, and his dear heart was angered when he saw amongst men the far-seen ray of fire. Forthwith he made an evil thing for men as the price of fire; for the very famous Limping God2 formed of earth the likeness of a shy maiden as the son of Cronus willed. And the goddess bright-eyed girded and clothed her with silvery raiment, and down from her head she spread with her hands a broidered veil, a wonder to see; and she, Athena, put about her head lovely garlands, flowers of new-grown herbs. Also she put upon her head a crown of gold which the very famous Limping God made himself and worked with his own hands as a favour to Zeus his father. On it was much curious work, wonderful to see; for of the many creatures which the land and sea rear up, he put most upon it, wonderful things, like living beings with voices: and great beauty shone out from it. But when he had made the beautiful evil to be the price for the blessing, he brought her out, delighting in the finery which the bright-eyed daughter of a mighty father had given her, to the place where the other gods and men were. And wonder took hold of the deathless gods and mortal men when they saw that which was sheer guile, not to be withstood by men. [590 – 612] For from her is the gender of women and female kind: of her is the deadly gender and tribe of women who live amongst mortal men to their great trouble, no helpmeets in hateful poverty, but only in wealth. And as in thatched hives bees feed the drones whose nature is to do mischief -- by day and throughout the day until the sun goes down the bees are busy and lay the white combs, while the drones stay at home in the covered skeps and reap the toil of others into their own bellies -- even so Zeus who thunders on high made women to be an evil to mortal men, with a nature to do evil. And he gave them a second evil to be the price for the good they had: whoever avoids and the sorrows that women cause, and will not wed, reaches deadly old age without anyone to tend his years, and though he at least has no lack of livelihood while he lives, yet, when he is dead, his kinsfolk divide his possessions amongst them. And as for the man who chooses the lot of marriage and takes a good wife suited to his mind, evil continually contends with good; for whoever happens to have mischievous children, lives always with unceasing grief in his spirit and heart within him; and this evil cannot be healed.3 [886 – 900] Now Zeus, king of the gods, made his wife first, and she was wisest among gods and mortal men. But when she was about to bring forth the goddess bright-eyed Athena, Zeus craftily deceived her with cunning words and put her in his own belly, as Earth and starry Heaven advised. For they advised him so, to the end that no other should hold

1 Inexplicably, Evelyn-White translates Μελίῃσι as ‘Melian’ as if to suggest that mankind came from Melos. The Greek refers to the Ash tree. See Works and Days 145. 2 3 This is, I think, just another of Hesiod’s rants and should not be taken as a statement of gender in Greek culture. Hesiod, it seems, had a rather unhappy family life. 15 royal sway over the eternal gods in place of Zeus; for very wise children were destined to be born of her, first the maiden bright-eyed Tritogeneia,1 equal to her father in strength and in wise understanding; but afterwards she was to bear a son of overbearing spirit, king of gods and men. But Zeus put her into his own belly first, that the goddess might devise for him both good and evil. [901 – 906] Next he married bright who bare the (Hours), and (Order), (Justice), and blooming (Peace), who mind the works of mortal men, and the Moerae (Fates) to whom wise Zeus gave the greatest honour, Clotho, and Lachesis, and Atropos who give mortal men evil and good to have.2 [907 – 11] And , the daughter of Ocean, beautiful in form, bare him three fair-cheeked (Graces), , and , and lovely Thaleia, from whose eyes as they glanced flowed love that unnerves the limbs: and beautiful is their glance beneath their brows. [912 – 14] Also he came to the bed of all-nourishing Demeter, and she bore white- armed whom Aidoneus carried off from her mother; but wise Zeus gave her to him. [915 – 17] And again, he loved with the beautiful hair: and of her the nine gold-crowned Muses were born who delight in feasts and the pleasures of song. [918 – 920] And Leto was joined in love with Zeus who holds the aegis, and bare Apollo and delighting in arrows, children lovely above all the sons of Heaven. [921 – 23] Lastly, he made Hera his blooming wife: and she was joined in love with the king of gods and men, and brought forth and and . [924 – 29] But Zeus himself gave birth from his own head to bright-eyed Tritogeneia, the awful, the strife-stirring, the host-leader, the unwearying, the queen, who delights in tumults and wars and battles. But Hera without union with Zeus -- for she was very angry and quarrelled with her mate -- bare famous Hephaestus, who is skilled in crafts more than all the sons of Heaven. [938 – 39] And , the daughter of Atlas, bore to Zeus glorious Hermes, the herald of the deathless gods, for she went up into his holy bed.

Hesiod's Theogony and Works and Days, combined with a collection of songs referred to as the Homeric Hymns (because it was long thought that Homer was the author, but that has been proven false) explain the origins of things, but most of the myths are about humans - proto- humans really - who are all descendants of one god or another. The Myth Cycles tell the stories of several families tracing generation after generation until the stories culminate in the story of the .

1 One of Athena’s many names. 2 See 211 – 232 where the Fates are said to have been born to Night. Hesiod might be blending two or more traditions. 16

The Trojan War By ca. 1200 BC all of these families were intermarried and these bonds, as well as political, military and economic alliances, seem to have culminated in the marriage of , daughter of Tyndarius king of , and , grandson of Atreus, king of . In the following excerpt from the play at Aulus by , give his own lineage:

Euripides, Iphigenia at Aulus, 49 – 84: Agamemnon: , the daughter of Thestius, had three children, maidens, Phoebe, my wife, and Helen; this last it was who had for wooers the foremost of the favoured sons of Hellas; but terrible threats of spilling his rival's blood were uttered by each of them, should he fail to win the maid. Now the matter filled , her father, with perplexity; at length this thought occurred to him; the suitors should swear unto each other and join right hands thereon and pour libations with burnt sacrifice, binding themselves by this curse, "Whoever wins the child of Tyndareus for wife, him will we assist, in case a rival takes her from his house and goes his way, robbing her husband of his rights; and we will march against that man in armed array and raze his city to the ground, Hellene no less than barbarian." [68] Now when they had once pledged their word and old Tyndareus with no small cleverness had beguiled them by his shrewd device, he allowed his daughter to choose from among her suitors the one towards whom the breath of love might fondly waft her. Her choice fell on Menelaus; would she had never taken him! Anon there came to Sparta from 's folk the man who, legend says, adjudged the goddesses' dispute; in robes of gorgeous hue, ablaze with gold, in true barbaric pomp; and he, finding Menelaus gone from home, carried Helen off with him to his steading on Ida, a willing paramour. Goaded to frenzy Menelaus flew through Hellas, invoking the ancient oath exacted by Tyndareus and declaring the duty of helping the injured husband. Whereat the chivalry of Hellas, brandishing their spears and donning their harness, came hither to the narrow straits of Aulis with armaments of ships and troops, with many a steed and many a car, and they chose me to captain them all for the sake of Menelaus, since I was his brother.

Paris, prince of , had won the hand of Helen when he was forced to judge a beauty contest between the goddesses Hera, Athena and Aphrodite.

Apollodorus, Epitome 2.16 - 3.3 [2.16] And Agamemnon reigned over the Mycenaeans and married Clytemnestra, daughter of Tyndarius, after slaying her former husband , son of , with his child. And there were born to Agamemnon a son , and daughters, , , and Iphigenia. And Menelaus married Helen and reigned over Sparta, Tyndareus having ceded the kingdom to him. [3.1] But afterwards Alexander carried off Helen, as some say, because such was the will of Zeus, in order that his daughter might be famous for having embroiled Europe and ; or, as others have said, that the race of the demigods might be exalted. [3.2] For one of these reasons Strife threw an apple as a prize of beauty to be contended 17

for by Hera, Athena, and Aphrodite; and Zeus commanded Hermes to lead them to Alexander on Ida in order to be judged by him. And they promised to give Alexander gifts. Hera said that if she were preferred to all women, she would give him the kingdom over all men; and Athena promised victory in war, and Aphrodite the hand of Helen. And he decided in favour of Aphrodite; and sailed away to Sparta with ships built by Phereclus. [3.3] For nine days he was entertained by Menelaus; but on the tenth day, Menelaus having gone on a journey to Crete to perform the obsequies of his mother's father Catreus, Alexander persuaded Helen to go off with him. And she abandoned ,1 then nine years old, and putting most of the property on board, she set sail with him by night.

Herodotus attempted to rationalize the myths;

Herodotus i.1 – 5. 1. [1] The Persian storytellers say2 that the Phoenicians first began the quarrel. These, they say, came from the sea which is called the Erythraian3 to this sea of ours; and having settled in the land where they continue even now to dwell, set themselves immediately to make long voyages by sea. And conveying merchandise of Egypt and of they arrived at other places and also at Argos; [2] now Argos was at that time in all points the first of the States within that land which is now called Hellas;4 the Phoenicians arrived then at this land of Argos, and began to dispose of their ship's cargo. [3] And on the fifth or sixth day after they had arrived, when their goods had been almost all sold, there came down to the sea a great company of women, and among them the daughter of the king; and her name, as the Greeks also agree, was the daughter of .5 These standing near to the stern of the ship were buying the wares such as pleased them most, when of a sudden the Phoenicians, passing the word from one to another, made a rush upon them; and the greater part of the women escaped by flight, but Io and certain others were carried off. So they put them on board their ship, and quickly departed, sailing away to Egypt. 2. [1] In this manner the , not agreeing with the Greeks, report that Io came to Egypt and this they say was the first beginning of wrongs. Then after this, they say, certain

1 The daughter of Menelaus and Helen. 2 Herodotus rarely reports directly, but rather recounts what he has heard from others. It is important here to understand a cultural distinction: ' say…' that they have their own versions of the Greek stories.. 3 The Erythraian Sea is all of the bodies of water now included in the , the , the and the (How and Wells). 4 The first indication of Herodotus' attention to detail and his acute sense of time: the myth of Io occurred prior to the conquests of the sons of , so the land could not yet be called Hellas. 5 (ii.1.3) and Pausanias (ii.16.1) say that Io was the daughter of . This needn't be a contradiction: The genitive of origin, especially as deployed by Herodotus, is not necessarily immediate. It could just as well read "Io the descendant of Inachus" (See also Aeschulus Prometheus Bound 590; τῆς Ἰναχείας) Iassus was a great-grandson of and Zeus, Niobe the grand-daughter of Inachus. 18

Greeks (but the name of the people they are not able to report) put in to the city of Tyre in Phoenicia and carried off the king's daughter Europa1 - these would doubtless be Cretans - and so they were quits for the former injury. After this however the Greeks, they say, were the authors of the second wrong; [2] for they sailed in to Aia of and to the river with a ship of war, and from thence, after they had done the other business for which they came, they carried off the king's daughter : and the king of Colchis sent a herald to the land of Greece and demanded satisfaction for the abduction2 and to have his daughter back; but they answered that, as the Barbarians had given them no satisfaction for the abduction of Io the Argive, so neither would they give satisfaction to the Barbarians for this.3 3. [1] In the next generation after this, they say, Alexander the son of ,4 having heard of these things, desired to get a wife for himself by violence from Greece, being fully assured that he would not be compelled to give any satisfaction for this wrong, inasmuch as the Greeks gave none for theirs. [2] So he carried off Helen, and the Greeks resolved to send messengers first and to demand her back with satisfaction for the abduction; and when they put forth this demand, the others alleged to them the abduction of Medea, saying that the Greeks were now desiring satisfaction to be given to them by others, though they had given none themselves nor had surrendered the person when demand was made.5 4. [1] Up to this point, they say, nothing more happened than the carrying away of women on both sides; but after this the Greeks were very greatly to blame; for they set the first example of war, making an expedition into Asia before the Barbarians made any into Europe. [2] Now they say that in their judgment, though it is an act of wrong to carry away women by force, it is a folly to set one's heart on taking vengeance for their abduction, and the wise course is to pay no regard when they have been carried away; for it is evident that they would never be carried away if they were not themselves willing to go.6 [3] And the Persians say that they, namely the people of Asia, when their women were carried away by force, had made it a matter of no account, but the Greeks on account of a woman of Sparta gathered together a great armament, and then came to Asia and destroyed the kingdom of Priam; [4] and that from this time forward they had always considered the Greek people to be their enemy: for Asia and the Barbarian peoples which dwell there the Persians claim as

1 The Greek legend has it that Zeus appeared to , the daughter of , and disguised as a white bull he carried here away to Crete (Apollodorus iii.1.1). 2 Macaulay here translates "rape." But the verb Herodtus uses is consistent, and while it can mean abduct, steal or rape, consistency suggests that 'carried off' or 'abducted' is the better translation. 3 The reference here is to the voyage of and the to Colchis. Medea helped Jason take the Golden Fleece and escaped with him (Apollodorus i.9.16 - 26: Apollonius, ). 4 Alexander is another name for . Homer uses them both. 5 This is, of course, a completely different reading of the story from what we have in Homer and other sources. Most agree that Helen left Menelaus for love of Paris. In every tradition, including Homer and Herodotus, Paris is guilty of a crime - either violation of the marriage bond and the guest-host relationship, or outright abduction. The question, then, is the guilt of Helen. Herodotus seems to suggest here that she is an innocent victim… 6 Hence the necessity of the change in translation. Not even Herodotus would suggest that a woman could not be raped unless a willing victim and he is not suggesting that they were willingly kidnapped. He is suggesting that there was no abduction at all; that these are all stories of elopement. The blame comes back to Helen. 19 belonging to them; but Europe and the Greek people to be their enemy: for Asia and the Barbarian peoples which dwell there the Persians claim as belonging to them; but Europe and the Greek people they consider to be parted off from them. 5. [1] The Persians for their part say that things happened that way; and they conclude that the beginning of their quarrel with the Greeks was on account of the taking of : [2] but as regards Io, the Phoenicians do not agree with the Persians in the way they tell the tale; for they deny that they carried her off to Egypt by violent means, and they say on the other hand that when they were in Argos she was intimate with the master of their ship, and perceiving that she was with child, she was ashamed to confess it to her parents, and therefore sailed away with the Phoenicians of her own will, for fear of being found out. [3] These are the stories told by the Persians and the Phoenicians: concerning these things I am not going to say that they happened this way or that…1

1 A methodological statement that Herodotus will repeat often. He is telling us what he has heard others say and is withholding his own judgment so that his audience can become participants in the dialogue. 20

Greek Origins: The Bronze Age

The Indo-European proto-Greeks arrived in the Aegean sometime in the middle of the Bronze Age, probably around 2000 BC. The Bronze Age is so named because it is the period in which bronze tools and weapons were prevalent. Bronze was the first metal to be used by humans and its discovery in the fourth millennium BC allowed people to make tools and weapons of greater variety and quality than ever before. Bronze is made by melting copper and mixing it with molten tin to a ratio of 9 to 1. When this alloy cools it produces a metal, bronze, which is much more durable than either copper or tin. The dates of the Bronze Age vary by region. Copper and then bronze were in use in the Near East much earlier but bronze did not arrive in Europe, especially Greece, until about 3000 BC. The Bronze Age ends with the arrival of Iron , ca 1100 BC. The challenge for metallurgists of the ancient world was to produce enough heat to melt iron ore so that it could be fashioned into new shapes. Copper melts at 1084 degrees Celsius; Iron melts at 1535 degrees Celsius.

Diodorus iv.1.1-2 I am not unaware that the writers of antiquities in many things fall short of the truth in their editions. For being that ancient things are (as it were) scraped out of the rubbish with very great difficulty, they greatly perplex the writer. And because the reconstruction of times wherein things were done cannot now be so exact as to infer an infallible argument for the truth of the actions related, therefore it is that the reader despises the authors of these stories. And the multitude and variety of the gods, demi-gods, and other famous men, whose genealogies are to be treated of, add much more to the difficulty. And the greatest vexation of all is that the writers of antiquities and mythologies differ exceedingly in their relations one from another, [2] and therefore the most famed and noted historians of later times have altogether waved treatises of ancient things, and applied themselves to composing histories only of such as have happened in times a little before their own.

The First Greeks Aside from bronze technology, the most important feature of the Bronze Age must certainly be the mass migrations that took place. It is generally agreed that a culture of Indo-European warriors arrived in the Greek peninsula around 1600 BC. was an Athenian aristocrat and general who wrote The History of the around 400 BC. His introductory chapters give us his view of Greek :

Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, Book I. 2 - 3. 2. [1] For instance, it is evident that what is now called Hellas1 had in ancient times no settled population; on the contrary, migrations were of frequent occurrence, the several

1 Crawley, as with other translators, has "the country now called Hellas" but the word choice may lead to misunderstanding: Greece, or Hellas as is the proper name, was never a 'country' in the modern sense of a Nation State. The Hellas referred to in the text is, specifically, the Greek peninsula, but by the time T. wrote, the Greek world extended from the western Mediterranean to the eastern region. 21

tribes readily abandoning their homes under the pressure of superior numbers. [2] Without commerce, without freedom of communication either by land or sea, cultivating no more of their territory than the exigencies of life required, destitute of capital, never planting their land (for they could not tell when an invader might not come and take it all away, and when he did come they had no walls to stop him), thinking that the necessities of daily sustenance could be supplied at one place as well as another, they cared little for shifting their habitation, and consequently neither built large cities nor attained to any other form of greatness. [3] The richest soils were always most subject to this change of masters; such as the district now called , Boeotia, most of the , Arcadia excepted, and the most fertile parts of the rest of Hellas. [4] The goodness of the land favoured the aggrandizement of particular individuals, and thus created faction ( ) which proved a fertile source of ruin.1 It also invited invasion. [5] Accordingly , from the poverty of its soil enjoying from a very remote period freedom from faction,στάσις2 never changed its inhabitants.3 [6] And here is no inconsiderable exemplification of my assertion that the migrations were the cause of there being no correspondent growth in other parts. The most powerful victims of war or faction4 from the rest of Hellas took refuge with the Athenians as a safe retreat; and at an early period,5 becoming naturalized, swelled the already large population of the city to such a height that Attica became at last too small to hold them, and they had to send out colonies to .6

3. [1] There is also another circumstance that contributes not a little to my conviction of the weakness of ancient times: Before the Trojan war there is no indication of any common action in Hellas, [2] nor indeed of the universal prevalence of the name; on the contrary, before the time of Hellen, son of , no such appellation existed, but the region went by the names of the different tribes, in particular of the Pelasgian. It was not till Hellen and his sons grew strong in , and were invited as allies into the other cities, that one by one they gradually acquired from the connection the name of Hellenes;7 though a long time elapsed before that name could fasten itself upon all. [3] The best proof of this is furnished by Homer. Born long after the Trojan War, he nowhere calls all of them by that name, nor indeed any of them except the followers of Achilles from Phthiotis, who were the original Hellenes: in his poems they are called Danaans, Argives, and Achaeans. He does not

1 Thucydides is immediately establishing one of his major themes: factional strife, stasis, which will become his explanation for the failure of . 2 Literally, Attica was "not torn by factional strife." 3 The Athenians claimed to be autochthonous, 'born of the soil.' 4 Thucydides is here very careful to separate the concepts of war and strife: war () is violence brought from without while strife (stasis) is conflict within. Both events caused the most powerful (hoi dunatotatoi) to migrate to Athens. 5 The return of the Heraclidae and their conquest of the Peloponnese, or the Dorian invasions, brought aristocratic refugees from that region to Athens. There is a rich tradition of legend having to do with these movements, but most pertinent to the story at hand is that the most prominent political families of the time, the Philaedae and the Alcmaonidae, were both descendants of these migrants. 6 Again, establishing a theme: Athens now rules the Ionian Greeks because she has an ancestral right as . 7 Deucalion and were chosen by Zeus to survive the flood that Zeus sent to destroy mankind. Their son was Hellen and his sons were (patronym of the Doric tribe), (patronym of the Aeolic tribe) and , whose son was (patronym of the Ionic tribe). 22

even use the term Barbarian, probably because the Hellenes had not yet been marked off from the rest of the world by one distinctive appellation. [4] It appears therefore that the several Hellenic communities, comprising not only those who first acquired the name, city by city, as they came to understand each other1, but also those who assumed it afterwards as the name of the whole people, were before the Trojan war prevented by their want of strength and the absence of mutual intercourse from displaying any collective action. Indeed, they could not unite for this expedition till they had gained increased familiarity with the sea.

The Histories, by Herodotus of Halicarnassus, probably published in 429/8 BC, is the oldest extant historical narrative. The subject of is the Persian Wars, but Herodotus offers a vast amount of background information. This is his version of early Greek history:

Herodotus i .56 - 58. 56. [2] … the Spartans and the Athenians had the pre-eminence, the first of the Dorian and the others of the Ionian ethnicity. For these were the most eminent ethnic groups in ancient times, the second being a Pelasgian and the first a Hellenic ethnicity: and the one never migrated from its place in any direction, while the other was very exceedingly given to wanderings; [3] for in the reign of Deucalion this group dwelt in Pthiotis, and in the time of Dorus the son of Hellen in the land lying below Ossa and Olympus, which is called Histiaiotis; and when it was driven from Histiaiotis by the sons of Cadmus, it dwelt in Pindos and was called Macednian; and thence it moved afterwards to Dryopis, and from Dryopis it came finally to Peloponnesus, and began to be called Dorian.

57. [1] What language however the used to speak I am not able with certainty to say. But if one must pronounce judging by those that still remain of the Pelasgians who dwelt in the city of Creston above the Tyrsenians, and who were once neighbours of the group now called Dorian, dwelling then in the land which is now called Thessaliotis, [2] and also by those that remain of the Pelasgians who settled at and Scylake in the region of the Hellespont, who before that had been settlers with the Athenians, and of the natives of the various other towns which are really Pelasgian, though they have lost the name, if one must pronounce judging by these, the Pelasgians used to speak a Barbarian language. [3] If therefore all the Pelasgian people was such as these, then the Attic people, being Pelasgian, at the same time when it changed and became Hellenic, unlearnt also its language. For the people of Creston do not speak the same language with any of those who dwell about them, nor yet do the people of Phacia, but they speak the same language one as the other: and by this it is proved that they still keep unchanged the form of language which they brought with them when they migrated to these places.2

58. [1] As for the Hellenic people, it has used ever the same language, as I clearly perceive, since it first took its rise; but since the time when it parted off, feeble at first, from

1 That is, as they acquired the . 2 Chapter 57 is a continuation of Herodotus' demonstration of method: In the absence of reliable information he will use deductive reasoning to reconstruct a pragmatic - as opposed to mythical - . In the current example, he concludes that the Athenians, the Attic people, are Pelasgian in origin. In other words, they are aboriginals who became Hellenic. 23 the Pelasgian ethnicity, setting forth from a small beginning it has increased to that great number of ethnic groups which we see, and chiefly because many Barbarian ethnic groups have been added to it besides. Moreover it is true, as I think, of the Pelasgian people also, that so far as it remained Barbarian it never made any great increase.

There were three primary tribes of Greeks (Hellenes): The , Ionians and , each with a distinctive dialect. The theory that prevailed in was that a people called the were the original inhabitants: They were supplanted by the Pelasgians as well as smaller groups of immigrants from Phoenicia and Egypt who were then assimilated and/or expelled by a group who claim descent from a mythical figure named Deucalion. Hellen, the son of Deucalion, is the eponymous founder of the Dorian tribe and gives his name to all of the tribes in general: Hellenes.

Apollodorus i.7.1 - 3: [1] Prometheus moulded men out of water and earth and gave them also fire, which, unknown to Zeus, he had hidden in a stalk of fennel. But when Zeus learned of it, he ordered Hephaestus to nail his body to Mount , which is a Scythian mountain. On it Prometheus was nailed and kept bound for many years. Every day an eagle swooped on him and devoured the lobes of his liver, which grew by night. That was the penalty that Prometheus paid for the theft of fire until afterwards released him, as we shall show in dealing with Hercules. [2] And Prometheus had a son Deucalion. He reigning in the about , married Pyrrha, the daughter of and Pandora, the first woman fashioned by the gods. And when Zeus would destroy the men of the Bronze Age, Deucalion by the advice of Prometheus constructed a chest, and having stored it with provisions he embarked in it with Pyrrha. But Zeus by pouring heavy rain from heaven flooded the greater part of Greece, so that all men were destroyed, except a few who fled to the high mountains in the neighborhood. It was then that the mountains in Thessaly parted, and that all the world outside the Isthmus and Peloponnese was overwhelmed. But Deucalion, floating in the chest over the sea for nine days and as many nights, drifted to Parnassus, and there, when the rain ceased, he landed and sacrificed to Zeus, the god of Escape. And Zeus sent Hermes to him and allowed him to choose what he would, and he chose to get men. And at the bidding of Zeus he took up stones and threw them over his head, and the stones which Deucalion threw became men, and the stones which Pyrrha threw became women. Hence people were called metaphorically people (laos) from laas, “a stone.” And Deucalion had children by Pyrrha, first Hellen, whose father some say was Zeus, and second Amphictyon, who reigned over Attica after Cranaus; and third a daughter Protogenia, who became the mother of Aethlius by Zeus. [3] Hellen had Dorus, Xuthus, and Aeolus by a Orseis. Those who were called Greeks he named Hellenes after himself, and divided the country among his sons. Xuthus received Peloponnese and begat Achaeus and Ion by , daughter of Erechtheus, and from Achaeus and Ion the Achaeans and Ionians derive their names. Dorus received the country over against Peloponnese and called the settlers Dorians after himself. Aeolus reigned over the regions about Thessaly and named the inhabitants Aeolians.

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The Deucalion myth suggests that the Greeks came to Greece directly from divine parentage, but most of the other Greek myths suggest immigration. The Theban royal family, for example, came from Egypt via Phoenicia ()…

Apollodorus iii.1.1; 4.1-2 [iii.1.1] … we have next to speak of the house of Agenor. For as I have said, had by Poseidon two sons, Belus and Agenor. Now Belus reigned over the Egyptians and begat the aforesaid sons; but Agenor went to Phoenicia, married Telephassa, and begat a daughter Europa and three sons, Cadmus, , and Cilix. But some say that Europa was a daughter not of Agenor but of Phoenix. Zeus loved her, and turning himself into a tame bull, he mounted her on his back and conveyed her through the sea to Crete. There Zeus bedded with her, and she bore , Sarpedon, and Rhadamanthys; but according to Homer, Sarpedon was a son of Zeus by , daughter of . On the disappearance of Europa her father Agenor sent out his sons in search of her, telling them not to return until they had found Europa. With them her mother, Telephassa, and Thasus, son of Poseidon, or according to Pherecydes, of Cilix, went forth in search of her. But when, after diligent search, they could not find Europa, they gave up the thought of returning home, and took up their abode in divers places; Phoenix settled in Phoenicia; Cilix settled near Phoenicia, and all the country subject to himself near the river Pyramus he called ; and Cadmus and Telephassa took up their abode in and in like manner Thasus founded a city Thasus in an island off Thrace and dwelt there.

[iii.4.1] When Telephassa died, Cadmus buried her, and after being hospitably received by the he came to Delphi to inquire about Europa. The god told him not to trouble about Europa, but to be guided by a cow, and to found a city wherever she should fall down for weariness. After receiving such an oracle he journeyed through ; then falling in with a cow among the herds of Pelagon, he followed it behind. And after traversing Boeotia, it sank down where is now the city of . Wishing to sacrifice the cow to Athena, he sent some of his companions to draw water from the spring of Ares. But a , which some said was the offspring of Ares, guarded the spring and destroyed most of those that were sent. In his indignation Cadmus killed the dragon, and by the advice of Athena sowed its teeth. When they were sown there rose from the ground armed men whom they called Sparti. These slew each other, some in a chance brawl, and some in ignorance. But Pherecydes says that when Cadmus saw armed men growing up out of the ground, he flung stones at them, and they, supposing that they were being pelted by each other, came to blows. However, five of them survived, , Udaeus, , , and Pelorus. [2] …But Cadmus, to atone for the slaughter, served Ares for an eternal year; and the year was then equivalent to eight years of our reckoning. After his servitude Athena procured for him the kingdom, and Zeus gave him to wife , daughter of Aphrodite and Ares. And all the gods quitted the sky, and feasting in the Cadmea celebrated the marriage with hymns. Cadmus gave her a robe and the necklace wrought by Hephaestus, which some say was given to Cadmus by Hephaestus, but Pherecydes says that it was given by Europa, who had received it from Zeus. And to Cadmus were born daughters, Autonoe, Ino, Semele, , and a son Polydorus. Ino was married to Athamas, Autonoe to , and Agave to Echion. 25

…and , the eponymous founder of the Peloponnesian royal lines, came from Phrygia (modern ).1

Thucydides i.9 …Indeed, the account given by those Peloponnesians who have been the recipients of the most credible tradition is this. First of all Pelops, arriving among a needy population from Asia with vast wealth, acquired such power that, stranger though he was, the country was called after him; and this power fortune saw fit materially to increase in the hands of his descendants.

Both of these accounts seem to reflect and support the theory that the Mycenaean culture migrated to Greece and used their military prowess to dominate the local population. But offers a much more complex picture:

Stabo, Geography vii.1 Hecataeus of says of the Peloponnesus, that, before the time of the Greeks, it was inhabited by barbarians. Perhaps even the whole of Greece was, anciently, a settlement of barbarians, if we judge from former accounts. For Pelops brought colonists from Phrygia into the Peloponnesus, which took his name; brought colonists from Egypt; , , Pelasgi, , and other barbarous nations, partitioned among themselves the country on this side of the isthmus. The case was the same on the other side of the isthmus; for Thracians, under their leader Eumolpus, took possession of Attica; of in ; the Phoenicians, with their leader Cadmus, occupied the Cadmeian district; Aones, and Temmices, and Hyantes, Boeotia. says, ‘there was a time when the Boeotian people were called ‘Syes.’ Some names show their barbarous origin, as Cecrops, Codrus, Oeclus, Cothus, Drymas, and Crinacus. Thracians, , and Epirotae are settled even at present on the sides of Greece. Formerly the territory they possessed was more extensive, although even now the barbarians possess a large part of the country, which, without dispute, is Greece. is occupied by Thracians, as well as some parts of Thessaly; the country above and , by Thesproti, Cassopaei, Amphilochi, Molotti, and Athamanes, Epirotic tribes.

It seems reasonable to conclude, then, that the Greek language and culture represent a confluence of various ethnic groups which underwent a gradual homogenization process. The people of Great Britain and the underwent a similar process beginning with Celtic languages, influenced by Latin and Greek, Germanic, Danish and French.

1 Herodotus (vii. 8c; 11) agrees that he was Phrygian, although there are other traditions claiming that he was Greek. 26

Mycenaean Greece Although it is not possible to establish a chronology or even a unified and coherent sequential narrative of the Greek myth cycles, there is an inferred correspondence with a culture that flourished in Greece between ca. 1600 and ca.1100 BC, now called Mycenaean culture. The name is somewhat misleading: Mycenae was one of many cities wherein these people dwelt but was not a capital in any real sense of the word. Mycenaean civilization functioned as a hierarchy of kingdoms. Monarchy is founded on and perpetuated by the sword, but it is always justified and ratified by the divine. Hesiod says that , the Muse, the daughter of Zeus...

Hesiod, Theogony 80 … accompanies the venerable kings. A certain one of the kings cherished by great Zeus having been born, the daughters see him and honor him and on his tongue they pour sweet dew, then from his mouth flow kind things and all the people look to him as he decides by straight judgments; and steadfastly speaking in the assembly and quickly understanding he puts an end to a great dispute; for that reason the kings are prudent, on account of which for those people in the gathering who have been damaged restitution is easily accomplished, exhorting with soft words.

The Greek myth cycle is, in many ways, a series of legitimacy stories: Regardless of the trials and tribulations of the mythical hero (almost always a member of a royal family), divine descent seems to be the main point. There was no absolute monarch of Mycenaean civilization, but rather a number of kings each ruling a single city or, occasionally, a collection of cities. So, in an effort to appease Achilles, Agamemnon could make the following offer:

Iliad ix 149 - 156 ...and I will give him seven well established cities, , Enope, and Hire, where there is grass; holy Pherae and the rich meadows of Anthea; Aepea also, and the vine-clad slopes of , all near the sea, and on the borders of sandy . The men that dwell there are rich in cattle and sheep; they will honour him with gifts as though he were a god, and be obedient to his comfortable ordinances.

Agamemnon in the case of the Trojan War, was a primus inter pares more than an absolute ruler. Achilles complains that:

Iliad xvi. 53 - 4 I am cut to the very heart that one of my own rank should dare to rob me because he is more powerful than I am.

Despite peer status, real power decided who ruled. When was trying to reconcile Agamemnon and Achilles, he reminded the latter:

Iliad i. 277 - 81 Achilles, strive not further with the king, for no man who by the grace of Zeus wields a 27

sceptre has like honour with Agamemnon. You are strong, and have a goddess for your mother; but Agamemnon is stronger than you, for he has more people under him.

Agamemnon was the descendant of Pelops and, through marriage with the family of came to rule Mycenae while his brother, Menelaus, ruled Sparta.

Thucydides i.9 First of all Pelops, arriving among a needy population from Asia with vast wealth, acquired such power that, stranger though he was, the country was called after him;1 and this power fortune saw fit materially to increase in the hands of his descendants. had been killed in Attica by the Heraclidae. Atreus was his mother's brother; and to the hands of his relation, who had left his father on account of the death of Chrysippus, Eurystheus, when he set out on his expedition, had committed Mycenae and the . As time went on and Eurystheus did not return, Atreus complied with the wishes of the Mycenaeans, who were influenced by fear of the Heraclids- besides, his power seemed considerable, and he had not neglected to court the favour of the populace- and assumed the sceptre of Mycenae and the rest of the dominions of Eurystheus. And so the power of the descendants of Pelops came to be greater than that of the descendants of Perseus. To all this Agamemnon succeeded. He had also a navy far stronger than his contemporaries, so that, in my opinion, fear was quite as strong an element as love in the formation of the confederate expedition. The strength of his navy is shown by the fact that his own was the largest contingent, and that of the Arcadians was furnished by him; this at least is what Homer says, if his testimony is deemed sufficient. Besides, in his account of the transmission of the sceptre, he calls him "Of many an isle, and of all Argos king." Now Agamemnon's was a continental power; and he could not have been master of any except the adjacent islands (and these would not be many), but through the possession of a fleet. And from this expedition we may infer the character of earlier enterprises.

The Mycenaean culture collapsed around 1100 BC and Greece descended into a ‘Dark Age.’ The only real clue as to the cause is the coincidental arrival of iron technology. There is no certainty that an iron wielding warrior culture overthrew the Mycenaean, but whatever the cause it left a power and cultural vacuum.

Thucydides i.12 Even after the Trojan War, Hellas was still engaged in removing and settling, and thus could not attain to the quiet which must precede growth. The late return of the Hellenes from Ilium2 caused many revolutions, and factions ensued almost everywhere; and it was the citizens thus driven into exile who founded the cities. Sixty years after the capture of Ilium, the modern Boeotians were driven out of Arne by the Thessalians, and settled in the present Boeotia, the former Cadmeis; though there was a division of them there before, some of

1 The Peloponnese. 2 Properly speaking, Troy is the name of the country, or region, which was ruled by the Trojans, the descendants of Tros. Ilium was the name of the capital city of that region. Today we refer to the city as Troy, but the ancients used the proper name, Ilium. Hence, Homer's Iliad is a story set before the walls of the city. 28 whom joined the expedition to Ilium. Twenty years later, the Dorians and the Heraclids became masters of Peloponnese; so that much had to be done and many years had to elapse before Hellas could attain to a durable tranquillity undisturbed by removals, and could begin to send out colonies, as Athens did to Ionia and most of the islands, and the Peloponnesians to most of and and some places in the rest of Hellas. All these places were founded subsequently to the war with Troy.

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Archaic (pre-Classical) Period

Aristocratic Ethos One element of the Age of Heroes that did survive is the Aristocratic ethos, along with the aristocratic families who claimed descent from the Heroes of the Homeric sagas. This ethos, or way of being, included an obligation to offer support to others and was often expressed in the guest-host code:

Iliad vi.12 – 19. [12] Then killed son of Teuthranus, a rich man who lived in the strong city of Arisbe, and was beloved by all men; for he had a house by the roadside, and entertained everyone who passed; How is it then, that not one of his guests stood before him to save his life? Diomedes killed both him and his squire , who was then his charioteer- so the pair passed beneath the earth.

Homer’s suggestion here is that those who had received hospitality from Axylus owed him a debt and should have come to his rescue in the battle. The aristocratic ethos was a reciprocal system in which the wealthier offer support to the poorer and the poorer repay the debt by offering themselves in service to their benefactor. More important are the extra-political bonds of loyalty between aristocrats. For example, an Athenian aristocrat and a Theban aristocrat might have stronger bonds of loyalty to each other than they do to their respective city states.

Iliad vi. 119 - 236 [119] Then son of Hippolochus, and the son of Tydeus went into the open space between the hosts to fight in single combat. When they were close up to one another Diomedes of the loud war-cry was the first to speak. "Who, my good sir," said he, "who are you among men? I have never seen you in battle until now, but you are daring beyond all others if you abide my onset. Woe to those fathers whose sons face my might. If, however, you are one of the immortals and have come down from heaven, I will not fight you; for even valiant , son of , did not live long when he took to fighting with the gods. He it was that drove the nursing women who were in charge of frenzied Bacchus through the land of Nysa, and they flung their thyrsi on the ground as murderous Lycurgus beat them with his oxgoad. Bacchus himself plunged terror-stricken into the sea, and took him to her bosom to comfort him, for he was scared by the fury with which the man reviled him. Thereon the gods who live at ease were angry with Lycurgus and the son of Cronus struck him blind, nor did he live much longer after he had become hateful to the immortals. Therefore I will not fight with the blessed gods; but if you are of them that eat the fruit of the ground, draw near and meet your doom." [144] And the son of Hippolochus answered, son of Tydeus, why ask me of my lineage? Men come and go as leaves year by year upon the trees. Those of autumn the wind sheds upon the ground, but when spring returns the forest buds forth with fresh vines. Even so is it with the generations of mankind, the new spring up as the old are passing away. If, then, you would learn my descent, it is one that is well known to many. There is a city in the heart 30

of Argos, pasture land of horses, called Ephyra, where lived, who was the craftiest of all mankind. He was the son of Aeolus, and had a son named Glaucus, who was father to Bellerophon, whom heaven endowed with the most surpassing comeliness and beauty. But devised his ruin, and being stronger than he, drove him from the land of the Argives, over which Jove had made him ruler. For Antea, wife of Proetus, lusted after him, and would have had him lie with her in secret; but Bellerophon was an honourable man and would not, so she told lies about him to . 'Proetus,' said she, 'kill Bellerophon or die, for he would have had converse with me against my will.' The king was angered, but shrank from killing Bellerophon, so he sent him to with lying letters of introduction, written on a folded tablet, and containing much ill against the bearer. He bade Bellerophon show these letters to his father-in-law, to the end that he might thus perish; Bellerophon therefore went to Lycia, and the gods convoyed him safely. [172] "When he reached the river , which is in Lycia, the king received him with all goodwill, feasted him nine days, and killed nine heifers in his honour, but when rosy-fingered dawn appeared upon the tenth day, he questioned him and desired to see the letter from his son-in-law Proetus. When he had received the wicked letter he first commanded Bellerophon to kill that savage monster, the Chimaera, who was not a human being, but a goddess, for she had the head of a lion and the tail of a , while her body was that of a goat, and she breathed forth flames of fire; but Bellerophon slew her, for he was guided by signs from heaven. He next fought the far-famed Solymi, and this, he said, was the hardest of all his battles. Thirdly, he killed the , women who were the peers of men, and as he was returning thence the king devised yet another plan for his destruction; he picked the bravest warriors in all Lycia, and placed them in ambuscade, but not a man ever came back, for Bellerophon killed every one of them. Then the king knew that he must be the valiant offspring of a god, so he kept him in Lycia, gave him his daughter in marriage, and made him of equal honour in the kingdom with himself; and the gave him a piece of land, the best in all the country, fair with vineyards and tilled fields, to have and to hold. [196] "The king's daughter bore Bellerophon three children, Isander, Hippolochus, and Laodameia. Zeus, the lord of counsel, lay with Laodameia, and she bore him noble Sarpedon; but when Bellerophon came to be hated by all the gods, he wandered all desolate and dismayed upon the Alean plain, gnawing at his own heart, and shunning the path of man. Ares, insatiate of battle, killed his son Isander while he was fighting the Solymi; his daughter was killed by of the golden reins, for she was angered with her; but Hippolochus was father to me, and when he sent me to Troy he urged me again and again to fight ever among the foremost and outvie my peers, so as not to shame the blood of my fathers who were the noblest in Ephyra and in all Lycia. This, then, is the descent I claim." [212] Thus did he speak, and the heart of Diomedes was glad. He planted his spear in the ground, and spoke to him with friendly words. "Then," he said, you are an old friend of my father's house. Great once entertained Bellerophon for twenty days, and the two exchanged presents. Oeneus gave a belt, rich with purple, and Bellerophon a double cup, which I left at home when I set out for Troy. I do not remember Tydeus, for he was taken from us while I was yet a child, when the army of the Achaeans was cut to pieces before Thebes. Henceforth, however, I must be your host in middle Argos, and you mine in Lycia, if 31

I should ever go there; let us avoid one another's spears even during a general engagement; there are many noble Trojans and allies whom I can kill, if I overtake them and heaven delivers them into my hand; so again with yourself, there are many Achaeans whose lives you may take if you can; we two, then, will exchange armour, that all present may know of the old ties that subsist between us." [232] With these words they sprang from their chariots, grasped one another's hands, and plighted friendship. But the son of Cronus made Glaucus take leave of his wits, for he exchanged golden armour for bronze, the worth of a hundred head of cattle for the worth of nine.

Competition Another of the most important concepts is competition. Greek culture was, from the earliest times, imbued with a spirit of competitiveness that may very well be one of the main reasons for their success.

Plutarch, 5.3-4 [3] Natural philosophers are of the opinion that, if strife and discord should be banished from the universe, the heavenly bodies would stand still, and all generation and motion would cease in consequence of the general harmony. And so the Spartan lawgiver1 seems to have introduced the spirit of ambition and contention into his civil polity as an incentive to , desiring that good citizens should always be somewhat at variance and in conflict with one another, and he thought that idle and unquestioning compliance without cross-examination and debate is incorrectly called 'unanimity.' [4] And some think that Homer also was clearly of this mind; for he would not have represented Agamemnon as pleased when and Achilles were carried away into abuse of one another with "frightful words," if he had not thought the general interests likely to profit by the mutual rivalry and quarrelling of the chieftains.2 This principle, however, must not be accepted without some reservations; for excessive rivalries are injurious to states, and productive of great perils.3

The City State In contrast to the Mycenaean town, the Greek that emerges at the end of the Dark Ages (ca.1100 - ca. 750 BC) has no central palace and, apparently, no warrior elite. At this same time however, we see the emergence of citizen armies, of farmer/soldiers who fight en-mass to defend their own homes rather than relying on warlords to fight for them. The development of the Greek city state and the Greek warrior are coterminous but which came first, or which is dependent upon the other, seems to be a chicken-or-egg question.

1 A reference to Lycurgus. 2 The quote is from Odyssey viii 75 - 82 but the context is incorrect. Agamemnon was pleased that Achilles and Odysseus were quarrelling because Apollo had given him a prophecy that the Trojan War would begin (πήματος ἀρχὴ Τρωσί τε καὶ Δαναοῖσι) when these two men fought. 3 A rider that had to be added. Both Greek and Roman culture was partially founded on the concept of healthy competition. But Plutarch lived well after the period of the Roman civil wars which destroyed the and resulted in the Principate. 32

The city state is the corporate expression of communal effort and mutual support. Citizenship was dependent upon participation:

Aristotle 1259b: In most constitutional states the citizens rule and are ruled by turns, for they are by definition equal and do not differ at all.

Politics 1275a 22: What effectively distinguishes the citizen proper [in a democracy] from all others is his participation in giving judgement and in holding office.

Politics 1275b 21: “As soon as a man becomes entitled to participate in office, deliberative or judicial, we deem him to be a citizen of that state; and a number of such persons large enough to secure a self-sufficient way of life we may, by and large, call a state.”

Politics 1276a 24 Observation tells us that every state is an association and that every association is formed with a view to a good purpose.

It is also a system based on . An individual’s ability to function and thrive as a member of an ancient collective was nothing if not an expression of his reputation.

Gorgias 21. Life is not liveable for a man who has lost the confidence of others. The man who loses his money or who falls from power or who is exiled from his country might get on his feet again, but he who throws away good faith would not any more acquire it.

Colonization The Greek peninsula in the seventh and sixth centuries benefitted greatly from two factors: One, , Media, and Egypt all enjoyed strong economies and, two; not one of the Near Eastern powers was paying any attention to Greece. The Greeks were able to take advantage of the vibrant economies and secure trade routes and prospered themselves. The result was a sharp increase in population and the need to expand into new territories. Many of the Greek city states established colonies and the Greek oecumene eventually reached to all the shores of the Black Sea, North , , eastern Sicily and southern .

Thucydides i.12 ... after the Trojan war Hellas was still subject to migrations and in process of settlement, and hence did not get rest and become stronger. For not only did the return of the Hellenes from Ilium, occurring as it did after a long time, cause many changes; but factions also began to spring up very generally in the cities, and, in consequence of these, men were driven into exile and founded new cities. The present Boeotians, for example, were driven from Arne by the Thessalians in the sixtieth year after the capture of Ilium and 33

settled in the district now called Boeotia, but formerly Cadmeis; only a portion of these had been in that land before, and it was some of these who took part in the expedition against Ilium. The Dorians, too, in the eightieth year after the war, together with the occupied the Peloponnesus. And so when painfully and after a long course of time Hellas became permanently tranquil and its population was no longer subject to expulsion from their homes, it began to send out colonies. The Athenians colonized Ionia and most of the islands; the Peloponnesians, the greater part of Italy and Sicily and some portions of the rest of Hellas. And all these colonies were planted after the Trojan War.

Strabo was a Greek Geographer living in Roman Pontus (Turkey) in the first century AD.

Strabo, Geography x. 1.8 Next to Geraestus is , which, after , is the largest city in Eubœa. Next follows Chalcis, the capital as it were of the island, situated immediately on the Euripus. Both these cities are said to have been founded by Athenians before the Trojan war; [but it is also said that] after the Trojan war, Aeolus and Cothus took their departure from Athens; the former to found Eretria, and Cothus, Chalcis. A body of Aeolians who belonged to the expedition of Penthilus remained in the island. Anciently, even Arabians1 settled there, who came over with Cadmus. These cities, Eretria and Chalcis, when their population was greatly augmented, sent out considerable colonies to Macedonia, for Eretria founded cities about and ; Chalcis founded some near , which Philip destroyed. There are also many settlements in Italy and Sicily, founded by Chalcidians. These colonies were sent out, according to Aristotle,2 when the government of the Hippobatæ, (or Knights,) as it is called, was established; it was an aristocratical government, the heads of which held their office by virtue of the amount of their property.

One of the best attested examples is the foundation of the colony at Cyrene, on the north coast of Africa. Herodotus includes a detailed account:

Herodotus iv.150-154 When Grinnus king of inquired of the oracle concerning other matters, the priestess' answer was that he should found a city in Libya. "Nay, Lord," answered Grinnus, "I am grown old and heavy to stir; do thou lay this command on some one of these younger men," pointing as he spoke to Battus. No more was then said. But when they had departed, they neglected to obey the oracle, seeing that they knew not where Libya was, and feared to send a colony out to an uncertain goal. 151. Then for seven years after this there was no rain in Thera; all their trees in the island save one were withered. The Theraeans inquired again at Delphi, and the priestess made mention of the colony they should send to Libya. So since there was no remedy for their ills, they sent messengers to Crete to seek out any Cretan or sojourner there who had travelled to Libya. These, in their journeys about the island, came to the town of Itanus, where they met a fisher of murex called Corobius, who told them that he had once been driven out of his course by winds to Libya, to an island there called Platea. This man they hired to come with them to Thera; thence but a few men were first sent on shipboard to spy 34 out the land, who, being guided by Corobius to the aforesaid island Platea, left him there with provision for some months, and themselves sailed back with all speed to Thera to bring news of the island. 152. But when they had been away for longer than the agreed time, and Corobius had no provision left, a Samian ship sailing for Egypt, whereof the captain was Colaeus, was driven out of her course to Platea, where the Samians heard the whole story from Corobius and left him provision for a year; they then put out to sea from the island and would have voyaged to Egypt, but an easterly wind drove them from their course, and ceased not till they had passed through the Pillars of Heracles and came (by heaven's providence) to Tartessus. Now this was at that time a virgin port; wherefore the Samians brought back from it so great a profit on their wares as no Greeks ever did of whom we have any exact knowledge, save only Sostratus of , son of Laodamas; with him none could vie. The Samians took six talents, the tenth part of their profit, and made therewith a bronze vessel, like an Argolic cauldron, with griffins' heads projecting from the rim all round; this they set up in their temple of Here, supporting it with three colossal kneeling figures of bronze, each seven cubits high. This that the Samians had done was the beginning of a close friendship between them and the men of Cyrene and Thera. 153. As for the Theraeans, when they came to Thera after leaving Corobius on the island, they brought word that they had founded a settlement on an island off Libya. The Theraeans resolved to send out men from their seven regions, taking by lot one of every pair of brothers, and making Battus leader and king of all. Then they manned two fifty-oared ships and sent them to Platea. 154. This is what the Theraeans say.

We also have corroborating data in the form of an inscription on a marble stele found at Cyrene. This inscription actually dates from the fourth century, but embodies in lines 23-40 what is allegedly the original decree passed by the Therans, though its authenticity is in question.

Cyrene Foundation Decree, Meiggs & Lewis God. Good Fortune. [Damis son of Bathykles made the motion. As to what is said by the Therans, Kleudamas son of Euthykles,1 in order that the city may prosper and the People of Cyrene enjoy good fortune, the Therans shall be given the citizenship according to that ancestral custom which our forefathers established, both those who founded Cyrene from Thera and those at Thera who remained -just as Apollo granted Battos and the Therans who founded Cyrene good fortune if they abided by the sworn agreement2 which our ancestors concluded with them when they sent out the colony according to the command of Apollo Archagetes. 3 With good fortune. It has been resolved by the People that the Therans shall continue to enjoy equal citizenship in Cyrene in the same way (as of old). There shall be sworn by all Therans who are domiciled in Cyrene the same oath which the others once swore, and they shall be assigned to a tribe and a phratry and nine Hetaireiai.4 This decree shall be written on a stele of marble and placed in the ancestral shrine of Apollo Pythios; and that sworn agreement5 also shall be written down on the stele which was made by the colonists when they sailed to Libya with Battos from Thera to Cyrene. As to the expenditure necessary for the stone or for the engraving, let the Superintendents of the Accounts provide it 35

from ' revenues. The sworn agreement of the settlers. Resolved by the Assembly. Since Apollo spontaneously told B[at]tos and the Therans to colonize Cyrene, it has been decided by the Therans to send Battos off to Libya, as Archagetes and as King, with the Therans to sail as his Companions. On equal and fair terms shall they sail according to family (?), with one son to be conscripted adults and from the [ot||her] Therans those who are free- born shall sail. If they (the colonists) establish the settlement, kinsmen who sail later to Libya shall be entitled to citizenship and offices and shall be allotted portions of the land which has no owner. But if they do not successfully establish the settlement and the Therans are incapable of giving it assistance, and they are pressed by hardship for five years, from that land shall they depart, without fear, to Thera, to their own property, and they shall be citizens. Any man who, if the city sends him, refuses to sail, will be liable to the death-penalty and his property shall be confiscated. The man harboring him or concealing him, whether he be a father (aiding his) son or a brother his brother, is to suffer the same penalty as the man who refuses to sail. On these conditions a sworn agreement was made by those who stayed there and by those who sailed to found the colony, and they invoked curses against those transgressors who would not abide by it - whether they were those settling in Libya or those who remained. They made waxen images and burnt them, calling down ('the following) curse, everyone having assembled together, men, women, boys, girls: 'The person who does not abide by this sworn agreement but transgresses it shall melt away and dissolve like the images - him- self, his descendants and his property; but those who abide by the sworn agreement - those sailing to Libya and [those] staying in Thera - shall have an abundance of good things, both themselves [and] their descendants.'

The Greeks also colonized Sicily:

Thucydides vi.3 Of the Hellenes, the first to arrive were Chalcidians from with Thucles, their founder. They founded and built the altar to Apollo Archegetes, which now stands outside the town, and upon which the deputies for the games sacrifice before sailing from Sicily. Syracuse was founded the year afterwards by Archias, one of the Heraclids from Corinth, who began by driving out the from the island upon which the inner city now stands, though it is no longer surrounded by water: in process of time the outer town also was taken within the walls and became populous. Meanwhile Thucles and the Chalcidians set out from Naxos in the fifth year after the foundation of Syracuse, and drove out the Sicels by arms and founded Leontini and afterwards Catana; the Catanians themselves choosing Evarchus as their founder.

Hoplite Warfare Most Homeric battles are one-on-one fights between heroes. The age of the Trojan War was an age of warrior elites, of single combat between social peers. With the rise of the citizen soldier, the hoplite, battle becomes an issue of massed infantry. Some Homeric passages betray the late composition and give us a glimpse into the nature of hoplite battle. The following, for example, is a scene that belongs to the seventh or sixth century BC, rather than the Trojan War era: 36

Iliad viii.60 - 65 & xiii When the two armies met shield clashed with shield, and spear with spear, in the conflict of mail-clad men. Mighty was the din as the bossed shields pressed hard on one another- death- cry and shout of triumph of slain and slayers, and the earth ran red with blood.

The scene in which prepares for battle is also a late addition:

Iliad xvi. 130 - 40 Patroclus put on his armour. First he greaved his legs with greaves of good make, and fitted with ancle-clasps of silver; after this he donned the cuirass of the son of , richly inlaid and studded. He hung his silver-studded sword of bronze about his shoulders, and then his mighty shield. On his comely head he set his helmet, well-wrought, with a crest of horse-hair that nodded menacingly above it. He grasped two redoubtable spears that suited his hands...

Tyrtaius was a Spartan poet writing in the seventh century BC:

Tyrtaius 11.21ff No, no, let him take a wide stance and stand up strongly against them, digging both heels in the ground, biting his lip with his teeth, covering his thighs and legs beneath, his chest and his shoulders under the hollowed-out protection of his broad shield, while in his right hand he brandishes the powerful war-spear and shakes terribly the crest high above his helm.

Xenophon was an Athenian aristocrat, soldier and who lived in the late fifth and early fourth century BC. He wrote prolifically and has left us some of our best descriptions of ancient warfare.

Xenophon viii.4-7 ... an army well organized in battle order is a splendid sight for friendly eyes to gaze at, but a terrible sight to the enemy. For who, being of their party, but will feel a thrill of satisfaction as he watches the serried masses of heavy infantry moving onwards in unbroken order? As they tramp onwards thus in order, though they number many myriads, yet even so they move on and on in quiet progress, stepping like one man, and the place just vacated in front is filled up on the instant from the rear.

Hoplite armies were designed for defence, not conquest, and no Polis in the archaic period made any real attempt to conquer any other. Sparta is the exception, but her conquests were limited and by the late-archaic her official policy was to make alliances rather than conquests.

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Thucydides i.15.2 But by land no wars arose from which any considerable accession of power resulted; on the contrary, all that did occur were border wars with their several neighbours, and foreign expeditions far from their own country for the subjugation of others were not undertaken by the Hellenes. For they had not yet been brought into union as subjects of the most powerful states, nor, on the other hand, did they of their own accord make expeditions in common as equal allies; it was rather against one another that the neighbouring peoples severally made war.

Literacy As Greek culture emerges from the mists of the Dark Ages we see three important aspects in place and fundamentally mature: The Polis, the Greek city state; the Hoplite, citizen soldier; and a rapidly spreading literacy with a new system of writing.

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The Greek World-View

Greek philosophical, moral and political thought was dominated by one single idea, commonly referred to as the Tragic Trilogy. It involves three psychological conditions, three mental states: First is Hubris, a sense of entitlement, an inflated ego, too much ambition. Second is Atê, carelessness, recklessness, foolishness. And third is Nemesis, divine punishment and the utter downfall of the afflicted. These conditions, of course, follow each other in sequence, one leading to the next. It is difficult to say whether the Tragic Trilogy predates the era of the city state or is a product of that political development but I suspect the latter is the case. The aristocratic ethos of the Bronze Age would not have welcomed ideas of humility and self-awareness, but the very idea of a collective political unit almost demands it. It is not surprising, then, that Herodotus’ lesson on the Tragic Trilogy is spoken by , the semi-mythical founder of the Athenian concepts of equality.

Herodotus i.29 - 34 [29] there came to ,1 then at the height of its wealth, all the wise men of the Hellas who chanced to be alive at that time, brought there severally by various occasions;2 and of them one was Solon the Athenian, who after he had made laws for the Athenians at their bidding, left his native country for ten years and sailed away saying that he desired to visit various lands, in order that he might not be compelled to repeal any of the laws which he had proposed.3 For of themselves the Athenians were not competent to do this, having bound themselves by solemn oaths to submit for ten years to the laws which Solon should propose for them. [30] So Solon, having left his native country for this reason and for the sake of seeing various lands, came to Amasis in Egypt, and also to at Sardis. Having there arrived he was entertained as a guest by Croesus in the king's palace; and afterwards, on the third or fourth day, at the bidding of Croesus his servants led Solon round to see his treasuries; and they showed him all things, how great and magnificent they were: and after he had looked upon them all and examined them as he had occasion, Croesus asked him as follows: "Athenian guest, much report of you has come to us, both in regard to your wisdom and your wanderings, how that in your search for wisdom you have traversed many lands to see them; now therefore a desire has come upon me to ask you whether you have seen any whom you deem to be of all men the most happy." This he asked supposing that he himself was the happiest of men; but Solon, using no flattery but the truth only, said: "Yes, King, Tellos the Athenian." And Croesus, marvelling at that which he said, asked him earnestly: "In what respect do you judge Tellos to be the most happy?" And he said: "Tellos, in the first place, living while his native state was prosperous, had sons fair and good and saw from all of them

1 During the reign of Croesus (560 – 547 BC.) 2 The Seven Sages of Ancient Greece. 3 The visit is likely a fiction. Solon left Athens in 592 and would have returned in 582; Croesus was born around 598 and would have been only 16 when Solon’s travels ended. Solon died in 558 so his visit to Lydia would have occurred in the last years of his life and the early years of Croesus’ reign. Not impossible, but unlikely. Diodorus (9.25) suggests that Bias and Solon visited Sardis at the same time. That would put Solon there in 560/59. Again, not impossible. 39

children begotten and living to grow up; and secondly he had what with us is accounted wealth, and after his life a most glorious end: for when a battle was fought by the Athenians at against the neighbouring people, he brought up supports and routed the foe and there died by a most fair death; and the Athenians buried him publicly where he fell, and honoured him greatly." [31] So when Solon had moved Croesus to inquire further by the story of Tellos, recounting how many points of happiness he had, the king asked again whom he had seen proper to be placed next after this man, supposing that he himself would certainly obtain at least the second place; but he replied: "Cleobis and Biton: for these, who were of Argos by race, possessed a sufficiency of wealth and, in addition to this, strength of body such as I shall tell. Both equally had won prizes in the games, and moreover the following tale is told of them: There was a feast of Hera among the Argives and it was by all means necessary that their mother should be borne in a car to the temple. But since their oxen were not brought up in time from the field, the young men, barred from all else by lack of time, submitted themselves to the yoke and drew the wain, their mother being borne by them upon it; and so they brought it on for forty-five ,1 and came to the temple. Then after they had done this and had been seen by the assembled crowd, there came to their life a most excellent ending; and in this the declared that it was better for man to die than to continue to live.2 For the Argive men were standing round and extolling the strength of the young men, while the Argive women were extolling the mother to whose lot it had fallen to have such sons; and the mother being exceedingly rejoiced both by the deed itself and by the report made of it, took her stand in front of the image of the goddess and prayed that she would give to Cleobis and Biton her sons, who had honoured her greatly, that gift which is best for man to receive: and after this prayer, when they had sacrificed and feasted, the young men lay down to sleep within the temple itself, and never rose again, but were held bound in this last end. And the Argives made statues in the likeness of them and dedicated them as offerings at Delphi, thinking that they had proved themselves most excellent." [32] Thus Solon assigned the second place in respect of happiness to these: and Croesus was moved to anger and said: "Athenian guest, have you then so cast aside our prosperous state as worth nothing, that you prefer to us even men of private station?" And he said: "Croesus, you are inquiring about human fortunes of one who well knows that the Deity is altogether envious and apt to disturb our lot. For in the course of long time a man may see many things which he would not desire to see, and suffer also many things which he would not desire to suffer. The limit of life for a man I lay down at seventy years: and these seventy years give twenty-five thousand and two hundred days, not reckoning for any intercalated month.3 Then if every other one of these years shall be made longer by one month, that the seasons may be caused to come round at the due time of the year, the intercalated months will be in number five-and-thirty besides the seventy years; and of these months the days will be one thousand and fifty. Of all these days, being in number twenty-six thousand two hundred and fifty, which go to the seventy years, one day produces nothing at

1 About 8 kilometers. 2 The point here is that a glorious death is better than an ignoble life. 3 The 360 day year was a lunar, rather than solar, year. But of course it put the Athenian calendar off of the solstices by 51/4 days every year. 40

all which resembles what another brings with it. Thus then, Croesus, man is altogether a creature of accident. As for you, I perceive that you are both great in wealth and king of many men, but that of which you did ask me I cannot call you yet, until I learn that you have brought your life to a fair ending: for the very rich man is not at all to be accounted more happy than he who has but his subsistence from day to day, unless also the fortune go with him of ending his life well in possession of all things fair. For many very worthy men are not happy, while many who have but a moderate living are fortunate; and in truth the very rich man who is not happy has two advantages only as compared with the poor man who is fortunate, whereas this latter has many as compared with the rich man who is not happy. The rich man is able better to fulfil his desire, and also to endure a great calamity if it fall upon him; whereas the other has advantage over him in these things which follow: He is not indeed able equally with the rich man to endure a calamity or to fulfil his desire, but these his good fortune keeps away from him, while he is sound of limb, free from disease, untouched by suffering, the father of fair children and himself in good health; and if in addition to this he should end his life well, he is worthy to be called that which you seek, namely a happy man; but before he comes to his end it is well to hold back and not to call him yet happy but only fortunate.1 Now to possess all these things together is impossible for one who is mere man, just as no single land suffices to supply all things for itself, but one thing it has and another it lacks, and the land that has the greatest number of things is the best: so also in the case of a man, no single person is complete in himself, for one thing he has and another he lacks; but whosoever of men continues to the end in possession of the greatest number of these things and then has a gracious ending of his life, he is by me accounted worthy, O King, to receive this name. But we must of everything examine the end and how it will turn out at the last, for to many god shows but a glimpse of happiness and then plucks them up by the roots and overturns them." [33] Thus saying he refused to gratify Croesus, who sent him away from his presence holding him in no esteem, and thinking him utterly senseless in that he passed over present good things and bade men look to the end of every matter.2 [34] After Solon had departed, a great divine retribution from came upon Croesus, probably because he judged himself to be the happiest of all men.

Herodotus may have fashioned this story out of Solon’s own poetry:

Solon, Fragment 13.1-32, 65-76 (West). Glorious children of Memory and Olympian Zeus, Pierian Muses, hear me as I pray: grant me olbos3 from the blessed gods, and from all men a noble reputation always. With these may I be sweet to my friends, bitter to my enemies,

1 See Agamemnon 929: “Only when man's life comes to its end in prosperity dare we pronounce him happy” 2 There is an old saying: Don't try to teach a pig how to sing. It is very hard work, and it annoys the pig. 3 Olbos can be translated as ‘happiness’ or ‘wealth’ but wealth in a holistic way: good health, family, lack of want, reasonable comfort and, most importantly, a good reputation. 41 an object of reverence to the former, to the latter a dreadful vision to see. Indeed, I long to have wealth, but I do not wish to acquire it unjustly: for dike1 is certain to come afterward. Ploutos2 which the gods grant stays beside a man enduring and sound from its uttermost foundation to its pinnacle. But that ploutos which men revere through hubris does not come in decorous fashion but, persuaded by their unjust deeds, it attends them against its will and quickly comes to be mingled with atê. This latter grows from a small beginning, like a fire, trivial at first, but a grievous evil in the end. For the deeds of hubris do not prosper long for mortals: rather, Zeus oversees the end of all things. Suddenly, as the wind quickly scatters the clouds in spring when it whips up the depths of the weariless sea with its teaming waves and over the grain-bearing earth it destroys the noble works of men, arriving at last at the lofty seat of the gods, the heavens, and leaving behind a sparkling clear sky for all to see — the might of the sun shines brightly over the good rich earth and no trace of clouds is any longer to be seen: in such fashion comes the punishment of Zeus. Nor does he indulge his wrath at each transgression, as would a mortal man, and yet never does it escape his eye forever just who possesses a criminal spirit: such a one stands revealed altogether in the end. But while some pay the penalty immediately, others do so later. And others still themselves escape, nor does the allotted wrath of the gods come upon them, yet it comes with dread certainty in later times: the innocent pay for their deeds, either their children or the family line thereafter. Indeed, there is danger involved in every undertaking, nor does one know, at the time some project is being undertaken, how things will turn out for him. Instead, one who attempts to act nobly and well with no warning falls into great atê, grievous to bear, yet to another who acts out of wickedness god gives good fortune in all things, a lucky escape from his thoughtless folly. Of ploutos no bound lies clearly marked for men: those of us who now possess the richest livings seek to double their goods. Who might satisfy them all? The immortals have granted mortals means of profit, but atê arises therefrom. The latter, when Zeus sends it as an agent of punishment, besets now one man, now another.

1 Justice 2 Wealth as in riches, money, material wealth. 42

Hesiod expresses the same idea:

Hesiod, Works and Days 1 – 10. Muses of who give glory through song, come hither, tell of Zeus your father and chant his praise. Through him mortal men are famed or un-famed, sung or unsung alike, as great Zeus wills. For easily he makes strong, and easily he brings the strong man low; easily he humbles the proud and raises the obscure, and easily he straightens the crooked and blasts the proud, -- Zeus who thunders aloft and has his dwelling most high.

Aesop, living in the early 6th century BC, was likely a Thracian slave serving Samian masters until he was freed. He then served as a clerk in the court of Croesus, king of Lydia until his death at Delphi. He is credited with writing a collection of gnomoi, wisdom tales, now called ’s Fables. Aesop, Fables1 Two game Cocks were fiercely fighting for the mastery of the farmyard. One at last put the other to flight. The vanquished Cock skulked away and hid himself in a quiet corner, while the conqueror, flying up to a high wall, flapped his wings and crowed exultingly with all his might. An Eagle sailing through the air pounced upon him and carried him off in his talons. The vanquished Cock immediately came out of his corner, and ruled henceforth with undisputed mastery. Pride goes before destruction.

See also , Areopagiticus (introductory remarks) Incorportate Thucydides’ early chapters here.

11 The fables are not numbered in the Townsend translation and I have not undertaken the task of numbering them. This one is simply called ‘The Fighting Cocks and the Eagle.’ 43

Natural Philosophy

The polytheistic, myth based, religious system dominated Greek life, but in the sixth century a rational, sceptical and inquisitive movement began to take hold. of Athens (ca. 480 – 403 BC) was a student of but little else is known about his early life. In 404 he was appointed leader of The Thirty, a council established to govern Athens after the Peloponnesian War. His summary of rationalism is most concise:

Critias of Athens, Fragment 25, from Sisiphus, a satyric drama. There was a time when the life of men was unordered, bestial and the slave of force, when there was no reward for the virtuous and no punishment for the wicked. Then, I think, men devised retributory laws, in order that Justice might be dictator and have arrogance as its slave, and if anyone sinned, he was punished. Then, when the laws forbade them to commit open crimes of violence, and they began to do them in secret, a wise and clever man invented fear (of the gods) for mortals, that there might be some means of frightening the wicked, even if they do anything or say or think it in secret. Hence he introduced the Divine (religion), saying that there is a God flourishing with immortal life, hearing and seeing with his mind, and thinking of everything and caring about these things, and having divine nature, who will hear everything said among mortals, and will be able to see all that is done. And even if you plan anything evil in secret, you will not escape the gods in this; for they have surpassing intelligence. In saying these words, he introduced the pleasantest of teachings, covering up the truth with a false theory; and he said that the gods dwelt there where he could most frighten men by saying it, whence he knew that fears exist for mortals and rewards for the hard life: in the upper periphery, where they saw lightning and heard the dread rumblings of thunder, and the starry-faced body of heaven, the beautiful embroidery of Time the skilled craftsman, whence come forth the bright mass of the sun, and the wet shower upon the earth. With such fears did he surround mankind, through which he well established the deity with his argument, and in a fitting place, and quenched lawlessness among men . . . Thus, I think, for the first time did someone persuade mortals to believe in a race of .

Critias is expressing what we might call secular rationalism. Although this is one of the most articulate expressions we have in our extant sources, the process seems to have begun over a century before Critias lived, and it seems to have originated with astronomy. Arithmetic and geometry were first developed in Egypt and Babylon probably because both of these cultures were based on large-scale agriculture, entirely dependent on irrigation from the inundation of the in the case of the former, and the Tigris and Euphrates in the case of the latter. The exact date of that event had to be predicted with some certainty and in both places astronomy was used to accomplish that goal.

Plato, 274c - e Socrates: I heard, then, that at , in Egypt, was one of the ancient gods of that country, the one whose sacred bird is called the ibis, and the name of the god himself was Theuth. He 44

it was who [274d] invented numbers and arithmetic and geometry and astronomy, also draughts and dice, and, most important of all, letters. Now the king of all Egypt at that time was the god Thamus, who lived in the great city of the upper region, which the Greeks call the Egyptian Thebes, and they call the god himself Ammon. To him came Theuth to show his inventions, saying that they ought to be imparted to the other Egyptians. But Thamus asked what use there was in each, and as Theuth enumerated their uses, expressed praise or blame, according as he approved [274e] or disapproved. The story goes that Thamus said many things to Theuth in praise or blame of the various arts, which it would take too long to repeat; but when they came to the letters, “This invention, O king,” said Theuth, “will make the Egyptians wiser and will improve their memories; for it is an elixir of memory and wisdom that I have discovered.” But Thamus replied, “Most ingenious Theuth, one man has the ability to beget arts, but the ability to judge of their usefulness or harmfulness to their users belongs to another…

Herodotus argues that the Egyptians invented geometry for taxation purposes, but that astronomy was invented by the Babylonians:

Herodotus ii.109 109. …Egypt was cut up; and they said that this king distributed the land to all the Egyptians, giving an equal square portion to each man, and from this he made his revenue, having appointed them to pay a certain rent every year: and if the river should take away anything from any man's portion, he would come to the king and declare that which had happened, and the king used to send men to examine and to find out by measurement how much less the piece of land had become, in order that for the future the man might pay less, in proportion to the rent appointed: and I think that thus the art of geometry was found out and afterwards came into Hellas also. For as touching the sun-dial and the gnomon and the twelve divisions of the day, they were learnt by the Hellenes from the Babylonians.

Thales (624 - 547) is credited with being the first of the Greek Natural Philosophers but his legacy was quickly mythologized and little is known about his life or work. One of the few references to Thales comes to us from Herodotus and offers a verifiable date for his life and career: Herodotus, Histories i.74 … there had arisen war between the and the lasting five years; in which years the Medes often discomfited the Lydians and the Lydians often discomfited the Medes (and among others they fought also a battle by night): and as they still carried on the war with equally balanced fortune, in the sixth year a battle took place in which it happened, when the fight had begun, that suddenly the day became night. And this change of the day Thales the Milesian had foretold to the Ionians laying down as a limit this very year in which the change took place.1 The Lydians however and the Medes, when they saw that it had

1 The eclipse occurred on May 28th, 585 BC. This gives us an absolute date with which to check Herodotus’ chronology. 45

become night instead of day, ceased from their fighting and were much more eager both of them that peace should be made between them.

Thales' apparent prediction of the eclipse is a famous event, but he is best known for his theories on Arché, the 'first principle.' The search for the fundamental building block, the origin, of all things, is discussed by Aristotle:

Aristotle, Metaphysics 983b. We have studied these causes sufficiently in our work on nature, but yet let us call to our aid those who have attacked the investigation of being and philosophized about reality before us. For obviously they too speak of certain principles and causes; to go over their views, then, will be of profit to the present inquiry, for we shall either find another kind of cause, or be more convinced of the correctness of those which we now maintain. Of the first philosophers, then, most thought the principles which were of the nature of matter were the only principles of all things. That of which all things that are consist, the first from which they come to be, the last into which they are resolved (the substance remaining, but changing in its modifications), this they say is the element and this the principle of things, and therefore they think nothing is either generated or destroyed, since this sort of entity is always conserved, as we say Socrates neither comes to be absolutely when he comes to be beautiful or musical, nor ceases to be when loses these characteristics, because the substratum, Socrates himself remains. Just so they say nothing else comes to be or ceases to be; for there must be some entity - either one or more than one - from which all other things come to be, it being conserved. Yet they do not all agree as to the number and the nature of these principles. Thales, the founder of this type of philosophy, says the principle is water (for which reason he declared that the earth rests on water), getting the perhaps from seeing that the nutriment of all things is moist, and that heat itself is generated from the moist and kept alive by it (and that from which they come to be is a principle of all things). He got his notion from this fact, and from the fact that the seeds of all things have a moist nature, and that water is the origin of the nature of moist things.

Anaximander of Miletus (610 - 546) Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers ii.1 - 2 [1] , the son of Praxiades, was a native of Miletus. He laid down as his principle and element that which is unlimited without defining it as air or water or anything else. He held that the parts undergo change, but the whole is unchangeable; that the earth, which is of spherical shape, lies in the midst, occupying the place of a centre; that the moon, shining with borrowed light, derives its illumination from the sun; further, that the sun is as large as the earth and consists of the purest fire.1 He was the first inventor of the gnomon and set it up on the sundial in Sparta, as is stated by Favorinus2 in his Miscellaneous History, in order to mark the solstices and the

1 The astronomical observations belong to . 2 A Philosopher and from Arles, in Gaul. He lived in the early second century AD. 46 equinoxes;1 he also constructed water-clocks to tell the time. [2] He was the first to draw on a map the outline of land and sea, and he constructed a globe as well. His exposition of his doctrines took the form of a summary which no doubt came into the hands, among others, of .2 He says in his Chronology that in the second year of the 58th ,3 Anaximander was sixty-four, and that he died not long afterwards. Thus he flourished almost at the same time as the of . There is a story that the boys laughed at his singing, and that, when he heard of it, he rejoined, "Then to please the boys I must improve my singing."

Anaximenes of Miletus (585 - 525) Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers ii. 3 - 5 [3] Anaximenes, the son of Eurystratus, a native of Miletus, was a pupil of Anaximander. According to some, he was also a pupil of .4 He took for his first principle air or that which is unlimited. He held that the stars move round the earth but do not go under it. He writes simply and unaffectedly in the Ionic dialect. According to Apollodorus he was contemporary with the taking of Sardis and died in the 63rd Olympiad.5 There have been two other men named Anaximenes, both of , the one a rhetorician who wrote on the achievements of Alexander, the other, the nephew of the rhetorician, who was a . Anaximenes the philosopher wrote the following letters: Anaximenes to [4] "Thales, the son of Examyas, has met an unkind fate in his old age. He went out from the court of his house at night, as was his custom, with his maidservant to view the stars, and, forgetting where he was, as he gazed, he got to the edge of a steep slope and fell over. In such wise have the Milesians lost their astronomer. Let us who were his pupils cherish his memory, and let it be cherished by our children and pupils; and let us not cease to entertain one another with his words. Let all our discourse begin with a reference to Thales." And again: Anaximenes to Pythagoras [5] "You were better advised than the rest of us when you left Samos for Croton, where you live in peace. For the sons of Aeaces6 work incessant mischief, and Miletus is never without . The king of the Medes is another terror to us, not indeed so long as we are willing to pay tribute; but the Ionians are on the point of going to war with the

1 The gnomon was the pointer on the sundial (Plut. Per. 6.4). Herodotus (ii.109) says that the use of the gnomon was developed by the Babylonians. 2 A grammarian and philosopher who lived in the second century BC. His Chronology, non-extant, covered was a history from 1184 to 143 BC. His Bibliotheca is one of our best sources on the Greek myth cycles. 3 547/6 BC. 4 Parmenides of Elea, see Diog. Laert. ix.3. 5 528 - 525 BC. 6 Polycractes, tyrant of Samos, and his brothers. The reference must be to the late 530's BC. Before 526 Polycrates had done away with his brothers but he was murdered in 525 (Hdt.iii.39 -56: Plut. Per. 26: Thuc.i:13). 47

Medes to secure their common freedom, and once we are at war we have no more hope of safety.1 How then can Anaximenes any longer think of studying the heavens when threatened with destruction or ? Meanwhile you find favour with the people of Croton and with the other Greeks in Italy; and pupils come to you even from Sicily." Anaxagoras (500 - 428) Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers ii.6 - 13 [6] Anaxagoras, the son of Hegesibulus or , was a native of Clazomenae. He was a pupil of Anaximenes, and was the first who set mind above matter, for at the beginning of his treatise, which is composed in attractive and dignified language, he says, “All things were together; then came Mind and set them in order.” He was eminent for wealth and noble birth, and furthermore for magnanimity, in that he gave up his patrimony to his relations. [7] For, when they accused him of neglecting it, he replied, “Why then do you not look after it?” And at last he went into retirement and engaged in physical investigation without troubling himself about public affairs. When someone inquired, “Have you no concern in your native land?” Gently he replied, “I am greatly concerned with my fatherland,” and pointed to the sky. He is said to have been twenty years old at the invasion of Xerxes2 and to have lived seventy-two years. Apollodorus in his Chronology says that he was born in the 70th Olympiad, and died in the first year of the 88th Olympiad.3 He began to study philosophy at Athens in the archonship of Callias4 when he was twenty; states this in his list of ; and at Athens they say he remained for thirty years. [8] He declared the sun to be a mass of red-hot metal and to be larger than the Peloponnesus, though others ascribe this view to Tantalus; he declared that there were dwellings on the moon, and moreover hills and ravines. He took as his principles the homoeomeries or homogeneous molecules; for just as gold consists of fine particles which are called gold-dust, so he held the whole universe to be compounded of minute bodies having parts homogeneous to themselves. His moving principle was Mind; of bodies, he said, some, like earth, were heavy, occupying the region below, others, light like fire, held the region above, while water and air were intermediate in position. For in this way over the earth, which is flat, the sea sinks down after the moisture has been evaporated by the sun. [9] In the beginning the stars moved in the sky as in a revolving dome, so that the celestial pole which is always visible was vertically overhead; but subsequently the pole took its inclined position. He held the Milky Way to be a reflection of the light of stars which are not shone upon by the sun; comets to be a conjunction of planets which emit flames; shooting-stars to be a sort of sparks thrown off by the air. He held that winds arise when the air is rarefied by the sun's heat; that thunder is a clashing together of the clouds,

1The time-frame is problematic: The Ionian Revolt began in 499 BC. 2 480 BC. 3 The first year of the 70th Olympiad was 500/499 BC, twenty years before the invasion of . The first year of the 88th Olympiad was 428/7. 4 Calliades was in 480/79. 48 lightning their violent friction; an a subsidence of air into the earth. [10] There is a story that he predicted the fall of the meteoric stone at , which he said would fall from the sun.1 Hence Euripides, who was his pupil, in the Phathon calls the sun itself a "golden clod."2 Furthermore, when he went to Olympia, he sat down wrapped in a sheep-skin cloak as if it were going to rain; and the rain came. When someone asked him if the hills at Lampsacus would ever become sea, he replied, "Yes, it only needs time." Being asked to what end he had been born, he replied, "To study sun and moon and heavens." To one who inquired, "You miss the society of the Athenians?" his reply was, "Not I, but they miss mine." When he saw the tomb of , he said, "A costly tomb is an image of an estate turned into stone."3 [11] To one who complained that he was dying in a foreign land, his answer was, "The descent to Hades is much the same from whatever place we start." Favorinus in his Miscellaneous History says Anaxagoras was the first to maintain that Homer in his poems treats of Virtue and Justice, and that this thesis was defended at greater length by his friend Metrodorus of Lampsacus, who was the first to busy himself with Homer's physical doctrine.4 Anaxagoras was also the first to publish a book with diagrams. in the first book of his History gives the archonship of Demylus as the date when the meteoric stone fell,5 [12] and says that Anaxagoras declared the whole firmament to be made of stones; that the rapidity of rotation caused it to cohere; and that if this were relaxed it would fall. Of the trial of Anaxagoras different accounts are given. Sotion in his Succession of the Philosophers says that he was indicted by on a charge of impiety, because he declared the sun to be a mass of red-hot metal; that his pupil defended him, and he was fined five talents and banished. Satyrus in his Lives says that the prosecutor was Thucydides, the opponent of Pericles, and the charge one of treasonable correspondence with Persia as well as of impiety; and that sentence of death was passed on Anaxagoras by default. [13] When news was brought him that he was condemned and his sons were dead, his comment on the sentence was, "Long ago nature condemned both my judges and myself to death"; and on his sons, "I knew that my children were born to die." Some, however, tell this story of Solon, and others of Xenophon. That he buried his sons with his own hands is asserted by Demetrius of Phalerum in his work On Old Age.

Anaxagoras had a greater impact than he is often given credit for perhaps because later generations felt that impact indirectly. Anaxagoras taught Pericles and Pericles had a profound influence on the development of political theory as expressed by Herodotus and Thucydides; Anaxagoras taught Socrates who was the teacher of and he of Aristotle; Anaxagoras was the teacher of Euripides who influenced the development of the theatrical arts. Even four centuries after his time, Diodorus employs Anaxagoras' theories on the generation of animals in his Universal History:

1 According to ( ii.149) the meteor landed near Abydus in 467/6 BC. 2 Fragment of an unknown play. 3 An impossibility; the Mausoleum, or tomb of Mausolus, was built sometime after 350 BC. 4 A scholiast on Homer. He died ca. 464 BC, but otherwise little is known. 5 No such archon is known. 49

Diodorus i.7 [1] For whereas all things at the first were jumbled together, heaven and earth were in one mass, and had one and the same form. But afterwards (they say), when corporeal beings appeared one after another, the world at length presented itself in the order we now see; and that the air was in continual agitation, whose fiery part ascended together to the highest place, its nature (by reason of its levity) tending always upwards; for which reason both the sun and that vast number of the stars, are contained within that orb. That the gross and earthy matter (clotted together by moisture) by reason of its weight, sunk down below into one place and continually whirling about, [2] the sea was made of the humid parts and the muddy earth of the more solid, as yet very moorish and soft, which by degrees at first was made crusty by the heat of the sun [3] and then, after the face of the earth was parched, and, as it were, fermented, the moisture afterwards, in many places, bubbled up, and appeared as so many pustules wrapped up in thin and slender coats and skins, which may be even seen in standing ponds and marish places. When, after the earth has been pierced with cold, the air grows hot on a sudden, without a gradual alteration. [4] And whereas moisture generates creatures from heat, as from a seminal principle, things so generated, by being wrapped in the dewy mists of the night, grew and increased, and in the day solidified, and were made hard by the heat of the sun; and when the births included in those ventricles had received their due proportion, then those slender skins, being burst asunder by the heat, the forms of all sorts of living creatures were brought forth into the light, [5] of which those that had most of heat mounted aloft, and were fowl, and birds of the air; but those that were drossy, and had more of earth, were numbered in the order of creeping things, and other creatures altogether used to the earth. Then those beasts that were naturally watery and moist, (called fishes), presently hastened to the place connatural to them; and when the earth afterwards became more dry and solid by the heat of the sun, and the drying winds, it had not power at length to produce any more of the greater living creatures; but each that had an animal life began to increase their kind by mutual copulation. And Euripides, the student of Anaxagoras, seems to be of the same opinion concerning the first generation of all things; for in his Menalippe he has these verses:

Heaven and Earth were once one form But since divided asunder. They beget and bring all creatures into the light Trees, birds, animals, the creatures of the sea, And the race of mortals.1

1 The work is not extant. Translation of the verses by the editor. 50

Tyrants:

The citizen army prevented a warrior elite from taking control of the polis and from dominating the people, but it did not fill the void that was created with the overthrow of the Mycenaean style monarchies. Tyrannos is a Greek word that originally applied to a popular leader, usually someone selected to take charge of the city state in a crisis. It was generally felt that one man with absolute authority was better suited to dealing with emergencies than was a city council. Many of these tyrants, however, made their tenure permanent and many cities were taken over by a tyrant even without a crisis that required a solution. The difference between a tyrant and a king is that the latter is usually constrained by a constitution, the former has no constraints at all:

Aristotle, 1365b There are two forms of monarchy: kingship, which is limited by prescribed conditions, and tyranny, which is not limited by anything.

What made tyranny possible was the very thing that prevented monarchy... the hoplite army. Tyrants were charismatic leaders who were able to gain the support and loyalty of the hoplite class and with that both political and military power. Many of the Greek tyrants wanted to hold onto power, and even increase it, after their initial purpose was filled. They were really the first politicians because they realized that they had to devise tricks and tactics that would allow them to maintain their precarious hold on power. For example, Herodotus’ story of a conversation between Cyrus, king of Persia and Croesus, former king of Lydia is really a conversation about tyranny. Croesus advises Cyrus…

Herodotus i.155.4 ...to prevent the Lydians from revolting give them the following orders: forbid them to own weapons and to allow their sons to train in the use of weapons. Instead, order them to train their children in music and the arts: Ask them to wear fine clothes and comfortable shoes and to learn the art of business and sales. Soon you will see that the Lydian men have become soft and effeminate and you will have no fear of revolt.

Some of them even compared notes. , tyrant of Corinth…

Herodotus v.92f – g [92f] ... sent a messenger to and asked what settlement of affairs was the safest for him to make, in order that he might best govern his State: and Thrasybulus led forth the messenger who had come from Periander out of the city, and entered into a field of growing corn; and as he passed through the crop of corn, while inquiring and asking questions repeatedly of the messenger about the occasion of his coming from Corinth, he kept cutting off the heads of those ears of corn which he saw higher than the rest; and as he cut off their heads he cast them away, until he had destroyed in this manner the finest and richest part of the crop. So having passed through the place and having suggested no word of counsel, he dismissed the messenger. When the messenger returned to Corinth, Periander 51

was anxious to hear the counsel which had been given; but he said that Thrasybulus had given him no counsel, and added that he wondered at the deed of Periander in sending him to such a man, for the man was out of his senses and a waster of his own goods, relating at the same time that which he had seen Thrasybulus do. [92g] So Periander, understanding that which had been done and perceiving that Thrasybulus counselled him to put to death those who were eminent among his subjects, began then to display all manner of evil treatment to the citizens of the State; for whatsoever had left undone in killing and driving into exile, this Periander completed.

Tyrants were not necessarily poor administrators and they tended to promote peace and prosperity: Thucydides i.17 Again, wherever there were tyrants, their habit of providing simply for themselves, of looking solely to their personal comfort and family aggrandizement, made safety the great aim of their policy, and prevented anything great proceeding from them; though they would each have their affairs with their immediate neighbours. All this is only true of the mother country, for in Sicily they attained to very great power. Thus for a long time everywhere in Hellas do we find causes which make the states alike incapable of combination for great and national ends, or of any vigorous action of their own.

Polycrates of Samos was one of the most famous tyrants and may have been the first to philosophise a theory of tyranny. Herodotus iii.39 [39] Now while Cambyses was marching upon Egypt,1 the Spartans also had made an expedition against Samos and against Polycrates the son of Aiaces, who had risen against the government and obtained rule over Samos. At first he had divided the state into three parts and had given a share to his brothers Pantagnotus and ; but afterwards he put to death one of these, and the younger, namely Syloson, he drove out, and so obtained possession of the whole of Samos. Then, being in possession, he made a guest-friendship with Amasis the king of Egypt, sending him gifts and receiving gifts in return from him. After this straightway within a short period of time the power of Polycrates increased rapidly, and there was much fame of it not only in Ionia, but also over the rest of Hellas: for to whatever part he directed his forces, everything went fortunately for him: and he had got for himself a hundred fifty-oared galleys and a thousand archers, and he plundered from all, making no distinction of any; for it was his wont to say that he would win more gratitude from his friend by giving back to him that which he had taken, than by not taking at all. So he had conquered many of the islands and also many cities of the , and besides other things he gained the victory in a sea-fight over the Lesbians, as they were coming to help the Milesians with their forces, and conquered them: these men dug the whole trench round the wall of the city of Samos working in chains. [44] Now Polycrates had sent an envoy to Cambyses the son of Cyrus without the knowledge of the Samians, as he was gathering an army to go against Egypt, and had asked him to send to him in Samos and to ask for an armed force. So Cambyses hearing this very

1 525 BC. 52

readily sent to Samos to ask Polycrates to send a naval force with him against Egypt: and Polycrates selected of the citizens those whom he most suspected of desiring to rise against him and sent them away in forty , charging Cambyses not to send them back.

The Greek tyrant we know most about is Pisistratus of Athens. He took advantage of a societal crisis in which the traditional and conservative landed aristocracy were attempting to defend their ancestral rights to power against the demands for equal shares in power by the newly wealthy merchant class.

Herodotus i.59 [59] …the people of Attica were held subject and torn with faction by Peisistratus the son of , who then was despot of the Athenians. For to Hippocrates, when as a private citizen he went to view the Olympic games, a great marvel had occurred. After he had offered the sacrifice, the caldrons which were standing upon the hearth, full of pieces of flesh and of water, boiled without fire under them and ran over. And Chilon the Lacedaemonian, who chanced to have been present and to have seen the marvel, advised Hippocrates first not to bring into his house a wife to bear him children, and secondly, if he happened to have one already, to dismiss her, and if he chanced to have a son, to disown him.1 When Chilon had thus recommended, Hippocrates, they say, was not willing to be persuaded, and so there was born to him afterwards this Peisistratus; who, when the Athenians of the shore were at feud with those of the plain, the son of Alcmaeon being leader of the first faction, and Lycurgus the son of Aristolaides of that of the plain, aimed at the for himself and gathered a third party.2 So then, after having collected supporters and called himself leader of the men of the Hills, he contrived a device as follows:--he inflicted wounds upon himself and upon his , and then drove his car into the market-place, as if he had just escaped from his opponents, who, as he alleged, had desired to kill him when he was driving into the country: and he asked the commons that he might obtain some protection from them, for before this he had gained reputation in his command against the Megarians, during which he took Nisaea and performed other signal servi ce. And the commons of the Athenians being deceived gave him those men chosen from the dwellers in the city who became not indeed the spear-men of Peisistratus but his club-men; for they followed behind him bearing wooden clubs. And these made insurrection with Peisistratus and obtained possession of the . Then Peisistratus was ruler of the Athenians, not having disturbed the existing magistrates nor changed the ancient laws; but he administered the State under that constitution of things which was already established, ordering it fairly and well.

1 While humans can ask the gods for advice by offering sacrifices, the gods occasionally volunteer signs that warn of great or horrible things to come. The proof, then, of greatness, is in the strange things that happened just before a great person was born. This is how myth works and it is also how History works: Whatever our explanation of our current predicament, we look to the past for proof. 2 The Plains Faction were the traditional aristocrats and the Shore Faction were the merchants. Pisistratus formed the Hill Faction out of those who didn’t support either of the other two. This turned out to be enough of a majority that he could use their support to take power. 53

The Birth of Democracy

Democracy is not a concept that sprung fully mature from the seeds of inspiration. The development of democracy in Athens was the result of a long process of social and economic realignment brought about partly by the development of the citizen soldier, partly by increased prosperity and a rising middle-class and partly because of the Greek concept of justice. Real change began with Solon, who was asked to reform the Athenian constitution in 592 BC in an effort to stem the social unrest that had developed as a result of the absolute control that the aristocracy enjoyed over the economy and the government, to such an extent that most of our ancient sources say, without exaggeration, that the poor had become the slaves of the rich. The ascendance of Pisistratus was partly a result of this strife, but shortly after the death of Pisistratus his son and successor, , was expelled from Athens.

Herodotus v.66 & 69-73 [66] Athens, which even before that time was great, then, after having been freed from despots, became gradually yet greater; and in it two men exercised power, namely a descendant of Alcmaeon, the same who is reported to have bribed the Pythian prophetess, and Isagoras, the son of Tisander, of a family which was highly reputed, but of his original descent I am not able to declare; his kinsmen however offer sacrifices to the Carian Zeus. These men came to party strife for power; and then Cleisthenes was being worsted in the struggle, he made common cause with the people. After this he caused the Athenians to be in ten tribes, who were formerly in four; and he changed the names by which they were called after the sons of Ion, namely Geleon, Aigicoreus, Argades, and Hoples, and invented for them names taken from other heroes, all native Athenians except Ajax, whom he added as a neighbour and ally, although he was no Athenian. [69] …for when at the time of which we speak he added to his own party the whole body of the common people of the Athenians, which in former time he had despised, he changed the names of the tribes and made them more in number than they had been; he made in fact ten rulers of tribes instead of four, and by tens also he distributed the in the tribes; and having added the common people to his faction he was much superior to his opponents. [70] Then Isagoras, as he was being worsted in his turn, contrived a plan in opposition to him, that is to say, he called in Cleomenes the Lacedemonian to help him, who had been a guest-friend to himself since the siege of the sons of ; moreover Cleomenes was accused of being intimate with the wife of Isagoras. First then Cleomenes sent a herald to Athens demanding the expulsion of Cleisthenes and with him many others of the Athenians, calling them the men who were under the curse: this message he sent by instruction of Isagoras, for the Alcmaeonidai and their party were accused of the murder to which reference was thus made, while he and his friends had no part in it. [72] Now when Cleomenes sent demanding the expulsion of Cleisthenes and of those under the curse, Cleisthenes himself retired secretly; but after that nevertheless Cleomenes appeared in Athens with no very large force, and having arrived he proceeded to expel as accursed seven hundred Athenian families, of which Isagoras had suggested to him the names. Having done this he next endeavoured to dissolve the Senate, and he put the offices 54

of the State into the hands of three hundred, who were the partisans of Isagoras. The Senate however making opposition, and not being willing to submit, Cleomenes with Isagoras and his partisans seized the Acropolis. Then the rest of the Athenians joined together by common consent and besieged them for two days; and on the third day so many of them as were Lacedemonians departed out of the country under a truce. Thus was accomplished for Cleomenes the ominous saying which was uttered to him: for when he had ascended the Acropolis with the design of taking possession of it, he was going to the sanctuary of the goddess, as to address her in prayer; but the priestess stood up from her seat before he had passed through the door, and said, "Lacedemonian stranger, go back and enter not into the temple, for it is not lawful for Dorians to pass in hither." He said: "Woman, I am not a Dorian, but an Achaean." So then, paying no attention to the ominous speech, he made his attempt and then was expelled again with the Lacedemonians; but the rest of the men the Athenians laid in bonds to be put to death, and among them Timesitheos the Delphian, with regard to whom I might mention very great deeds of strength and courage which he performed. [73] These then having been thus laid in bonds were put to death; and the Athenians after this sent for Cleisthenes to return, and also for the seven hundred families which had been driven out by Cleomenes.

This reported conversation took place in Persia after the death of the sons of Cyrus. With no direct heir to the throne, the seven leading Persian nobles met to discuss the future of the Persian Empire and to decide how it should be governed. In the end they decided on monarchy and I became king of Persia. The conversation is, despite Herodotus' assertions, purely fiction.

Herodotus iii.80-81 [80] When the tumult had subsided and more than five days had elapsed, those who had risen against the Magians began to take counsel about the general state, and there were spoken speeches which some of the Hellenes do not believe were really uttered, but spoken they were nevertheless. On the one hand urged that they should resign the government into the hands of the whole body of the Persians, and his words were as follows: "To me it seems best that no single one of us should henceforth be ruler, for that is neither pleasant nor profitable. Ye saw the insolent temper of Cambyses, to what lengths it went, and ye have had experience also of the insolence of the Magian: and how should the rule of one alone be a well-ordered thing, seeing that the monarch may do what he desires without rendering any account of his acts? Even the best of all men, if he were placed in this disposition, would be caused by it to change from his wonted disposition: for insolence is engendered in him by the good things which he possesses, and envy is implanted in man from the beginning; and having these two things, he has all vice: for he does many deeds of reckless wrong, partly moved by insolence proceeding from satiety, and partly by envy. And yet a despot at least ought to have been free from envy, seeing that he has all manner of good things. He is however naturally in just the opposite temper towards his subjects; for he grudges to the nobles that they should survive and live, but delights in the basest of citizens, and he is more ready than any other man to receive calumnies. Then of all things he is the most inconsistent; for if you express admiration of him moderately, he is offended that no very great court is paid to him, whereas if you pay court to him extravagantly, he is offended with you for being a flatterer. And the most important matter of all is that which I am about to say: he disturbs the customs handed down from our fathers, he is a ravisher of women, and he puts men to death without trial. On the other hand, the rule of 55

many has first a name attaching to it which is the fairest of all names, that is to say 'Equality'; next, the multitude does none of those things which the monarch does: offices of state are exercised by lot, and the magistrates are compelled to render account of their action: and finally all matters of deliberation are referred to the public assembly. I therefore give as my opinion that we let monarchy go and increase the power of the multitude; for in the many is contained everything." [81] This was the opinion expressed by Otanes; but urged that they should entrust matters to the rule of a few, saying these words: "That which Otanes said in opposition to a tyranny, let it be counted as said for me also, but in that which he said urging that we should make over the power to the multitude, he has missed the best counsel: for nothing is more senseless or insolent than a worthless crowd; and for men flying from the insolence of a despot to fall into that of unrestrained popular power, is by no means to be endured: for he, if he does anything, does it knowing what he does, but the people cannot even know; for how can that know which has neither been taught anything noble by others nor perceived anything of itself, but pushes on matters with violent impulse and without understanding, like a torrent stream? Rule of the people then let them adopt who are foes to the Persians; but let us choose a company of the best men, and to them attach the chief power; for in the number of these we shall ourselves also be, and it is likely that the resolutions taken by the best men will be the best."

Some key words to look at: Wherever this translator uses "insolence" the Greek word Herodotus used was 'hubris.' It is impossible to translate this word effectively into English but it refers to a lack of self-control, insolence, disrespect for others, pride, ambition, arrogance, haughtiness, impiety (lack of respect for the gods), rudeness and basic bad behaviour. Hubris is contrasted with Sophrosuné: a state of being typified by self-control, respect, a clear understanding of one’s self and one’s place in the world, responsibility, humility, piety, duty and basic good behaviour. Near the end of chapter 80 we see the word "Equality." The Greek word here is 'isonomia' which means equality under the law.

Herodotus v.66 [66] Athens, which even before that time was great, then, after having been freed from despots, became gradually yet greater; and in it two men exercised power, namely Cleisthenes a descendant of Alcmaeon, the same who is reported to have bribed the Pythian prophetess, and Isagoras, the son of Tisander, of a family which was highly reputed, but of his original descent I am not able to declare; his kinsmen however offer sacrifices to the Carian Zeus. These men came to party strife for power;1 and then Cleisthenes was being worsted in the struggle, he made common cause with the people.2 After this he caused the Athenians to be in ten tribes, who were formerly in four; and he changed the names by which they were called after the sons of Ion, namely Geleon, Aigicoreus, Argades, and Hoples, and invented

1 The phrase "party strife" is not a good translation. The Greek actually reads "they were in stasis..." The Greek word stasis is a basic Indo-European root word which simply means ‘no movement.’ From that root, and in keeping with the original meaning, we derive English words like static, stay, stationary and stand (the ‘sta-’ root is consistent) 2 Our translator has chosen "made common cause..." and this too is misleading. The Greek, however, is no less clear. Herodotus says that Cleisthenes 'brought the people into his brotherhood (club? association?). A satisfactory translation is difficult to arrive at. 56

for them names taken from other heroes, all native Athenians except Ajax, whom he added as a neighbour and ally, although he was no Athenian.

Ostracism Plutarch, 7.2 - 5 [7.2] …Now the sentence of was not a chastisement of base practices, no, it was speciously called a humbling and docking of oppressive prestige and power; but it was really a merciful exorcism of the spirit of jealous hate, which thus vented its malignant desire to injure, not in some irreparable evil, but in a mere change of residence for ten years.

[3] And when ignoble men of the baser sort came to be subjected to this penalty, it ceased to he inflicted at all, and was the last to be thus ostracized. It is said that Hyperbolus was ostracized for the following reason. and had the greatest power in the state, and were at odds. Accordingly, when the people were about to exercise the ostracism, and were clearly going to vote against one or the other of these two men, they came to terms with one another, united their opposing factions, and effected the ostracism of Hyperbolus. [4] The people were incensed at this for they felt that the institution had been insulted and abused, and so they abandoned it utterly and put an end to it.

The method of procedure, to give a general outline, was as follows: Each voter took an ostrakon, or potsherd, and wrote on it the name of that citizen whom he wished to remove from the city, and brought it to a place in the which was all fenced about with railings. [5] The Archons first counted the total number of ostraka cast. For if the votes were less than six thousand, the ostracism was void. Then they separated the names, and the man who had received the most votes they proclaimed banished for ten years with the right to enjoy the income from his property.

The Spartans had supported the aristocratic faction in Athens and when Cleisthenes and the popular faction won the contest it was feared that Sparta would see the new government as an enemy. Looking for an ally to protect them from Sparta, Athens sent an embassy to Persia:

Herodotus v.73 ... the Athenians... sent envoys to Sardis, desiring to make an alliance with the Persians; for they were well assured that the Spartans and Cleomenes had been utterly made their foes. So when these envoys had arrived at Sardis and were saying that which they had been commanded to say, Artaphrenes the son of Hystaspes, the governor of Sardis, asked what men these were who requested to be allies of the Persians, and where upon the earth they dwelt; and having heard this from the envoys, he summed up his answer to them thus, saying that if the Athenians were willing to give to Darius, he was willing to make alliance with them, but if not, he bade them be gone: and the envoys taking the matter upon themselves said that they were willing to do so, because they desired to make the alliance. 57

The ambassadors were severely censured for giving 'earth and water' to the king because these were symbols of submission rather than alliance. But to the Great King, King of kings, King of Persia, there was no distinction; no state, especially one so small, could enter a relationship with him on equal footing! Nevertheless, Athens triumphed without Persian assistance. The exact date of the embassy to Persia is not known, but in 506 Sparta, Thebes and Chalcis all declared war on Athens.

Herodotus v.78 The Athenians accordingly increased in power; and it is evident, not by one instance only but in every way, that Equality1 is an excellent thing, since the Athenians while they were ruled by despots were not better in war that any of those who dwelt about them, whereas after they had got rid of despots they became far the first. This proves that when they were kept down they were wilfully slack, because they were working for a master, whereas when they had been set free each one was eager to achieve something for himself.

No sooner was democracy invented than people began to philosophise about its nature and effectiveness. The success of the was offered, as above, as proof of its superiority but not all were convinced.

Aristotle, Politics 1301a – 1302a [1301a] In the first place we must assume as our starting-point that in the many forms of government which have sprung up there has always been an acknowledgment of justice and proportionate equality, although mankind fail attaining them, as I have already explained. Democracy, for example, arises out of the notion that those who are equal in any respect are equal in all respects; because men are equally free, they claim to be absolutely equal. Oligarchy is based on the notion that those who are unequal in one respect are in all respects unequal; being unequal, that is, in property, they suppose themselves to be unequal absolutely. The democrats think that as they are equal they ought to be equal in all things; while the oligarchs, under the idea that they are unequal, claim too much, which is one form of inequality. All these forms of government have a kind of justice, but, tried by an absolute standard, they are faulty; and, therefore, both parties, whenever their share in the government does not accord with their preconceived ideas, stir up revolution. Those who excel in virtue have the best right of all to rebel (for they alone can with reason be deemed absolutely unequal), but then they are of all men the least inclined to do so. [1301b] There is also a superiority which is claimed by men of rank; for they are thought noble because they spring from wealthy and virtuous ancestors. Here then, so to speak, are opened the very springs and fountains of factional strife2; and hence arise two sorts of changes in ; the one affecting the constitution, when men seek to change from an existing form into some other, for example, from democracy into oligarchy, and from oligarchy into democracy, or from either of them into constitutional government

1 The Greek word here is isegoria which means ‘equality in the assembly of the people.’ It refers to equality and freedom of speech. 2 My emendation: The translator chose ‘revolution’ but the Greek staseon is refers more specifically to factions at odds with each other than revolution. 58 or aristocracy, and conversely; the other not affecting the constitution, when, without disturbing the form of government, whether oligarchy, or monarchy, or any other, they try to get the administration into their own hands. Further, there is a question of degree; an oligarchy, for example, may become more or less oligarchical, and a democracy more or less democratic; and in like manner the characteristics of the other forms of government may be more or less strictly maintained. Or the revolution may be directed against a portion of the constitution only, e.g., the establishment or overthrow of a particular office: as at Sparta it is said that attempted to overthrow the monarchy, and King Pausanias, the Ephoralty. At Epidamnus, too, the change was partial. For instead of phylarchs or heads of tribes, a council was appointed; but to this day the magistrates are the only members of the ruling class who are compelled to go to the Heliaea when an election takes place, and the office of the single archon was another oligarchical feature. Everywhere inequality is a cause of strife, but an inequality in which there is no proportion -- for instance, a perpetual monarchy among equals; and always it is the desire of equality which rises in rebellion. Now equality is of two kinds, numerical and proportional; by the first I mean sameness or equality in number or size; by the second, equality of ratios. For example, the excess of three over two is numerically equal to the excess of two over one; whereas four exceeds two in the same ratio in which two exceeds one, for two is the same part of four that one is of two, namely, the half. As I was saying before, men agree that justice in the abstract is proportion, but they differ in that some think that if they are equal in any respect they are equal absolutely, others that if they are unequal in any respect they should be unequal in all. Hence there are two principal forms of government, democracy and oligarchy; for good birth and virtue are rare, but wealth and numbers are more common. [1302a] In what city shall we find a hundred persons of good birth and of virtue? Whereas the rich everywhere abound. That a state should be ordered, simply and wholly, according to either kind of equality, is not a good thing; the proof is the fact that such forms of government never last. They are originally based on a mistake, and, as they begin badly, cannot fall to end badly. The inference is that both kinds of equality should be employed; numerical in some cases, and proportionate in others. Still democracy appears to be safer and less liable to strife than oligarchy. For in oligarchies there is the double danger of the oligarchs falling out among themselves and also with the people; but in there is only the danger of a quarrel with the oligarchs. No dissension worth mentioning arises among the people themselves. And we may further remark that a government which is composed of the middle class more nearly approximates to democracy than to oligarchy, and is the safest of the imperfect forms of government.

The following was long thought to have been written by Xenophon but that has, for some time now, been doubted. Because the actual author is unknown but the tone is soundly oligarchic, the document is now referred to as The Old Oligarch. It was probably written in the mid to late fourth century BC and clearly reflects the attitudes of those opposed to democracy.

The Old Oligarch Now, as concerning the Polity of the Athenians, and the type or manner of constitution which they have chosen, I praise it not, in so far as the very choice involves the welfare of the baser folk as opposed to that of the better class. I repeat, I withhold my praise 59 so far; but, given the fact that this is the type agreed upon, I propose to show that they set about its preservation in the right way; and that those other transactions in connection with it, which are looked upon as blunders by the rest of the Hellenic world, are the reverse. In the first place, I maintain, it is only just that the poorer class and the People of Athens should be better off than the men of birth and wealth, seeing that it is the people who man the fleet, and put round the city her girdle of power. The steersman,[5] the boatswain, the lieutenant, the look-out-man at the prow, the shipwright--these are the people who engird the city with power far rather than her heavy infantry and men of birth of quality. This being the case, it seems only just that offices of state should be thrown open to everyone both in the ballot and the show of hands, and that the right of speech should belong to any one who likes, without restriction. For, observe, there are many of these offices which, according as they are in good or in bad hands, are a source of safety or of danger to the People, and in these the People prudently abstains from sharing; as, for instance, it does not think it incumbent on itself to share in the functions of the general or of the commander of . The sovereign People recognises the fact that in forgoing the personal exercise of these offices, and leaving them to the control of the more powerful citizens, it secures the balance of advantage to itself. It is only those departments of government which bring emolument and assist the private estate that the People cares to keep in its own hands. In the next place, in regard to what some people are puzzled to explain--the fact that everywhere greater consideration is shown to the base, to poor people and to common folk, than to persons of good quality--so far from being a matter of surprise, this, as can be shown, is the keystone of the preservation of the democracy. It is these poor people, this common folk, this riff-raff, whose prosperity, combined with the growth of their numbers, enhances the democracy. Whereas, a shifting of fortune to the advantage of the wealthy and the better classes implies the establishment on the part of the commonalty of a strong power in opposition to itself. In fact, all the world over, the cream of society is in opposition to the democracy. Naturally, since the smallest amount of intemperance and injustice, together with the highest scrupulousness in the pursuit of excellence, is to be found in the ranks of the better class, while within the ranks of the People will be found the greatest amount of ignorance, disorderliness, rascality--poverty acting as a stronger incentive to base conduct, not to speak of lack of and ignorance, traceable to the lack of means which afflicts the average of mankind. [14] The objection may be raised that it was a mistake to allow the universal right of speech and a seat in council. These should have been reserved for the cleverest, the flower of the community. But here, again, it will be found that they are acting with wise deliberation in granting to even the baser sort the right of speech, for supposing only the better people might speak, or sit in council, blessings would fall to the lot of those like themselves, but to the commonalty the reverse of blessings. Whereas now, anyone who likes, any base fellow, may get up and discover something to the advantage of himself and his equals. It may be retorted: "And what sort of advantage either for himself or for the People can such a fellow be expected to hit upon?" The answer to which is, that in their judgment the ignorance and baseness of this fellow, together with his goodwill, are worth a great deal more to them than your superior person's virtue and wisdom, coupled with animosity. What it comes to, therefore, is that a state founded upon such institutions will not be the best state; but, given 60

a democracy, these are the right means to procure its preservation. The People, it must be borne in mind, does not demand that the city should be well governed and itself a slave. It desires to be free and to be master. As to bad legislation it does not concern itself about that.[19] In fact, what you believe to be bad legislation is the very source of the People's strength and freedom. But if you seek for good legislation, in the first place you will see the cleverest members of the community laying down the laws for the rest. And in the next place, the better class will curb and chastise the lower orders; the better class will deliberate on behalf of the state, and not suffer crack-brained fellows to sit in council, or to speak or vote in Parliament. No doubt; but under the weight of such blessings the People will in a very short time be reduced to slavery.

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The Persian Wars

Croesus, 'The first to subdue the Greeks' The story of the many conflicts between the Greeks and Persians begins, according to Herodotus, with Croesus, the king of Lydia:

Herodotus i.6 [6] Croesus was Lydian by race, the son of Alyattes and ruler of the nations which dwell on this side of the river Halys; which river, flowing from the South between the Syrians and the Paphlagonians, runs out towards the North Wind into that Sea which is called the .1 This Croesus, first of all the Barbarians of whom we have knowledge, subdued certain of the Hellenes and forced them to pay tribute, while others he gained over and made them his friends. Those whom he subdued were the Ionians, the Aeolians, and the Dorians who dwell in Asia; and those whom he made his friends were the Spartans. But before the reign of Croesus all the Hellenes were free.

While Croesus was expanding his dominions in , the Median Kingdom (in modern Iraq and ) was overthrown, in 550 BC, by Cyrus, the king of Persia (the province of Fars, in Iran). Despite the recent death of his son, seeing an opportunity, Croesus prepared to attack. Croesus was famous for two things; his great wealth and his love of Greek culture:

Herodotus i. 50 [50] …with great sacrifices he endeavoured to win the favour of the god at Delphi: for of all the animals that are fit for sacrifice he offered three thousands of each kind, and he heaped up couches overlaid with gold and overlaid with silver, and cups of gold, and robes of purple, and tunics, making of them a great pyre, and this he burnt up, hoping by these means the more to win over the god to the side of the Lydians: and he proclaimed to all the Lydians that every one of them should make sacrifice with that which each man had. And when he had finished the sacrifice, he melted down a vast quantity of gold, and of it he wrought half-plinths making them six palms in length and three in breadth, and in height one palm; and their number was one hundred and seventeen. Of these four were of pure gold weighing two talents and a half each, and others of gold alloyed with silver weighing two talents. And he caused to be made also an image of a lion of pure gold weighing ten talents; which lion, when the temple of Delphi was being burnt down, fell from off the half-plinths, for upon these it was set, and is placed now in the treasury of the Corinthians, weighing six talents and a half, for three talents and a half were melted away from it.

Croesus also sent gifts to the oracle of at Oropus.

Herodotus i.53 - 55 To the Lydians who were to carry these gifts to the temples Croesus gave charge that they should ask the Oracles this question also: Whether Croesus should march against the Persians, and if so, whether he should join with himself any army of men as his friends. And when the

1 The Black Sea. 62

Lydians had arrived at the places to which they had been sent and had dedicated the votive offerings, they inquired of the Oracles and said: "Croesus, king of the Lydians and of other nations, considering that these are the only true Oracles among men, presents to you gifts such as your revelations deserve, and asks you again now whether he shall march against the Persians, and if so, whether he shall join with himself any army of men as allies." They inquired thus, and the answers of both the Oracles agreed in one, declaring to Croesus that if he should march against the Persians he should destroy a great empire: and they counselled him to find out the most powerful of the Hellenes and join these with himself as friends. [54] So when the answers were brought back and Croesus heard them, he was delighted with the oracles, and expecting that he would certainly destroy the kingdom of Cyrus, he sent again to , and presented to the men of Delphi, having ascertained the number of them, two of gold for each man: and in return for this the Delphians gave to Croesus and to the Lydians precedence in consulting the Oracle and freedom from all payments, and the right to front seats at the games, with this privilege also for all time, that any one of them who wished should be allowed to become a citizen of Delphi. 55. And having made presents to the men of Delphi, Crœsus consulted the Oracle the third time; for from the time when he learnt the truth of the Oracle, he made abundant use of it. And consulting the Oracle he inquired whether his monarchy would endure for a long time. And the Pythian prophetess answered him thus: "But when it cometh to pass that a of the Medes shall be monarch Then by the pebbly , O Lydian delicate-footed, Flee and stay not, and be not ashamed to be called a coward."

The 'friends' Croesus found were the Spartans, who agreed to come to his assistance in the war: The Spartans never showed up. Of course the 'great empire' that was prophesied to fall was Croesus' and the 'mule' who ruled the Medes was Cyrus - half Mede on his mother's side and half Persian on his father's. After a battle near the Halys River, Cyrus besieged the capital, Sardis, and with the fall of Sardis the war ended.

Herodotus i.86 [86] The Persians then had obtained possession of Sardis and had taken Croesus himself prisoner, after he had reigned fourteen years1 and had been besieged fourteen days, having fulfilled the oracle in that he had brought to an end his own great empire. So the Persians having taken him brought him into the presence of Cyrus: and he piled up a great pyre and caused Croesus to go up upon it bound in fetters, and along with him twice seven sons of Lydians, whether it was that he meant to dedicate this offering as first-fruits of his victory to some god, or whether he desired to fulfil a vow, or else had heard that Croesus was a god-fearing man and so caused him to go up on the pyre because he wished to know if any one of the divine powers would save him, so that he should not be burnt alive. He, they say, did this; but to Croesus as he stood upon the pyre there came, although he was in such evil case, a memory of the saying of Solon, how he had said with divine inspiration that no one of the living might be called happy.2 And when this thought

1 The date (although disputed) is 547 BC. 2 See above The Greek Ethos; Herodotus i. 29 - 34. 63

came into his mind, they say that he sighed deeply and groaned aloud, having been for long silent, and three times he uttered the name of Solon. Hearing this, Cyrus bade the interpreters ask Croesus who was this person on whom he called; and they came near and asked. And Croesus for a time, it is said, kept silence when he was asked this, but afterwards being pressed he said: "One whom more than much wealth I should have desired to have speech with all monarchs." Then, since his words were of doubtful import, they asked again of that which he said; and as they were urgent with him and gave him no peace, he told how once Solon an Athenian had come, and having inspected all his wealth had made light of it, with such and such words; and how all had turned out for him according as Solon had said, not speaking at all especially with a view to Croesus himself, but with a view to the whole human race and especially those who seem to themselves to be happy men. And while Croesus related these things, already the pyre was lighted and the edges of it round-about were burning. Then they say that Cyrus, hearing from the interpreters what Croesus had said, changed his purpose and considered that he himself also was but a man, and that he was delivering another man, who had been not inferior to himself in felicity, alive to the fire; and moreover he feared the requital, and reflected that there was nothing of that which men possessed which was secure; therefore, they say, he ordered them to extinguish as quickly as possible the fire that was burning, and to bring down Croesus and those who were with him from the pyre; and they using endeavours were not able now to get the mastery of the flames.

Croesus was saved from the flames and the Lydian kingdom became part of the Persian Empire, as did the Greeks of the coast who had been subject to Croesus.

Herodotus i.141 [141] The Ionians and Aeolians, as soon as the Lydians had been subdued by the Persians, sent messengers to Cyrus at Sardis, desiring to be his subjects on the same terms as they had been subjects of Croesus. And when he heard that which they proposed to him, he spoke to them a fable, saying that a certain player on the pipe saw fishes in the sea and played on his pipe, supposing that they would come out to land; but being deceived in his expectation, he took a casting-net and enclosed a great multitude of the fishes and drew them forth from the water: and when he saw them leaping about, he said to the fishes: "Stop dancing I pray you now, seeing that you would not come out and dance before when I piped." Cyrus spoke this fable to the Ionians and Aeolians for this reason, because the Ionians had refused to comply before, when Cyrus himself by a messenger requested them to revolt from Croesus, while now when the conquest had been made they were ready to submit to Cyrus. Thus he said to them in anger, and the Ionians, when they heard this answer brought back to their cities, put walls round about them severally, and gathered together to the Panionion, all except the men of Miletus, for with these alone Cyrus had sworn an agreement on the same terms as the Lydians had granted. The rest of the Ionians resolved by common consent to send messengers to Sparta, to ask the Spartans to help the Ionians.

The Spartans were no more help to the Ionians than they were to Croesus and the first Ionian rebellion was easily subdued by Cyrus' army. The Aegean coast of Asia Minor was now the 64

western most boundary of the Persian Empire and before Cyrus died in 530 BC he had extended the eastern boundary to the Indus River forming the largest empire the world had yet seen. Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, conquered Egypt in 526 but he died in 522 BC. Darius I became king of Persia and in 513 he extended Persian dominion into Europe. He led a great army across the Bosphorus (the straights now straddled by ) and marched north into modern Bulgaria, Romania and the Ukraine - an area the Greeks called . Darius commanded his Ionian Greek subjects to follow the army with their ships and when they reached the Ister River (modern ) he employed the Ionians to construct and protect a rope bridge that was used to convey his army across the river. The thought they had found an opportunity, and sent messengers to the Ionians to destroy the bridge:

Herodotus iv.137 137. Upon this the Ionians took counsel together; and the Athenian on the one hand, who was commander and tyrant of the men of the Chersonese in the Hellespont, was of the opinion that they should follow the advice of the Scythians and set Ionia free: but Histiaeus the tyrant of Miletus was of the opposite opinion to this; for he said that at the present time it was by means of Darius that each one of them was ruling as despot over a city; and if the power of Darius should be destroyed, neither he himself would be able to bear rule over the Milesians, nor would any other of them be able to bear rule over any other city; for each of the cities would choose to have popular rather than despotic rule. When Histiaeus declared his opinion thus, forthwith all turned to this opinion, whereas at the first they were adopting that of Miltiades.

The Ionian tyrants protected the bridge, and when Darius failed to conquer Scythia and, with a deteriorating army, the Persians made use of that bridge make a retreat: Herodotus iv. 142 Thus the Persians escaped, and the Scythians in their search missed the Persians the second time also: and their judgment of the Ionians is that on the one hand, if they be regarded as free men, they are the most worthless and cowardly of all men, but on the other hand, if regarded as slaves, they are the most attached to their master and the least disposed to run away of all slaves. This is the reproach which is cast against the Ionians by the Scythians.

The Ionian Revolt In 499 BC, Histiaeus, the tyrant of Miletus, along with his cousin and father-in-law , tyrant of , convinced the Ionians to rebel from Persian rule. Aristagoras travelled to Hellas to win the support of either Sparta or Athens:

Herodotus v.49 - 50 [49] However, Aristagoras the despot of Miletus arrived at Sparta while Cleomenes was reigning: and accordingly with him he came to speech, having, as the Spartans say, a tablet of bronze, on which was engraved a map of the whole Earth, with all the and all the rivers. And when he came to converse with Cleomenes he said to him as follows: 65

"Marvel not, Cleomenes, at my earnestness in coming here, for the case is this: That the sons of the Ionians should be slaves instead of free is a reproach and a grief most of all indeed to ourselves, but of all others most to you, inasmuch as you are the leaders of Hellas. Now therefore I entreat you by the gods of Hellas to rescue from slavery the Ionians, who are your own kinsmen: and you may easily achieve this, for the Barbarians are not valiant in fight, whereas you have attained to the highest point of valour in that which relates to war: and their fighting is of this fashion, namely with bows and arrows and a short spear, and they go into battle wearing trousers and with caps on their heads. Thus they are easily conquered. Then again they who occupy that continent have good things in such quantity as not all the other nations of the world together possess; first gold, then silver and bronze and embroidered garments and beasts of burden and slaves; all which you might have for yourselves, if you so desired. And the nations moreover dwell in such order one after the other as I shall declare: The Ionians here; and next to them the Lydians, who not only dwell in a fertile land, but are also exceedingly rich in gold and silver." And as he said this he pointed to the map of the Earth, which he carried with him engraved upon the tablet; "and here next to the Lydians," continued Aristagoras, "are the Eastern , who have both the greatest number of sheep and cattle of any people that I know, and also the most abundant crops. Next to the Phrygians are the Cappadocians, whom we call Syrians; and bordering upon them are the Cilicians, coming down to this sea, in which lies the island of Cyprus here; and these pay five hundred talents to the king for their yearly tribute. Next to these Cilicians are the Armenians, whom you may see here, and these also have great numbers of sheep and cattle. Next to the Armenians are the Matienians occupying this country here; and next to them is the land of Cissia here, in which land by the banks of this river Choaspes is situated that city of where the great king has his residence, and where the money is laid up in treasuries. After you have taken this city you may then with good courage enter into a contest with Zeus in the matter of wealth. But can it be that you feel yourselves bound to take upon yourselves the risk of battles against Messenians and Arcadians and Argives, who are equally matched against you, for the sake of land which is not much in extent nor very fertile, and for confines which are but small, though these peoples have neither gold nor silver at all, for the sake of which desire incites one to fight and to die; can this be, I say, and will you choose some other way now, when it is possible for you easily to have the rule over all Asia?" Aristagoras spoke thus, and Cleomenes answered him saying: "Guest- friend from Miletus, I defer my answer to you until the day after to-morrow." [50] Thus far then they advanced at that time; and when the appointed day arrived for the answer, and they had come to the place agreed upon, Cleomenes asked Aristagoras how many days' journey it was from the sea of the Ionians to the residence of the king. Now Aristagoras, who in other respects acted cleverly and imposed upon him well, in this point made a mistake: for whereas he ought not to have told him the truth, at least if he desired to bring the Spartans out to Asia, he said in fact that it was a journey up from the sea of three months: And the other cutting short the rest of the account which Aristagoras had begun to give of the way, said: "Guest-friend from Miletus, get you away from Sparta before the sun has set; for you speak a word which sounds not well in the ears of the Spartans, desiring to take them a journey of three months from the sea." 66

Failing to gain the support of Sparta, Aristagoras went to Athens: Herodotus v. 97 [97] While they had these thoughts and had been set at enmity with the Persians, at this very time Aristagoras the Milesian, ordered away from Sparta by Cleomenes, arrived at Athens; for this was the city which had most power of all the rest besides Sparta. And Aristagoras came forward before the assembly of the people and said the same things as he had said at Sparta about the wealth which there was in Asia, and about the Persian manner of making war, how they used neither shield nor spear and were easy to overcome. Thus I say he said, and also he added this, namely that the Milesians were colonists from the Athenians, and that it was reasonable that the Athenians should rescue them, since they had such great power; and there was nothing which he did not promise, being very urgent in his request, until at last he persuaded them: for it would seem that it is easier to deceive many than one, seeing that, though he did not prove able to deceive Cleomenes the Lacedaemonian by himself, yet he did this to thirty thousand Athenians. The Athenians then, I say, being persuaded, voted a resolution to despatch twenty ships to help the Ionians, and appointed to command them one of their citizens, who was in all things highly reputed. These ships proved to be the beginning of evils for the Hellenes and the Barbarians.

The Ionian Revolt began with a surprise attack on Sardis, in which the temple of was burned, but the Persians quickly responded. It took Darius' officers seven years to put the revolt down and after the territories were recovered Darius ordered his generals to keep moving west and punish the Athenians. Darius' efforts against Athens seem out of proportion to her involvement, but it is important to remember that Athens had, in 508 or 7, promised submission to Persia. In Darius' mind, he had been attacked by his own subject. Darius ordered an invasion of Greece in 492 but it failed to make it even to mainland Greece. In 490 another invasion force landed at Marathon, only 26 miles from Athens. The Athenians petitioned the other Greek states for assistance but none save the Plataeans would offer any support: Herodotus vi. 106 [106] …"Spartans, the Athenians make request of you to come to their help and not to allow a city most anciently established among the Hellenes to fall into slavery by the means of Barbarians; for even now Eretria has been enslaved, and Hellas has become the weaker by a city of renown." He, as I say, reported to them that with which he had been charged, and it pleased them well to come to help the Athenians; but it was impossible for them to do so at once, since they did not desire to break their law; for it was the ninth day of the month, and on the ninth day they said they would not go forth, nor until the circle of the moon should be full.1 [107] These men were waiting for the full moon: and meanwhile Hippias the son of Peisistratus was guiding the Barbarians in to Marathon, after having seen on the night that was just past a vision in his sleep of this kind; it to Hippias that he lay with his own

1 This was the Careneia, A festival of Apollo celebrated by the Spartans in mid-summer. In 490, the likely candidates are the full moons of 10 August and 9 September. 67

mother. He conjectured then from the that he should return to Athens and recover his rule, and then bring his life to an end in old age in his own land. From the dream, I say, he conjectured this; and after this, as he guided them in, first he disembarked the slaves from Eretria on the island belonging to the Styrians, called Aigleia; and then, as the ships came in to shore at Marathon, he moored them there, and after the Barbarians had come from their ships to land, he was engaged in disposing them in their places. While he was ordering these things, it came upon him to sneeze and cough more violently than was his wont. Then since he was advanced in years, most of his teeth were shaken thereby, and one of these teeth he cast forth by the violence of the cough: and the tooth having fallen from him upon the sand, he was very desirous to find it; since however the tooth was not to be found when he searched, he groaned aloud and said to those who were by him: "This land is not ours, nor shall we be able to make it subject to us; but so much part in it as belonged to me the tooth possesses."

The Herodotus vi. 109 – 111 [109] Now the opinions of the generals of the Athenians were divided, and the one party urged that they should not fight a battle, seeing that they were too few to fight with the army of the Medes, while the others, and among them Miltiades, advised that they should do so: and when they were divided and the worse opinion was like to prevail, then, since he who had been chosen by lot to be of the Athenians had a vote in addition to the ten (for in old times the Athenians gave the Polemarch an equal vote with the generals) and at that time the Polemarch was of the of Aphidnae, to him came Miltiades and said as follows: "With you now it rests, Callimachus, either to bring Athens under slavery, or by making her free to leave behind you for all the time that men shall live a memorial such as not even Harmodius and have left. For now the Athenians have come to a danger the greatest to which they have ever come since they were a people; and on the one hand, if they submit to the Medes, it is determined what they shall suffer, being delivered over to Hippias, while on the other hand, if this city shall gain the victory, it may become the first of the cities of Hellas. How this may happen and how it comes to you of all men to have the decision of these matters, I am now about to tell. Of us the generals, who are ten in number, the opinions are divided, the one party urging that we fight a battle and the others that we do not fight. Now if we do not, I expect that some great spirit of discord will fall upon the minds of the Athenians and so shake them that they shall go over to the Medes; but if we fight a battle before any unsoundness appear in any part of the Athenian people, then we are able to gain the victory in the fight, if the gods grant equal conditions. These things then all belong to you and depend on you; for if you attach yourself to my opinions, you have both a fatherland which is free and a native city which shall be the first among the cities of Hellas; but if you choose the opinion of those who are earnest against fighting, you shall have the opposite of those good things of which I told you."

[110] Thus speaking Miltiades gained Callimachus to his side; and the opinion of the Polemarch being added, it was thus determined to fight a battle. After this, those generals 68 whose opinion was in favour of fighting, as the turn of each one of them to command for the day came round, gave over their command to Miltiades; and he, accepting it, would not however yet bring about a battle, until his own turn to command had come.

[111] And when it came round to him, then the Athenians were drawn up for battle in the order which here follows: On the right wing the Polemarch Callimachus was leader (for the custom of the Athenians then was this, that the Polemarch should have the right wing); and he leading, next after him came the tribes in order as they were numbered one after another, and last were drawn up the Plataeans occupying the left wing: for ever since this battle, when the Athenians offer sacrifices in the solemn assemblies which are made at the four-yearly festivals, the herald of the Athenians prays thus, "that blessings may come to the Athenians and to the Plataeans both." On this occasion however, when the Athenians were being drawn up at Marathon something of this kind was done: Their army being made equal in length of front to that of the Medes, came to drawn up in the middle with a depth of but few ranks, and here their army was weakest, while each wing was strengthened with numbers.

Plutarch reports a slightly different version:

Plutarch, Aristides 5 [5.5] Now when , on being sent by Darius ostensibly to punish the Athenians for burning Sardis, but really to subdue all the Hellenes, put in at Marathon with all his armament and went to ravaging the country, then, of the ten generals appointed by the Athenians for the conduct of the war, it was Miltiades who enjoyed the greatest consideration, but in reputation and influence Aristides was second. [2] By adopting at that time the opinion of Miltiades about the battle to be fought, he did much to tum the scale in its favour. And since each general held the chief authority for a single day in tum, when the command came round to him, he handed it over to Miltiades, thereby teaching his fellow-officers that to obey and follow men of wisdom is not disgraceful, but dignified and salutary. By thus appeasing the jealousy of his colleagues and inducing them to be cheerfully contented in the adoption of a single opinion (and that the best), he confirmed Miltiades in the strength which comes from an unrestricted power. For each of the other generals at once relinquished his own right to command for a day in turn, and put himself under the orders of Miltiades.

Herodotus vi. 112 - 16 [112] And when they had been arranged in their places and the sacrifices proved favourable, then the Athenians were let go, and they set forth at a run to attack the Barbarians. Now the space between the armies was not less than eight stadia:1 and the Persians seeing them advancing to the attack at a run, made preparations to receive them; and in their minds they charged the Athenians with madness which must be fatal, seeing that they were few and yet were pressing forwards at a run, having neither cavalry nor archers. Such was the thought of the Barbarians; but the Athenians, when all in a body

1 About 1.4 kilometers. 69 they had joined in combat with the Barbarians, fought in a memorable fashion: for they were the first of all the Hellenes about whom we know who went to attack the enemy at a run, and they were the first also who endured to face the Median garments and the men who wore them, whereas up to this time the very name of the Medes was to the Hellenes a terror to hear.

[113] Now while they fought in Marathon, much time passed by; and in the centre of the army, where the Persians themselves and the Sacans were drawn up, the Barbarians were winning: Here, I say, the Barbarians had broken the ranks of their opponents and were pursuing them inland, but on both wings the Athenians and the Plataeans severally were winning the victory; and being victorious they left that part of the Barbarians which had been routed to fly without molestation, and bringing together the two wings they fought with those who had broken their centre, and the Athenians were victorious. So they followed after the Persians as they fled, slaughtering them, until they came to the sea; and then they called for fire and began to take hold of the ships.

[114] In this part of the work was slain the polemarch Callimachus after having proved himself a good man, and also one of the generals, Stesilaus the son of Thrasylaus, was killed; and besides this Cynegeirus the son of Euphorion while taking hold there of the ornament at the stern of a ship had his hand cut off with an axe and fell; and many others also of the Athenians who were men of note were killed.

[115] Seven of the ships the Athenians got possession of in this manner, but with the rest the Barbarians pushed off from land, and after taking the captives from Eretria off the island where they had left them, they sailed round Sunion, purposing to arrive at the city before the Athenians. And an accusation became current among the Athenians to the effect that they formed this design by contrivance of the ; for these, it was said, having concerted matters with the Persians, displayed to them a shield when they had now embarked in their ships.

[116] These then, I say, were sailing round Sunium; and meanwhile the Athenians came to the rescue back to the city as speedily as they could, and they arrived there before the Barbarians came; and having arrived from the temple of Heracles at Marathon they encamped at another temple of Heracles, namely that which is in Cynosarges. The Barbarians however came and lay with their ships in the sea which is off Phaleron, (for this was then the seaport of the Athenians), they anchored their ships, I say, off this place, and then proceeded to sail back to Asia.

Xerxes’ Invasion The great invasion of Greece by Xerxes, and the miraculous victory by the Greeks against overwhelming odds is one of the most inspiring and enduring stories in the western episteme.

Diodorus xi. 1.2 - 2.2 [1.2] Calliades being Archon of Athens, Spurius Cassius and Proclus Virginias 70

Tricostus, consuls at , in the seventy-fifth Olympiad,1 celebrated at , (in which Asylius, the Syracusan was victor), Xerxes raised an army against the Greeks for the following reason: [3] , the Persian, was cousin to Xerxes and related by marriage, and of great esteem among the Persians for his valour and prudence. This man, prompted forward by the greatness of his spirit, and the heat of his youth, burned with ambition to be general of so great an army as that expedition required; and therefore persuaded Xerxes that he would bend all his power to subdue the Greeks, those implacable enemies of the Persians. [4] Being brought over to close with this advice, Xerxes determined utterly to destroy and root them up: and to that end sent ambassadors to Carthage, to treat with them concerning the joining of their forces together; whereupon it was thus agreed between them that Xerxes should land his forces in Greece and that the Carthaginians at the same time should, with a great army, invade the Greeks in Italy and Sicily. [5] According to which compact the Carthaginians raised a great sum of money, and hired many soldiers out of the provinces of Liguria in Italy, Gallia, and Iberia; and raised men of their own throughout all Libya, and out of Carthage itself. In which preparations were spent three years, and an army of three hundred thousand men were mustered, and two hundred ships fitted out.

[2.1] On the other part Xerxes, stirred up by the industry of the Carthaginians, by way of emulation, as far exceeded them in warlike preparations, as he did in dominion and empire. He commanded ships to be built everywhere upon the sea-coasts within his dominions, as Egypt, Phoenicia, and Cyprus, and likewise through Cilicia, , , Lycia, Caria, , Troas, the cities of the Hellespont, Pontus, and , and in three years, as the Carthaginians had done, set forth above twelve hundred warships. [2] And this was the better accomplished by means of the preparations of those great forces raised by Darius, his father in his life time. For Datis, Darius' general, being not long before overcome by the Athenians in the battle of Marathon, Darius ever afterwards bore an implacable hatred against them: but just as he was ready to pass over into Greece, he was prevented by death. Xerxes, therefore, encouraged both by his father's assistance and the advice of Mardonius (as is before related) resolved to invade Greece.

Darius had intended another invasion attempt, but Egypt rose in revolt against Persian rule in 487 and in October of 486 Darius died. He was succeeded by his son, Xerxes whose first priority was the re-conquest of Egypt. By 481 Xerxes was ready for the invasion of Greece:

Herodotus vii. 20 20. During four full years from the conquest of Egypt Xerxes was preparing the army and the things that were of service for the army, and in the course of the fifth year he began his campaign with a host of great multitude. For of all the armies of which we have knowledge this proved to be by far the greatest; so that neither that led by Darius against the Scythians2 appears anything as compared with it, nor the Scythian host, when the

1 480/79 BC 2 513 BC. 71

Scythians pursuing the Cimmerians made invasion of the Median land and subdued and occupied nearly all the upper parts of Asia,1 for which invasion afterwards Darius attempted to take vengeance, nor that led by the sons of Atreus to Ilium,2 to judge by that which is reported of their expedition, nor that of the and Teucrians, before the Trojan war, who passed over into Europe by the Bosphorus and not only subdued all the Thracians, but came down also as far as the and marched southwards to the river Peneios.3

The army was assembled as it marched through Anatolia with Sardis as the first mustering point:

Herodotus vii. 32 [32] Having come to Sardis he proceeded first to send heralds to Hellas, to ask for earth and water, and also to give notice beforehand to prepare meals for the king; except that he sent neither to Athens nor Sparta to ask for earth, but to all the other States: and the reason why he sent the second time to ask for earth and water was this: as many as had not given at the former time to Darius when he sent, these he thought would certainly give now by reason of their fear: this matter it was about which he desired to have certain knowledge, and he sent accordingly.

They crossed the Hellespont and mustered at Doriscus where Xerxes counted his forces:

Herodotus vii. 59 – 60 [59] Now Doriscus is a sea-beach and plain of great extent in Thrace, and through it flows the great river Hebrus: here a royal fortress had been built, the same which is now called Doriscus, and a garrison of Persians had been established in it by Darius, ever since the time when he went on his march against the Scythians. It seemed then to Xerxes that the place was convenient to order his army and to number it throughout, and so he proceeded to do. The commanders of the ships at the bidding of Xerxes had brought all their ships, when they arrived at Doriscus, up to the sea-beach which adjoins Doriscus, on which there is situated both Sale, a city of the Samothracians, and also , and of which the extreme point is the promontory of Serreion, which is well known; and the region belonged in ancient time to the Ciconians. To this beach then they had brought in their ships, and having drawn them up on land they were letting them get dry: and during this time he proceeded to number the army at Doriscus.

[60] Now of the number which each separate nation supplied I am not able to give certain information, for this is not reported by any persons; but of the whole land-army taken together the number proved to be one million, seven hundred thousand: and they numbered them throughout in the following manner: They gathered together in one place a body of men, and packing them together as closely as they could, they drew

1 ca 645 – 617 BC. 2 The Trojan War, ca 1182 BC, a semi-mythical event. 3 A mythical event. 72

a circle round outside: and thus having drawn a circle round and having let the ten thousand men go from it, they built a wall of rough stones round the circumference of the circle, rising to the height of a man's navel. Having made this, they caused others to go into the space which had been built round, until they had in this manner numbered them all throughout: and after they had numbered them, they ordered them separately by nations.

The passage above is the cause of much criticism of Herodotus as an historian, and of the validity of his Histories. Few scholars accept the 1.7 million number as valid, or even possible. Later (vii.185), Herodotus adds the number of men in the fleet and those added as they marched and arrives at a grand total of 2,641,610. One approach, and widely accepted, is to take Herodotus' numbers at a value of 1/10 and presume a Persian army in the range of 265,000.

Herodotus vii. 100 – 104 [100] Then when Xerxes had numbered the army, and it had been arranged in divisions, he had a mind to drive through it himself and inspect it: and afterwards he proceeded so to do; and driving through in a chariot by each nation, he inquired about them and his scribes wrote down the names, until he had gone from end to end both of the horse and of the foot. When he had done this, the ships were drawn down into the sea, and Xerxes changing from his chariot to a ship of Sidon sat down under a golden canopy and sailed along by the prows of the ships, asking of all just as he had done with the land-army, and having the answers written down. And the captains had taken their ships out to a distance of about four hundred feet from the beach and were staying them there, all having turned the prows of the ships towards the shore in an even line and having armed all the fighting-men as for war; and he inspected them sailing within, between the prows of the ships and the beach.

[101] Now when he had sailed through these and had disembarked from his ship, he sent for the son of Ariston,1 who was marching with him against Hellas; and having called him he asked as follows: "Demaratus, now it is my pleasure to ask you somewhat which I desire to know. You are not only a Hellene, but also, as I am informed both by you and by the other Hellenes who I have spoken to, of a city which is neither the least nor the feeblest of Hellas. Now therefore declare to me this, namely whether the Hellenes will endure to raise hands against me: for, as I suppose, even if all the Hellenes and the remaining nations who dwell towards the West should be gathered together, they are not strong enough in fight to endure my attack, supposing them to be my enemies. I desire however to be informed also of your opinion, what do you say about these matters." He inquired thus, and the other made answer and said: "O king, shall I utter the truth in speaking to you, or that which will give pleasure?" and he bade him utter the truth, saying that he should suffer nothing unpleasant in consequence of this, any more than he suffered before.

11 Briefly king of Sparta, Demaratus was impeached when the legitimacy of his birth was questioned. He defected to Persia. 73

[102] When Demaratus heard this, he spoke as follows: "O king, since you ask me by all means to utter the truth, and so speak as one who shall not be afterwards convicted by you of having spoken falsely, I say this: With Hellas poverty is ever inbred, while valour is learned, being acquired by intelligence and the force of law; and of it Hellas makes use ever to avert from herself not only poverty but also servitude to a master. Now I commend all the Hellenes who are settled in those Dorian lands, but this which I am about to say has regard not to all, but to the Spartans alone: of these I say, first that it is not possible that they will ever accept your terms, which carry with them servitude for Hellas; and next I say that they will stand against you in fight, even if all the other Hellenes shall be of your party. And as for numbers, ask now how many they are, that they are able to do this; for whether it chances that a thousand of them have come out into the field, these will fight with you, or if there be less than this, or again if there be more."

[103] Xerxes hearing this laughed, and said: "Demaratus, what a speech is this which you have made, saying that a thousand men will fight with this vast army! Come tell me this: your say that you were yourself king of these men; will you therefore agree now to fight with ten men? and yet if your State is such throughout as you describe it, you their king ought by your laws to stand in array against double as many as another man; that is to say, if each of them is a match for ten men of my army, I expect of you that you should be a match for twenty. Thus would be confirmed the report which is made by you: but if you, who boast thus greatly are such men and in size so great only as the Hellenes who come commonly to speech with me, yourself included, then beware lest this which has been spoken prove but an empty vaunt. For come, let me examine it by all that is probable: how could a thousand or ten thousand or even fifty thousand, at least if they were all equally free and were not ruled by one man, stand against so great an army? Since, as you know, we will be more than a thousand coming about each one of them, supposing them to be in number five thousand. If indeed they were ruled by one man after our fashion, they might perhaps from fear of him become braver than it was their nature to be, or they might go compelled by the lash to fight with greater numbers, being themselves fewer in number; but if left at , they would do neither of these things: and I for my part suppose that, even if equally matched in numbers, the Hellenes would hardly dare to fight with the Persians taken alone. With us however this of which you speak is found in single men, not indeed often, but rarely; for there are Persians of my spearmen who will consent to fight with three men of the Hellenes at once: but you have had no experience of these things and therefore you speak very much at random."

[104] To this Demaratus replied: "O king, from the first I was sure that if I uttered the truth I should not speak that which was pleasing to you; since however you did compel me to speak the very truth, I told you of the matters which concern the Spartans. And yet how I am at this present time attached to them by affection you know better than any; seeing that first they took away from me the rank and privileges which came to me from my fathers, and then also they have caused me to be without native land and an exile; but your father took me up and gave me livelihood and a house to dwell in. Surely it is not to be supposed likely that the prudent man will thrust aside friendliness which is offered to 74

him, but rather that he will accept it with full contentment. And I do not profess that I am able to fight either with ten men or with two, nay, if I had my will, I would not even fight with one; but if there were necessity or if the cause which urged me to the combat were a great one, I would fight most willingly with one of these men who says that he is a match for three of the Hellenes. So also the Spartans are not inferior to any men when fighting one by one, and they are the best of all men when fighting in a body: for though free, yet they are not free in all things, for over them is set Law as a master, whom they fear much more even than your people fear you. It is certain at least that they do whatsoever that master commands; and he commands ever the same thing, that is to say, he bids them not flee out of battle from any multitude of men, but stay in their post and win the victory or lose their life. But if when I say these things I seem to you to be speaking at random, of other things for the future I prefer to be silent; and at this time I spoke only because I was compelled. May it come to pass however according to your mind, O king."

There is no reason to accept speeches like the one reproduced above as historically accurate. How could Herodotus have known the intimate details of conversations that took place between Xerxes and his advisors? The inclusion of this and other speeches like it is a literary device whereby the author, Herodotus in this case, can use a convenient character within the narrative to impart information or opinion to the reader. We might also see Demaratus as a Wise Advisor, or Truth Teller, a character often employed in fictional literature and drama. As the Persian army advanced across Thrace many Greeks believed that resistance was impossible and decided to send 'earth and water' to the king.

Herodotus vii. 131 - 33 [131] He then was staying in the region of Pieria many days, for the road over the mountains of Macedonia was being cut meanwhile by a third part of his army, that all the host might pass over by this way into the land of the Perrhaebians: and now the heralds returned who had been sent to Hellas to demand the gift of earth, some empty-handed and others bearing earth and water.1 [132] And among those who gave that which was demanded were the following, namely the Thessalians, Dolopes, Enienes, Perrhaebians, , Megnesians, Melians, Achaeans of Phthiotis, and Thebans, with the rest of the Boeotians also excepting the Thespians and Plataeans. Against these the Hellenes who took up war with the Barbarian made an oath; and the oath was this; that whosoever being Hellenes had given themselves over to the Persian, not being compelled, these, if their own affairs should come to a good conclusion, they would dedicate as an offering to the god at Delphi.2

[133] Thus ran the oath which was taken by the Hellenes: Xerxes however had not sent to Athens or to Sparta heralds to demand the gift of earth, and for this reason, namely because at the former time when Darius had sent for this very purpose, the one people threw the men who made the demand into the pit and the others into a well, and

1 Refers to vii.32. Xerxes had sent these heralds while still at Sardis 2 ‘should be tithed’ and the implication here is that one tenth of their property be given to Delphi. This is the view of Macan but How and Wells agree with the Godley translation – that these cities be destroyed, the populations sold and all proceeds to go to Delphi. 75

bade them take from thence earth and water and bear them to the king. For this reason Xerxes did not send men to make this demand. And what evil thing came upon the Athenians for having done this to the heralds, I am not able to say, except indeed that their land and city were laid waste; but I do not think that this happened for that cause.

Artemisium The Greek coalition had not been idle, they assembled a fleet at Artemisium.

Plutarch, 3.4 - 4.1 [3.4] …Now the rest of his countrymen thought that the defeat of the Barbarians at Marathon was the end of the war; but Themistocles thought it to be only the beginning of greater contests, and for these he anointed himself, as it were, to be the champion of all Hellas, and put his city into training, because, while it was yet afar off, he expected the evil that was to come. [4.1] And so, in the first place, whereas the Athenians were wont to divide up among themselves the revenue coming from the silver mines at Laurium, he, and he alone, dared to come before the people with a motion that this division be given up, and that with these moneys triremes be constructed for the war against Aegina. This was the fiercest war then troubling Hellas, and the islanders controlled the sea, owing to the number of their ships. Wherefore all the more easily did Themistocles carry his point, not by trying to terrify the citizens with dreadful pictures of Darius or the Persians.

Thermopylae The Spartans were the leaders of the Greek coalition and they determined that could not be defended, but that the Peloponnese could be defended at the Isthmus of Corinth. It was decided then to construct a wall across the Isthmus. However, some of the Greeks responded to a plea from the Thessalians to make a defense at the Tempe Pass, between Mt. Olympus and Mt. Ossa. A force of 10,000 soldiers were dispatched to the pass but they were advised by Alexander, King of the Macedonians, that their position was untenable and they decided to withdraw.

Herodotus vii. 175 [175] When the Greeks had returned to the Isthmus, they deliberated, having regard to that which had been said by Alexander, where and in what regions they should set the war on foot: and the opinion which prevailed was to guard the pass at ; for it was seen to be narrower than that leading into Thessaly, and at the same time it was single, and nearer also to their own land; and as for the path by means of which were taken those of the Hellenes who were taken by the enemy at Thermopylae, they did not even know of its existence until they were informed by the people of after they had come to Thermopylae. This pass then they resolved to guard, and not permit the Barbarian to go by into Hellas; and they resolved that the fleet should sail to Artemesium in the territory of Histiaea: for these points are near to one another, so that each division of their forces could have information of what was happening to the other. 76

Herodotus vii. 201 - 204 [201] King Xerxes, I say, was encamped within the region of Trachis in the land of the , and the Greeks within the pass. This place is called by the Greeks in general Thermopylae, but by the natives of the place and those who dwell in the country round it is called Pylae.1 Both sides then were encamped hereabout, and the one had command of all that lies beyond Trachis in the direction of the North Wind, and the others of that which tends towards the South Wind and the mid-day on this side of the continent. [202] These were the Greeks who awaited the attack of the Persian in this place: Of the Spartans three hundred ; of the men of and a thousand, half from each place, from in Arcadia a hundred and twenty, and from the rest of Arcadia a thousand. These were the Arcadians: From Corinth four hundred, from two hundred, and of the men of Mycenae eighty. These were they who came from the Peloponnese; and from the Boeotians seven hundred of the Thespians, and of the Thebans four hundred.

[203] In addition to these the Locrians of Opus had been summoned to come in their full force, and of the Phocians a thousand: for the Hellenes had of themselves sent a summons to them, saying by messengers that they had come as forerunners of the others, that the rest of the allies were to be expected every day, that their sea was safely guarded, being watched by the Athenians and the Aeginetans and by those who had been appointed to serve in the fleet, and that they need fear nothing: for he was not a god, they said, who was coming to attack Hellas, but a man; and there was no mortal, nor would be any, with those fortunes evil had not been mingled at his very birth, and the greatest evils for the greatest men; therefore he also who was marching against them, being mortal, would be destined to fail of his expectation. They accordingly, hearing this, came to the assistance of the others at Trachis.

[204] Of these troops, although there were other commanders also according to the State to which each belonged, yet he who was most held in regard and who was leader of the whole army was the Lacedaemonian Leonidas son of Anaxandrides…

[205] …He then at this time went to Thermopylae, having chosen the three hundred who were appointed by law and men who had sons;2 and he took with him besides, before he arrived, those Thebans whom I mentioned when I reckoned them in the number of the troops, of whom the commander was Leontiades the son of Eurymachos: and for this reason Leonidas was anxious to take up these with him of all the Greeks, namely because accusations had been strongly brought against them that they were taking the side of the Medes; therefore he summoned them to the war, desiring to know whether they would send troops with them or whether they would openly renounce the alliance of the Greeks;

1 Pylae’ means ‘the Gates’ and ‘Thermo – Pylae’ means ‘the Hot Gates.’ 2 This passage is vague and scholars have long debated the appropriate interpretation. It seems that the point here is that Leonidas had dismissed his normal bodyguard and selected a group of 300 men who all had sons so that the deaths of these men would not bring an end to their family line. 77 and they sent men, having other thoughts in their mind the while. [206] These with Leonidas the Spartans had sent out first, in order that seeing them the other allies might join in the campaign, and for fear that they also might take the side of the Medes, if they heard that the Spartans were putting off their action. Afterwards, however, when they had kept the festival, (for the festival of the Carneia stood in their way), they intended then to leave a garrison in Sparta and to come to help in full force with speed: and just so also the rest of the allies had thought of doing themselves; for it chanced that the Olympic festival fell at the same time as these events.1 Accordingly, since they did not suppose that the fighting in Thermopylae would so soon be decided, they sent only the forerunners of their force.

A slightly different account is given by Diodorus:

Diodorus xi. 4. 1 - 7 [1] The general council of Greece being informed that the forces of the Persians approached, it was ordered that the Greek fleet should forthwith sail to Artemisium in Euboea, judging that to be the most convenient place to oppose the enemy: and a guard of men at arms were sent to Thermopylae, sufficient, as was conceived, to secure the straits and passages, and repel the barbarians: for it was determined, with all haste and speed, to defend on every side all those that took part with the Greeks, and with their forces every way to preserve their confederates. [2] , a Lacedaemonian, was of the whole fleet; Leonidas, general of Sparta, commanded the forces sent to Thermopylae, a brave man and an excellent soldier, Leonidas, taking upon him the command, chose only a thousand men out of the army to follow him in this expedition. [3] But the , or common council, advising him to take a greater number against so powerful an enemy, yea, commanding him so to do he, in an enigmatic reply, said that in truth, the number was too few to keep the pass against the barbarians, but too many to accomplish their task. [4] Receiving this dark answer, they asked him whether he led out the army upon any slight and inconsiderable attempt. He returned in answer that in words and talk he was to lead them to defend the passages, but in truth, and in the event, to die for the common liberty. Therefore, if these thousand which he had chosen might go along with him, the fame of Sparta would be advanced even by their destruction: but if all the Spartans should go thither, the very Lacedaemonian name would be utterly extinct, they being men never used to fly to save themselves. [5] Upon this there were allotted to him a thousand Spartans; three hundred Spartiates, and three thousand other Greeks. [6] Leonidas marched with a total of four thousand soldiers to Thermopylae. But the Locrians who inhabited near the passages, had given earth and water to the Persians, and had promised to seize the passes. But when they perceived Leonidas to advance to Thermopylae, they revolted and joined the Greeks. [7] There were, then, at Thermopylae, a thousand Locrians, as many Milesians and near a thousand Phocians, four hundred Thebans, of a different faction sided now with Greece: for the Thebans that were in a confederacy with the Persians were divided amongst themselves. This then is the number of the army which under Leonidas came to Thermopylae, and there prepared themselves

1 The 75th Olympiad would have been celebrated from 16 - 19 August of 480 BC. 78

to bear the brunt of the whole strength of the Persians.

The various contingents and their numbers needn't concern us as much as the message: Herodotus, writing to an Athenian audience in the opening years of the Peloponnesian War, in which Thebes and Sparta were the most aggressive antagonists against Athens, suggests that the Spartans had no intention of defending Greece north of the Isthmus and that the Thebans were brought to Thermopylae as hostages. Diodorus, writing nearly 400 years later, when all of Greece was within the and Thebes had long ago been destroyed by , suggests that the Spartans were determined to defend all of Greece and that many of the Thebans had refused the Persian alliance.

Herodotus vii. 207 [207] These, I say, had intended to do thus: and meanwhile the Hellenes at Thermopylae, when the Persian had come near to the pass, were in dread, and deliberated about making retreat from their position. To the rest of the Peloponnesians then it seemed best that they should go to the Peloponnese and hold the Isthmus in guard; but Leonidas, when the Phocians and Locrians were indignant at this opinion, gave his vote for remaining there, and for sending at the same time messengers to the several States bidding them to come up to help them, since they were but few to repel the army of the Medes.

According to Herodotus, Xerxes waited five days before attempting to force the pass, expecting that the Greeks would retreat in the face of such overwhelming odds. But the Greek forces were relying of the narrowness of the pass in which only small numbers of soldiers could engage at any time. Xerxes had no choice but to engage in battle:

Herodotus vii. 210 - 11 [210] …Xerxes let four days go by, expecting always that they would take to flight; but on the fifth day, when they did not depart but remained, being obstinate, as he thought, in impudence and folly, he was enraged and sent against them the Medes and the Cissians, charging them to take the men alive and bring them into his presence. Then when the Medes moved forward and attacked the Hellenes, there fell many of them, and others kept coming up continually, and they were not driven back, though suffering great loss: and they made it evident to every man, and to the king himself not least of all, that human beings are many but men are few. This combat went on throughout the day:

[211] and when the Medes were being roughly handled, then these retired from the battle, and the Persians, those namely whom the king called "Immortals," of whom was commander, took their place and came to the attack, supposing that they at least would easily overcome the enemy. When however these also engaged in combat with the Hellenes, they gained no more success than the Median troops but the same as they, seeing that they were fighting in a place with a narrow passage, using shorter spears than the Hellenes, and not being able to take advantage of their superior numbers. The Spartans meanwhile were fighting in a memorable fashion, and besides other things of which they made display, being men perfectly skilled in fighting opposed to men who were unskilled, they would turn their backs to the enemy and make a pretence of taking to 79

flight; and the Barbarians, seeing them thus taking a flight, would follow after them with shouting and clashing of arms: then the Spartans, when they were being caught up, turned and faced the Barbarians; and thus turning round they would slay innumerable multitudes of the Persians; and there fell also at these times a few of the Spartans themselves. So, as the Persians were not able to obtain any success by making trial of the entrance and attacking it by divisions and every way, they retired back.

The Greek forces were able to resist the Persian attacks for several days. , a local who knew the area well, betrayed the existence of a higher mountain pass to Xerxes, one that led from the Persian position, over the mountain and rejoining the main road to the south of the Greek position. That pass was guarded by 1000 Phocians, but a Persian force was able to scale the pass in the night and overwhelm the Phocians. With this new route secure, the Persians surrounded the Greek forces.

Herodotus vii. 219 [219] To the Hellenes who were in Thermopylae first the soothsayer Megistias, after looking into the victims which were sacrificed, declared the death which was to come to them at dawn of day; and afterwards deserters brought the report of the Persians having gone round. These signified it to them while it was yet night, and thirdly came the day- watchers, who had run down from the heights when day was already dawning. Then the Hellenes deliberated, and their opinions were divided; for some urged that they should not desert their post, while others opposed this counsel. After this they departed from their assembly, and some went away and dispersed each to their several cities, while others of them were ready to remain there together with Leonidas.

Leonidas, understanding that it was now impossible to hold the Gates, dismissed the allies and prepared for the final assault:

Herodotus vii. 222 - 26 [222] The allies then who were dismissed departed and went away, obeying the word of Leonidas, and only the Thespians and the Thebans remained behind with the Spartans. Of these the Thebans stayed against their will and not because they desired it, for Leonidas kept them, counting them as hostages; but the Thespians very willingly, for they said that they would not depart and leave Leonidas and those with him, but they stayed behind and died with them. The commander of these was Demophilos the son of Diadromes.

[223] …The Barbarians accordingly with Xerxes were advancing to the attack; and the Hellenes with Leonidas, feeling that they were going forth to death, now advanced out much further than at first into the broader part of the defile; for when the fence of the wall was being guarded, they on the former days fought retiring before the enemy into the narrow part of the pass; but now they engaged with them outside the narrows, and very many of the Barbarians fell: for behind them the leaders of the divisions with scourges in their hands were striking each man, ever urging them on to the front. Many of them then were driven into the sea and perished, and many more still were trodden down while yet 80

alive by one another, and there was no reckoning of the number that perished: for knowing the death which was about to come upon them by reason of those who were going round the mountain, they displayed upon the Barbarians all the strength which they had, to its greatest extent, disregarding danger and acting as if possessed by a spirit of recklessness. [224] …Now by this time the spears of the greater number of them were broken, so it chanced, in this combat, and they were slaying the Persians with their swords; and in this fighting fell Leonidas, having proved himself a very good man, and others also of the Spartans with him, men of note, of whose names I was informed as of men who had proved themselves worthy, and indeed I was told also the names of all the three hundred. Moreover of the Persians there fell here, besides many others of note, especially two sons of Darius, Abrocomes and Hyperanthes…

[225] …and meanwhile over the body of Leonidas there arose a great struggle between the Persians and the Spartans, until the Hellenes by valour dragged this away from the enemy and turned their opponents to flight four times. This conflict continued until those who had gone with Ephialtes came up; and when the Hellenes learnt that these had come, from that moment the nature of the combat was changed; for they retired backwards to the narrow part of the way, and having passed by the wall they went and placed themselves upon the hillock, all in a body together except only the Thebans: now this hillock is in the entrance, where now the stone lion is placed for Leonidas. On this spot while defending themselves with daggers, that is those who still had them left, and also with hands and with teeth, they were overwhelmed by the missiles of the Barbarians, some of these having followed directly after them and destroyed the fence of the wall, while others had come round and stood about them on all sides.

[226] Such were the proofs of valour given by the Spartans and Thespians; yet the Spartan Dieneces is said to have proved himself the best man of all, the same who, as they report, uttered this saying before they engaged battle with the Medes: Being informed by one of the men of Trachis that when the Barbarians discharged their arrows they obscured the light of the sun by the multitude of the arrows, so great was the number of their host, he was not dismayed by this, but making small account of the number of the Medes, he said that their guest from Trachis brought them very good news, for if the Medes obscured the light of the sun, the battle against them would be in and not in the sun. [228] The men were buried were they fell; and for these, as well as for those who were slain before being sent away by Leonidas, there is an inscription which runs thus: "Facing three million in battle Here did four thousand of the Peloponnese fight." This is the inscription for the whole body; and for the Spartans separately there is this: "Stranger, go tell the Spartans, That here we lie, obedient to their laws"

81

About the same time the Persian and Greek fleets engaged at Artemisium and the Greeks were victorious, but the battle was far from decisive. Xerxes moved his army south, easily overcoming all those towns and cities which had not submitted and sparing those who had. Salamis When Xerxes arrived at Athens he found the city abandoned. Interestingly, Herodotus has explained this event in a much earlier section:

Herodotus vii. 138 - 141 [138] … Now the march of the king's army was in name against Athens, but in fact it was going against all Greece: and the Greeks, being informed of this long before were not all equally affected by it; for some of them having given earth and water to the Persian had confidence, supposing that they would suffer no hurt from the Barbarian; while others not having given were in great terror, seeing that there were not ships existing in Hellas which were capable as regards number of receiving the invader in fight, and seeing that the greater part of the States were not willing to take up the war, but adopted readily the side of the Medes.

[139] And here I am compelled by necessity to declare an opinion which in the eyes of most men would seem to be invidious, but nevertheless I will not abstain from saying that which I see evidently to be the truth:1 If the Athenians had been seized with fear of the danger which threatened them and had left their land, or again, without leaving their land, had stayed and given themselves up to Xerxes, none would have made any attempt by sea to oppose the king. If then none had opposed Xerxes by sea, it would have happened on the land somewhat thus: Even if many tunics of walls had been thrown across the Isthmus by the Peloponnesians, the Spartans would have been deserted by their allies, not voluntarily but of necessity, since these would have been conquered city after city by the naval force of the Barbarian, and so they would have been left alone: and having been left alone and having displayed great deeds of valour, they would have met their death nobly. Either they would have suffered this fate, or before this, seeing the other Hellenes also taking the side of the Medes, they would have made an agreement with Xerxes; and thus in either case Hellas would have come to be under the rule of the Persians: for as to the good to be got from the walls thrown across the Isthmus, I am unable to discover what it would have been, when the king had command of the sea. As it is however, if a man should say that the Athenians proved to be the saviours of Hellas, he would not fail to hit the truth; for to whichever side these turned, to that the balance was likely to incline: and these were they who, preferring that Hellas should continue to exist in freedom, roused up all of Hellas which remained, so much, that is, as had not gone over to the Medes, and (after the gods at least) these were they who repelled the king. Nor did fearful oracles, which came from Delphi and cast them into dread, induce them to leave Hellas, but they stayed behind and endured to receive the invader of their land. [140] For the Athenians had sent men to Delphi to inquire and were preparing to

1 This one of the few occasions where Herodotus breaks from his omniscient third-person narrative to address his audience in an authorial, first person voice. 82 consult the Oracle; and after these had performed the usual rites in the sacred precincts, when they had entered the sanctuary and were sitting down there, the Pythian prophetess, whose name was Aristonice, uttered to them this oracle:

"Why do you sit, O you wretched? Flee you to the uttermost limits, Leaving your home and the heights of the wheel-round city behind you! Lo, there remains now neither the head nor the body in safety, Neither the feet below nor the hands nor the middle are left you, All are destroyed together; for fire and the passionate War-god, Urging the Syrian car to speed, doth hurl them to ruin. Not yours alone, he shall cause many more great strongholds to perish, Yes, many temples of gods to the ravening fire shall deliver, Temples which stand now surely with sweat of their terror down-streaming, Quaking with dread; and lo! from the topmost roof to the pavement Dark blood trickles, forecasting the dire unavoidable evil. Forth with you, forth from the shrine, and steep your soul in the sorrow!

[141] Hearing this the men who had been sent by the Athenians to consult the Oracle were very greatly distressed; and as they were despairing by reason of the evil which had been prophesied to them, Timon the son of Androbulus, a man of the Delphians in reputation equal to the first, counselled them to take a suppliant's bough and to approach the second time and consult the Oracle as suppliants. The Athenians did as he advised and said: "Lord, we pray you utter to us some better oracle about our native land, having respect to these suppliant boughs which we have come to you bearing; otherwise surely we will not depart away from the sanctuary, but will remain here where we are now, even until we bring our lives to an end." When they spoke these words, the prophetess gave them a second oracle as follows:

"Pallas cannot prevail to appease great Zeus in Olympus, Though she with words very many and wiles close-woven entreat him. But I will tell you this more, and will clench it with steel adamantine: Then when all else shall be taken, whatever the boundary of Cecrops Holdeth within, and the dark ravines of divinest Cithairon, A bulwark of wood at the last Zeus grants to the Trito-born goddess Sole to remain unwasted, which you and your children shall profit. Stay you not there for the horsemen to come and the footmen unnumbered; Stay you not still for the host from the mainland to come, but retire you, Turning your back to the foe, for yet you shall face him hereafter. Salamis, you the divine, you shall cause sons of women to perish, When the grain is scattered or when it is gathered together."1

1 The last line of the oracle is enigmatic. Both How and Wells and Macan agree that the reference is to the Festival of Demeter at Eleusis which would normally be celebrated at that time of year. 83

The above excerpt is the famous 'wooden walls' Oracle which was interpreted by Themistocles to refer to the fleet - the wooden hulls of the ships. So, trusting the wooden walls, the Athenians abandoned the city for the island of Salamis and put their faith in their ships. Herodotus viii. 40 [40] Meanwhile the fleet of the Hellenes after leaving Artemisium put in to land at Salamis at the request of the Athenians in order that they might remove out of Attica to a place of safety their children and their wives, and also deliberate what they would have to do; for in their present case they meant to formulate a new plan because they had been deceived in their expectation. For they had thought to find the Peloponnesians in full force waiting for the Barbarians in Boeotia; they found however nothing of this, but they were informed on the contrary that the Peloponnesians were fortifying the Isthmus with a wall, valuing above all things the safety of the Peloponnese and keeping this in guard; and that they were disposed to let all else go. Being informed of this, the Athenians therefore made request of them to put in to Salamis.

While the Athenians argued in the allied council for a naval defense from Salamis, the Peloponnesians argued for a withdrawal of the fleet to the Isthmus of Corinth were the combined naval and land forces would defend the Peloponnese. Themistocles, the Athenian commander, is reputed to have forced the issue by sending misinformation to the Persian camp and convincing Xerxes to order an immediate naval attack on Salamis. The Greek forces now had no choice. The narrowness of the waterways meant that the Persian navy could not take advantage of its great numbers - very much like the conditions at Thermopylae - and the superior discipline of the Greek sailors resulted in a devastating loss for the Persians. The Greek victory was so decisive that it gave command of the sea to the Greeks and Xerxes, understanding that he could no longer safely supply his vast army by sea, decided to abandon his invasion and withdraw. Mardonius, however, asked to be left in Greece with a smaller army, promising to continue the war on land and complete the mission:

Herodotus viii. 107 [107] When Xerxes had entrusted his sons to Artemisia to carry them back to , he called Mardonius and bade him choose of the army whom he would, and make his deeds, if possible, correspond to his words. During this day then things went so far; and in the night on the command of the king the leaders of the fleet began to withdraw their ships from Phalerum to the Hellespont…

[113] Xerxes meanwhile with his army stayed for a few days after the sea-fight, and then they all began to march forth towards Boeotia by the same way by which they had come: for Mardonius thought both that it was well for him to escort the king on his way, and also that it was now too late in the year to carry on the war; it was better, he thought, to winter in Thessaly and then at the beginning of spring to attempt the Peloponnese. When he came to Thessaly, then Mardonius chose out for himself first all those Persians who are called "Immortals," except only their commander Hydarnes (for Hydarnes said that he would not be left behind by the king), and after them of the other Persians those who wore cuirasses, and the body of a thousand cavalry: also the Medes, Sacans, Bactrians and Indians, foot and horsemen both. These nations he chose in the mass, but from the 84 other allies he selected by few at a time, choosing whose who had fine appearance of those of whom he knew that they had done good service. From the Persians he chose more than from any other single nation, and these wore collars of twisted metal and bracelets; and after them came the Medes, who in fact were not inferior in number to the Persians, but only in bodily strength. The result was that there were three-hundred thousand in all, including cavalry.

Plataea Diodorus xi. 27.2 - 30.6 [27.2] In Greece, upon the great success at Salamis, which was chiefly owing to the valour and conduct of the Athenians, all were of opinion that the Athenians (being lifted up) would now contend with the Spartans for the dominion of the seas; and this the Spartans foresaw, and therefore used all their arts and endeavours to keep them under. And for that reason, when they were to take notice of the noble actions in that fight, and to distribute rewards accordingly, the Spartans prevailed by their interest, that the honour of the day should be given to them of Aegina, and among the Athenians to Amynias, the brother of Aeschylus the poet because his was the first to ram the flagship of the Persians, sinking it and killing the admiral. [3] But when the Athenians showed their resentment that they were so undeservedly slighted, the Spartans were afraid, lest Themistocles (being provoked with the indignity) should contrive some considerable mischief against them and the rest of Greece, awarded him double the gifts that were given to those who had received the prizes of valour. And when Themistocles accepted these gifts the Athenians in the Ecclesia voted to remove him from office and elected , the son of Ariphron, commander in his place.1 [28.1] When the animosity between the Athenians and the other Greek states became widely known, ambassadors arrived in Athens both from the Persians and the Greek states, The Persian ambassadors spoke to the effect that if the Athenians would side with the Persians, they would have what part of Greece they should choose; that Mardonius, the Persian general, would rebuild their walls and their temples; and that the city should have and enjoy its former laws and . On the other hand, the Lacedaemonian ambassadors earnestly entreated them not to make any league with the barbarians, but preserve their ancient amity with the Greeks, being so near to them, both in nation and language. [2] To the barbarians the Athenians gave this return: That the Persians had no country so rich, nor gold so heavy, which would tempt them to forsake their confederates the Greeks. And to the Spartans they commanded answer to be given that as heretofore their care had been to preserve Greece, so for the future, to their utmost endeavour, they would defend it. And in the meantime, desired that they would forthwith with all their forces pass into Attica, because Mardonius, when he came to understand the Athenians to be so resolved against him, would invade Athens with all his force. [3] And so it came to pass, for Mardonius encamping in Boeotia, first endeavoured to draw the

1 This is the father of Pericles. He had been ostracized in 484 (Ath Pol. 22.6), but returned when all of the exiles were recalled in 480. Of his father, Ariphron, little is known, but Xanthippus married Agariste, the niece of Cleisthenes. 85

cities of Peloponnesus to a defection by sending monies here and there to the governors and chief men. And afterwards, when he received the answer returned him by the Athenians, he raged like a madman, and forthwith marched with all his army into Attica. [4] For besides those which Xerxes left with him, he raised many out of Thrace and Macedonia, and other confederate cities, to the number of two hundred thousand men, and upwards. [5] And now Attica being invaded by so great a multitude, the Athenians sent messengers to the Spartans, and desired their aid, who were so slow that the enemy violently broke in upon the country, so that the Athenians were reduced to great straits, and now a second time with their wives and children, and all other things that they could in such hurry carry away, left their country, and fled to Salamis. [6] Mardonius, greatly enraged, destroyed and wasted all the country, levelling the city to the ground and utterly demolishing all the temples which were left untouched in the former desolation. [29.1] Upon his thus returning to Athens with his forces, it was determined in the general assembly of the Greeks, that they would join with the Athenians, and march to , and there fight the Persians for the liberty of their country. And they made sacred vows to the gods that if they became victorious they would unite in celebrating a Festival to Eleutheria at Plataea. [2] At the general rendezvous in Peloponnesus, they took oath to oblige one another to the prosecution of the war, to the end their league might be inviolably observed, and that all difficulties might be undergone with undaunted courage. The form of the oath was thus: I will not prefer life before liberty: I will not desert our officers, whether they live or die; but I will bury my fellow-soldiers that shall fall in the war, however many they may be. If I be victorious in this war, I will not destroy or spoil any city of my confederates. I will not rebuild any of the temples that are burnt or ruined, but leave them as monuments to posterity, of the impiety of the barbarians."1 [4] When they had thus sworn, they marched over Mt. Cithaeron, into Boeotia, and encamped at the foot of the hill, near the city . Aristides was the commander of the Athenians, and Pausanias, regent for the son of Leonidas, (who was under age), was general of the whole army. [30.1] When Mardonius understood that the enemy had entered Boeotia he marched from Thebes, and pitched his tents at the river and fortified himself with a deep trench, enclosing his camp round with a wall of timber. The Greeks were an hundred thousand, but the Persians were five hundred thousand. [2] The barbarians began the fight: All the night long roving up and down with all their cavalry they set upon the Greeks in their camp: the first that felt the brunt were the Athenians, who forthwith in good order valiantly opposed them so that the fight was very hot. [3] At length the rest of the Greeks put all to flight that made the onset on them; only the Megarians, who had to deal with the general and best of the Persian horse, were over-pressed, yet gave no ground, but sent with all speed to the Athenians and the Spartans for assistance. [4] When Aristides was informed of their distress, he immediately sent the best of such Athenians as were then about him to their aid; who joining with the others, made such a charge upon the barbarians, that they soon freed the Megareans from their danger, killing the

1 Lycurgus, Against Leocrates (1.81) gives essentially the same formula but with the inclusion of the tithe against those who Medized. 86 commander of the Persian cavalry, with many others, and put the rest to flight. This success at the beginning of the battle filled the Greeks with hope of absolute victory in the conclusion. Afterwards they removed their camp out of the plain, next under the foot of the mountain into another place more convenient for obtaining a perfect victory. [5] For on their right hand was a high hill, and on their left the river Asopus, for their defence. Between these two they encamped, thus guarded by a natural fortification. [6] The straightness of the place thus chosen by the Greeks, was of great advantage, and did much conduce to the victory: for the Persians could not enlarge their front as otherwise they might, by reason whereof so many thousands of the barbarians became useless and unprofitable. The generals, Pausanias and Aristides, having now so fair an opportunity, drew out their forces, and advanced in battle formation, as the ground would permit.

Up to this point, the accounts of Herodotus and Diodorus agree at least on the major points. But each offers a very different, although detailed, account of the battle itself. All that can be agreed upon is that the Greek and Persian forces did meet on the plains just outside Plataea in late August or early September of 479, and that the Persian forces were utterly destroyed.

Diodorus xi. 34.1 - 36.7 [34.1] The same day that the battle was fought at Plataea there was another great fight with the Persians in Ionia, which I shall relate from the beginning: [2] Leotychides the Lacedaemonian, and Xanthippus the Athenian of the navy, after the battle at Salamis, came with their fleet to Aegina where staying some few days, they sailed thence to , with two hundred and fifty triremes. While they waited there, ambassadors came to them from Samos, entreating that they would be assistant to the inhabitants of Asia, to regain their liberty. [3] Leotychides hereupon calling a council of war, it was there determined to assist them and to that end, with all speed they departed from Delos. The Persian admirals who were lingering on Samos, when they learned that the Greek fleet was approaching, withdrew their ships to Mycale in Ionia. Believing that they could not face the Greek ships in battle, they drew their own ships up on the shore and constructed a wooden palisade and a defensive ditch. They also summoned land forces from Sardis and other neighboring cities to the number of about one hundred thousand men. They also prepared other equipment useful in war, fearing that the Ionians would defect to the enemy. [4] Leotychides with his whole fleet well provided, sailed against the barbarians at Mycale, but sent in advance one ship with a herald on it, one of greater, voice than any other of the army, and gave him in charge that he should sail close to the enemy and proclaim with a loud voice; "The Greeks, having defeated the Persians, are now here to liberate the Greek cities in Asia." [5] Leotychides did this because he conceived that the Greeks in the army of the Persians would revolt, and that disorder would result in the Persian camp; which is what happened. As soon as the herald approached the Persian fleet along the shore and made the announcements as he had been ordered, the Persians began to suspect their Greek comrades and the Greeks began to plot revolt. [35.1] Once Leotychides had learned the intentions of the Greeks on the shore, he landed his forces. The next day, when all things were ready for the onset, a rumour 87 circulated that the Greeks had defeated the Persians at Plataea. [2] With this in mind, Leotychides and his colleagues assembled the soldiers and presented the news to them as if presenting a theatrical performance complete with songs and speeches, intending to use the most effective means to stir their passion for the coming battle. The tactic was effective. But it is certain that these two battles, the one at Plataea and the one at Mycale, were fought on the same day. [3] It seems probable, then, that Leotychides had not indeed heard of the Battle of Plataea but had invented the report as a stratagem, especially when one considers the distance between the two places makes the transmission of such news impossible.1 [4] But the Persians now no longer trusting their Greek soldiers, took away their arms, and delivered them to those who were friendly to the Persian cause and, gather all their forces together, encouraged them by telling them that Xerxes himself was on the way with reinforcements. [36.1] Both armies being now drawn up in battle order and advancing one towards the other, when the Persians saw the inconsiderable number of the Greeks they despised them, and forthwith charged upon them with a great shout. [2] In the meantime the Samians and Milesians determined to assist the Greeks with all the strength they could make, and to that end with a swift march they made towards the enemy. And the Ionians conceived that when they came in sight of the Greeks they would be thereby more encouraged, which fell out otherwise [3] For those with Leotychides, being seized with a panic upon the apprehension and suspicion that Xerxes was at hand with all his forces from Sardis, were thrown into confusion. Some were for retiring forthwith to their ships, others were for standing their ground, and fighting valiantly to the last man. While they were in such terror, disorder, and confusion, the Persian army advanced in order of battle, and in a terrible manner with great shouts fell in upon them. [4] The Greeks were forced to receive the charge with no time for adequate preparations. The battle being now joined, great courage and resolution was shown on all sides, and for a long time the fortune of the day was doubtful, and many fell on both sides. But as soon as the Samian and Milesian armies appeared the courage of the Greeks was revived and the Persians were put to flight. [5] The Greeks pursued with a very great slaughter; for the soldiers of Leotychides and Xanthippus followed them close at their heels, to their very tents. In the meantime the Aeolians, and many other of the inhabitants of Asia, came in to the assistance of the Greeks, though then almost conquerors: [6] for a general and ardent desire of liberty possessed all the Asian cities and therefore many neither regarded leagues made, or hostages given, but together with the other Greeks, with the same rage hewed down and slew the flying Persians. And thus the Persians were routed with the slaughter of forty thousand men; of the rest, some of them escaped to their camp, and others fled to Sardis. [7] Xerxes being informed both of the slaughter of his men at Plataea and of the rout of his army at Mycale, leaving part of his forces to carry on the war, in a great fright fled

1 Unlikely, but not impossible. Herodotus tells us that Plataea was fought early in the morning. The Greeks had long been using fire signals to relay messages between islands and with this method it is possible that the news reached the fleet at Mycale later that afternoon. However, the account of fire signals being used to convey the news of the victory from Troy to Argos (Aeschylus Agamemnon 281 - 316) is equally unlikely considering the distances. 88 with the rest to Ecbatana.

Diodorus xii. 1.3-4 The war [against Xerxes] contrary to expectation, came to an amazing end, and not only were the peoples of Greece freed of the dangers threatening them, but they also won for themselves great glory, and every city of Hellas enjoyed such an abundant prosperity that all men were filled with wonder at the complete reversal of their fortune. For, from this time over the next fifty years Greece made great advances in prosperity. In these years, for example, plenty brought increase in the arts, and the greatest artists of whom we have record... flourished at that time; and there was likewise great advance in education and philosophy and oratory...

89

The and the Athenian Empire

Formation of the Delian League After the Persian invasion had been repelled, the Greek coalition fleet pursued the Persians into the Aegean intending to free those Greek city-states that were under Persian rule:

Diodorus xi.44.3-4 The Spartans, having appointed Pausanias...admiral of the fleet, instructed him to liberate the Greek cities which were still held by barbarian garrisons... He first of all sailed to Cyprus and liberated those cities... and after this he sailed to the Hellespont and took . Pausanias then contacted Xerxes through Artabazus, of Phrygia and... secretly made a pact of friendship with the king and was about to marry the daughter of Xerxes, his purpose being to betray the Greeks.

Sparta withdrew from the coalition because of the humiliation caused by Pausanias and in 478/7 Athens took the leadership and prosecuted the war against the Persians in the Aegean and on the coast of Asia Minor.

Diodorus xi.50.1-8 [1] In this year the Spartans, now that for no good reason they had lost the command of the sea, were resentful; consequently, they were incensed at the Greeks who had fallen away from them and continued to threaten them with the appropriate punishment. [2] And when a meeting of the was convened, they considered making war upon the Athenians for the sake of regaining the command of the sea. [3] Likewise, when the general Assembly was convened, the younger men and the majority of the others were eager to recover the leadership, believing that, if they could secure it, they would enjoy great wealth, Sparta in general would be made greater and more powerful, and the estates of its private citizens would receive a great increase of prosperity. [4] They kept calling to mind also the ancient oracle in which the god commanded them to beware lest their leadership should be a "lame" one, and the oracle, they insisted, meant nothing other than the present; for "lame" indeed their rule would be if, having two leaderships, they should lose one of them. [5] Since practically all the citizens had been eager for this course of action and the Gerousia was in session to consider these matters, no one entertained the hope that any man would have the temerity to suggest any other course. [6] But a member of the Gerousia, Hetoemaridas by name, who was a direct descendant of Heracles and enjoyed favour among the citizens by reason of his character, undertook to advise that they leave the Athenians with their leadership, since it was not to Sparta's interest, he declared, to lay claim to the sea. He was able to bring pertinent arguments in support of his surprising proposal, so that, against the expectation of all, he won over both the Gerousia and the people. [7] And in the end the Spartans decided that the opinion of Hetoemaridas was to their advantage and abandoned their zest for the war against the Athenians. [8] As for the Athenians, at first they expected to have a great war with the Spartans for the command of the sea, and for this reason were building additional triremes, raising a large sum of money, and dealing honourably with their allies; but when they learned of the 90

decision of the Spartans, they were relieved of their fear of war and set about increasing the power of their city.

The passage from Diodorus above is indicative of a favourite literary technique amongst the Greek historians: We might call it Forshadowing, but a more appropriate term is Composition. The talk of war against Athens for control of the sea anticipates the Peloponnesian War and the mention of the ‘lame leadership’ anticipates the events of the 390’s, when, under the leadership of Agesilaus, who was lame in one leg, the Spartan leadership of the Greek world would come to an end.

Themistocles reasoned that the Ionians of Asia would assist the Athenians and that ...

Diodorus xi.41.4 …with their aid the Athenians would liberate the other Greeks of Asia, who would then turn in goodwill to the Athenians because of this benefaction, and that all the Greeks of the islands, being immensely impressed by the magnitude of their naval strength, would readily align themselves with the people which had the power both to inflict the greatest injury and to bestow the greatest advantages.

Athens then established the Delian League:

Thucydides i. 96-97 The Athenians, having thus succeeded to the supremacy by the voluntary act of the allies through their hatred of Pausanias, fixed which cities were to contribute money against the barbarian, which ships; their professed object being to retaliate for their sufferings by ravaging the King's country. Now was the time that the office of "Treasurers for Hellas" was first instituted by the Athenians. These officers received the tribute, as the money contributed was called. The tribute was first fixed at four hundred and sixty talents. The common treasury was at Delos, and the congresses were held in the temple. Their supremacy commenced with independent allies who acted on the resolutions of a common congress. It was marked by the following undertakings in war and in administration during the interval between the Median and the present war, against the barbarian, against their own rebel allies, and against the Peloponnesian powers which would come in contact with them on various occasions. My excuse for relating these events, and for venturing on this digression, is that this passage of history has been omitted by all my predecessors, who have confined themselves either to Hellenic history before the Median War, or the Median War itself. Hellanicus, it is true, did touch on these events in his Athenian history; but he is somewhat concise and not accurate in his dates. Besides, the history of these events contains an explanation of the growth of the Athenian empire.

Several of the member states of the Delian League tried to withdraw but were forced by Athens to remain:

Thucydides i.99.1-2 While there were other causes of revolts, the principal ones were the failures in 91 bringing in the tribute or their quota of ships and, in some cases, refusal of military service; for the Athenians exacted the tribute strictly and gave offence by applying coercive measures to any who were unaccustomed or unwilling to bear the hardships of service... For all this the allies themselves were responsible...

The Peace of Callias Eventually, the Persians came to terms with the fact that they could not defend the coast of Asia Minor and conceded freedom to the Greek states in that region. The so called Peace of Callias, 448 BC, is disputed by some scholars as a fiction, but it seems plausible enough:

Diodorus xii.4.5-6 ...and so the Athenians and their allies concluded with the Persians a treaty of peace, the principal terms of which were as follows: All the Greek cities of Asia are to live under laws of their own making; the of the Persians are not to come nearer to the sea than a three days' journey and no Persian warship is to sail inside of Phaesalis [Lycia] or the Cyanean Rocks [the entrance to the Black Sea] and the Athenians are not to send troops into the territory of the King.

Thucydides i.118.2 ...and all of these operations of the Hellenes, against one another and against the Barbarian, took place in the interval of about fifty years between the retreat of Xerxes and the beginning of this war.

The now tyrannical behaviour of Athens toward her subject states and her arrogant treatment of other, independent, states, caused Corinth, Thebes and Sparta to fear the power of Athens and to see the restriction of that power as their only safe course:

Thucydides i.118 During this interval the Athenians succeeded in placing their empire on a firmer basis, and advanced their own home power to a very great height. The Spartans, though fully aware of it, opposed it only for a little while, but remained inactive during most of the period, being of old slow to go to war except under the pressure of necessity, and in the present instance being hampered by wars at home; until the growth of the Athenian power could be no longer ignored, and their own confederacy became the object of its encroachments. They then felt that they could endure it no longer, but that the time had come for them to throw themselves heart and soul upon the hostile power, and break it, if they could, by commencing the present war.

92

Aeschylus

Aeschylus is the first of the three great Athenian playwrights (which include Euripides and ). He was born at Eleusis in 525 and died in , Sicily, in 456 BC. Aeschylus served as a soldier in the Battle of Marathon in 490 BC, at Artemisium and Salamis in 480 and at Plataea in 479. Even before these landmark battles, Aeschylus was a successful playwright: He produced his first play in 499 and, in 476/5, was invited to Sicily, by of Syracuse, where he produced The Women of Aitna. The earliest extant word is The Persians, produced in 472. We also have Seven Against Thebes (467), The Suppliants (463). The following are the first few pages of the introduction to the 1922 Loeb edition, by the translator, Herbert Weir Smyth. While it constitutes a very nice essay on the life and works of Aeschylus, we must read in consideration of the time it was written: It tells us as much about attitudes towards Classical Greece in 1922 as it does about Aeschylus, and it shows us, as is its purpose, the almost religious devotion to, and admiration for, Athenian dramatic literature that was typical of a classical scholar of the time. Smyth is showing off: he has written an encomium, a genre of literature typical in the ancient world in which the author sung the praises of his subject while flaunting his own skills.

[p. vii of the original]1 Of the periods of the world's history signalized by national aspiration and achievement, and at the same time fraught with a spiritual significance reflected in the mind of a master poet, the age of Aeschylus holds a foremost place together with the age of Shakespeare. Imagination bodied forth in poetry of the loftiest order found, alike in Hellas in the earlier part of the fifth century and in England under Elizabeth, its inspiration and ideal in the living present. The life of the Greek dramatist fell upon times of external and internal unrest, times of vivid , of joy and wonder and hope, when the Athenian as an individual first discovered himself, first surveyed the spectacle of life with intellectual interest and in self- reliance, and with high spirit and impassioned energy engaged in keen struggle for his personal and national existence in confident expectation of an adequate reward, and with an ever-present recognition of his obligations to the commonwealth. It was the age of expansion and aggrandizement, the age that witnessed events that proved the resolution and the valour of Athens when she cast aside her timidity under despotism. In the lifetime of the poet Athens expelled the tyrant of the house of Peisistratus, reformed the constitution under

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Cleisthenes so that it now enlisted the support of all her citizens, and established a polity ensuring to the State a free course to further self-development into a true democracy. In his lifetime too the city acquired a material strength entitling it to take a commanding part as an international power in the triumph of Greece over the despotic

1 For the purposes of citation, I have included the page numbers from the Loeb text. 93

barbarism that for a generation had menaced it with annihilation of its political existence. In this triumph the countrymen of the poet had displayed heroic self-sacrifice and indomitable courage. And when the Persian peril had passed, and the possibility of the return of the arbitrary lawlessness of tyranny was for ever removed, the later life of the poet witnessed the rebuilding of Athens, whose temples and homes had been razed by the invader, and at its close the beginning of those strongly conflicting currents of the older and the newer political life as the democracy was shaping its victorious course under the captainship of Pericles. In his youth the Athens of Aeschylus was a petty cantonal State ruled by the uncontrolled will of a despot; at his death, her citizens were warring simultaneously in Asia, in Egypt, in Cyprus; her fleet commanded the Aegean, and she was moving steadily toward an empire won and maintained by sea-power. Aeschylus is the only Athenian representative in literature of this age crowded with events of far-reaching importance both for the city-state, and for the larger world, an age represented in war and statesmanship by such figures as Miltiades, Themistocles, Aristeides, and ; in , sculpture, and the ceramic art by , Myron,

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and Brygus; each of whom pad responded to the intense stimulus offered by his environment. Aeschylus was not merely a spectator, he was a participant in the impulses and mighty movements of the period, and helped to make his times in a far different way than his contemporaries Simonides and . Even as Homer mirrors the conflicts of an earlier age in an art characterized by exuberant fancy and spontaneous feeling, so Aeschylus mirrors the second great period of Greek thought as he presents the more reflective spirit of Attic national life as it was engendered by the war in defence of national independence. Liberty, won by revolution, had awakened the Athenian people to self- consciousness and stimulated it to inaugurate self-government under freedom safeguarded by law enacted by a sovereign people. Ideas of justice and the divine regulation of the world now acquired a significance hitherto unknown to a population largely agrarian. The barriers of that narrower, provincial world had now been swept away. Men, drawn together by external danger, experienced an impulse toward spiritual unity, heretofore unknown, and even an active sentiment of unanimity, which was soon however to be dissolved under the centrifugal influences of Greek political action. From the transformation in the external world of politics and society, the defeat of barbarian insolence, the momentary unification of the defenders of the freedom of Greece, Aeschylus may well have been led to his conception of the evolution of mankind, and of the gods themselves, proceeding from tyranny to liberty, from struggle to peace, from discord to harmony. To the confusions of anarchy

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and barbarism succeeds the equity that is the basis of law and order. But this transformation of the older Athens was scarcely more rapid or more 94 profound than that of the tragic art under the hand of its true founder. The art of literature, as that of architecture and sculpture, displayed at this period a rapidity of evolution unequalled in history. Aeschylus exhibited his first play in 499, only thirty years after Peisistratus, who tempered tyranny with patronage of the arts, had established, as a public institution, the annual contest in tragedy at the festival of the City . In this contest Thespis, reputed the first tragic poet, whose plays had heretofore been produced at village celebrations, won the prize. Aeschylus' first victory was gained in 484, four years before the , and from that date till his death in 456 he was the master tragic poet of his time. The art as he received it, we may conjecture in the absence of all remains, consisted almost exclusively of choral songs varied with interludes of narrative, together with some brief dialogue between the leader of the chorus and a character impersonated by a single , whose introduction was due to the genius of Thespis. Plot, in the later sense, genuine advance in the action, and character-drawing were absent. The art, as he left it, had well-nigh attained to its fullest capacity of original expression. From Homer and Hesiod and the Cyclic poets, from elegiac, iambic, and melic poetry, especially that of , from ancient books of sententious wisdom and the earlier and contemporary writers in prose who dealt with the traditionary myths, Aeschylus derived his

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mythology and the fabric of his fables, into which he breathed the breath of his own spirit and through which he found expression for his own thought on things human and divine. More by virtue of his imagination, his moral and religious feeling, and his brooding thought than by virtue of his reason and his intellect, he fashioned heroic personages into dramatic characters charged with will and passion, and whose motives, deliberately conceived, impelled the action forward; characters, even when individual, none the less contemporaneous with every age because typical of universal humanity. Greater, however, than the poet's power to stamp his single persons with individuality is his ability to sweep a wider horizon and to depict the characters of whole families and even of a whole people. His interest is less in the individual than in the family or national group in whose fortunes the individual is involved. The poetic gift native in him, an Athenian, his contact with life at a period of stimulating political and social convulsion, when man had attained to a sense of his spiritual no less than his political liberty, could find expression only in an art, which, though but just created, voiced as no other the instinct of his age and race. That art alone possessed the power to reflect the collective spirit of the intensified life of a free commonwealth that had no counterpart in the society depicted by the great epic poet, whose story of war and adventure still commanded the admiration of vast assemblies at the rival concourses of the rhapsodes. The myths, still darkly obscure from the twilight of their births, he refined in the light of the clarifying spirit of a faith based alike on reason and on piety.

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In the myths and legends of the race he discovered an ethical and religious content: he transformed them into problems of human destiny or of the divine righteousness: Prometheus suffers, Io suffers, before our eyes; and instantly we are made to confront the question whether the lord of Olympus is a just god. He naturalized himself in those high altitudes of thought and whence he could survey the springs of good and evil, the mysterious agencies of the fate that makes man's character its instrument, the relation of punishment to sin, the meaning of suffering, the dealings of God with man, and the essential unity of the divine purpose. With these lofty themes he dealt primarily as an artist not as a preacher; and he discloses inconsistencies that forbid our ascribing to him any exclusive or deliberate philosophic or religious system of belief. Neither mystagogue nor philosopher moulded his spirit to mystery of dogma. Greater than his work was the man, greatest of his coevals, though the work is the distillation of a mind of spiritual grandeur, and burdened, in its ancient way, with the mystery of all the unintelligible world. Philosophy in Aeschylus' day had ceased to be the province of the solitary searcher into the causes of things. Except when, as in the case of Pythagoras, religion was associated with physics, the Ionian thinkers included man in their speculations only in so far as he constituted a part of nature. Aeschylus found in man the centre of gravity of the world, in man, whose mind, experience, and action are implicated alike in his environment and in those far-off influences that descend to him from successive

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generations of his ancestors. He had some inkling of the complexity of the causes underlying human events. He could, in the Prometheus at least, find the central germ for tragic action in motive developed pre-eminently from within. He has not indeed harmonized the discordant elements of life, but the keystone of his fully developed art is his recognition of the causal connexion of character, deed, and catastrophe. If he has less variety than Euripides and even than Sophocles, he sees life more as a unity than they. He related the eternal verities of the ancient wisdom of the race, the maxims of conventional ethics, to the life of man as it acts and suffers; and at the same time he displayed the universality of their application in the personages of the heroic past. Step by step, and by repeated trials, availing himself of the more favourable conditions in the State after the conclusion of the Persian war, he mastered the technique of his art, whose more mechanical (but none the less spiritual) forms, music and the dance, he developed to the highest perfection they enjoyed in connexion with ancient dramatic art. He gave to tragedy its directing principle in substituting for the choral the more vivid dramatic element, which alone could bring into high relief the impulse and the judgment inspiring human action. He created, it seems, the larger unities of trilogy and tetralogy, which, when formed of plays interconnected by the myth, each a drama comprising a complete action, yet itself only a part of a greater whole, embody the loftiest conceptions of Greek dramatic genius. 96

To Aeschylus belongs in fact the distinction of shaping a nascent art into the grand form: ἄπαν δ' εὑρόντος ἒργον. 1 He

[p.xiv]

abridged the effect of time in obliterating the work of his predecessors. His successors might work in the light of his achievements, their understanding and their imagination largely set in motion by his own. He owed the direction of his craftsmanship to none greater than himself. He was, in a word, the legislator of the tragedy of the world. He did not seek to make his art conform to the taste of the day but to ennoble that taste in the light of an ideal world. Scanning farther horizons he dedicated his work to Time, which his contemporary Pindar called the "lord of the immortals," and "the best protector of just men."

The In 458 BC Aeschylus produced the Oresteia trilogy which includes Agamemnon, The Libation Bearers and The Eumenides. The overall theme of the trilogy is vendetta; the first two plays demonstrating the endless bloodshed, the endless cycle of vengeance, that the vendetta system propagates, and the third, Eumenides, proposing a solution through the submission of the individual to the will of the community. But each play within the trilogy has its own theme(s) and its own political agenda. Agamemnon In the Agamemnon, the conqueror of Troy returns home only to be murdered by his wife Clytemnestra. The first half this is a play deals with two themes: The - Ate - Nemesis cycle; and Guilt, both earned and inherited.2 Agamemnon is guilty for the murder/sacrifice of his own daughter, Iphigenia; and he is also polluted by the curse on his family: Atreus, the father of Agamemnon, had murdered his own nephews, the sons of his brother/rival, Thyestes. The play opens with the news reaching Argos that Troy has fallen. The Chorus - a group of Argive elders - then summarizes the background story: Ten years previous, the Greek army was gathered at Aulis, waiting for fair winds to take the fleet to Troy:

[184] So then the captain of the Achaean ships, the elder of the two,3 holding no seer at fault, bending to the adverse blasts of fortune, what time the Achaean folk, on the shore over against Chalcis [190] in the region where Aulis' tides surge to and fro, were sore distressed by opposing winds and failing stores; and the breezes that blew from the , bringing them grievous leisure, hunger, and tribulation of spirit in a cruel port, driving the men distraught, and sparing nor ship [195] nor cable, by doubling the season of their stay, began to wither by wasting the flower of Argos;4 and when the seer, urging Artemis as cause, proclaimed to the chieftains another remedy, [200] more grievous even

1 Trans: "having created the genre as a whole." In other words, Aeschylus defined the art of dramatic literature in its entirety. 2 Griffiths, 1991: 50. 3 Agamemnon was older than Menelaus 4 Agamemnon was the king of Mycenae, but here, and in Homer, the entire region is referred to as Argos. 97

than the bitter storm, so that the sons of Atreus smote the ground with their staves and stifled not their tears.1

[205] Then the elder king spoke and said: " Hard is my fate to refuse obedience, and hard, if I must slay my child, the glory of my home, and at the altar-side stain with streams of a virgin's blood a father's hand. Which of these courses is not fraught with ill? How can I become a deserter to my fleet and fail my allies in arms? [215] For that they should with passionate eagerness crave a sacrifice to lull the winds - even a virgin's blood - stands within their right. May all be for the best."

But when he had donned the yoke of Necessity, with veering of spirit, [220] impious, unholy, unsanctified, from that hour his purpose shifted to resolve that deed of uttermost audacity. For mankind is emboldened by wretched delusion, counsellor of ill, primal source of woe. So then he hardened his heart to sacrifice his daughter [225] that he might prosper a war waged to avenge a woman, and as an offering for the voyaging of a fleet!

The Chorus has related the story of the sacrifice of Iphigenia to emphasise both the nature of Agamemnon and the motivation for Clytemnestra. After a speech by Clytemnestra warning of the dangers of impiety and wishing the Greek forces a safe journey home, the Chorus responds with an explanation for the victory: It was because of Paris' violation of divine laws that Zeus allowed the destruction of Troy: But this section might be as much about Agamemnon as it is about Paris:

[367] "The stroke of Zeus" they may call it; 'tis his hand that can be traced therein. As he determines, so he acts. It hath been said by someone that the gods deign not to be mindful" of mortals who trample underfoot the grace of inviolable sanctities. But that man knew not the fear of God! Now it stands revealed [375] how ruin is the penalty for reckless crime when men breathe a spirit of pride above just measure for that their mansions teem with abundance surpassing their best good. But let there be such portion of wealth as brings no distress, [380] so that he who has a good share of sound sense may have a sufficiency therewith. For riches are no bulwark to the man who in wantonness has spurned from his sight the mighty altar of Righteousness. [385] No, he is driven on by perverse Temptation, the overmastering child of designing Destruction; and remedy is utterly in vain.

And again: [763] But old Hubris is like to bring forth in evil men, or soon or late, at the fated hour of birth, a young Hubris and that spirit irresistible, unconquerable, unholy, even Recklessness (Até), black Curses unto the , and like are they to their parents.

Agamemnon enters, riding on a chariot with by his side, and Clytemnestra has a purple tapestry spread over the ground from the palace door to the chariot. But Agamemnon is suspicious:

1 Artemis demanded that Agamemnon sacrifice his daughter, Iphigenia. 98

[918] … pamper me not after woman's wise, nor, like some barbarian, [920] grovel to me with wide mouthed acclaim; and draw not down envy upon my path by strewing it with tapestries. 'Tis the gods we must honour thus; but for a mortal to tread upon broidered fineries is, to my judgment, not without ground for dread. [925] I bid thee revere me not as a god, but as a man. Fame needs no carpeting and broideries to make her loud proclaim; to think no folly is Heaven's best gift. Only when man's life comes to its end in prosperity dare we pronounce him happy; [930] and if in all things so I might prosper, I have good courage.

Agamemnon and Clytemnestra go into the palace but Cassandra refuses to leave the chariot.

CASSANDRA: [1080] Apollo, Apollo! God of the Ways, my destroyer! For thou hast destroyed me, and utterly, this second time.1

chorus: She is about to prophesy, methinks, touching her own miseries. The gift divine still abides even in the soul of one enslaved.

Cassandra: Apollo, Apollo God of the Ways, my destroyer! Ah, what way is this that thou hast brought me! To what a house!

chorus: To that of Atreus' sons. If thou dost not perceive this, I' tell it thee. And thou shalt not say 'tis untrue.

Cassandra: Nay, nay, rather to a house of Heaven loathed, a house that knows many a horrible butchery of kin, a human shambles and a floor swimming with blood.

Cassandra then explains her visions to the Chorus: She see that Clytemnestra has taken a lover and that these two are about to kill Agamemnon. Cassandra also sees that Clytemnestra intends to kill her. Resolved to her fate, Cassandra then enters the palace and the screams of Agamemnon can be heard from within. Finally, Clytemnestra emerges and the bodies of Agamemnon and Cassandra are brought out. Cassandra boasts of the deed and when the Chorus challenges her she replies:

Clytemnestra: [1412] Would you now condemn me to exile from the land, to the hatred of my people and the execration of the public voice; though then you had not to urge against

1 Apollo gave Cassandra the gift of prophesy, but he also cursed her so that she appeared to be insane. 99 him that lies here. And yet he, reckoning no more than if it had been a beast that perished - though sheep were plenty in his fleecy folds - he sacrificed his own child, even her I bore with dearest travail, to charm the blasts of Thrace. Is it not he whom you should have banished from this land [1420] in requital for his polluting deed? No! When you arraign what I have done, you are a stern judge. Well, I ''warn you; menace me thus on the understanding that I am prepared, conditions equal, to let you lord it over me if you shall vanquish me by force. But if a god shall bring the contrary to pass, [1425] you shall learn discretion though taught the lesson late.

chorus: Haughty of spirit you are and overbearing is your speech. Even as your mind is maddened by your deed of blood, upon your face a stain of blood shows full plain to behold. Bereft of all honour, forsaken of your friends, [1430] you will hereafter atone for stroke with stroke.

Clytemnestra: Hear this too, this the righteous sanction of my oath: By Justice, exacted for my child, by Ate and the ,1 unto whom I sacrificed that man, hope does not tread for me the halls of fear, [1435] so long as the fire upon my hearth is kindled by ,2 loyal in heart to me as in days gone by. For he is no slight shield of confidence to me. Here lies the man that did me wrong, minion of each at Ilium;3 [1440] and here she lies, his captive, and auguress, and concubine, his oracular faithful bedfellow, yet equally familiar with the sailor's benches. The pair has met no undeserved fate. For he lies thus; while she, who, like a swan, [1445] has sung her last lament in death, lies here, his beloved; but to me she has brought for my bed an added relish to my luxury.

The play concludes with Aegisthus, nearly coming to blows with the elders of Argos, the Chorus, but finally asserting the tyranny of Aegisthus and Clytemnestra, who would rule Argos together - in overt opposition to the will of the community.

Clytemnestra: [1657] Venerable Elders, go to your homes, and yield betimes to destiny before you come to harm. What we did had to be done. But should this trouble prove enough, we will accept it, sore smitten as we are by the heavy hand of fate. Such is a woman's counsel, if any deign to give it heed.

1 See below, Eumenides. 2 Pelops and Hippodamia had, amongst others, two sons; Atreus and Thyestes. These two brothers became embroiled in a competition for the throne of Mycenae during which Atreus killed three of Thyestes sons and, having butchered the bodies, served the meat to Thyestes at a feast. In revenge, Aegisthus, a surviving son of Thyestes, killed Atreus. This same Aegisthus has now partnered with the Clytemnestra, the wife of Agamemnon, son of Atreus, in the current murders. This is a four generation story of revenge after revenge. 3 Chryseis was the daughter of and had been captured and made the slave-girl of Agamemnon. The Iliad opens with the offer, by Chryses, to his daughter. 100

Aegisthus: But to think that these men should let their wanton tongues thus blossom into speech against me and cast about such gibes, putting their fortune to the test! To reject wise counsel and insult their master!

chorus: [1665] It would not be like men of Argos to cringe before a knave.

Aegisthus: Ha! I'll visit you with vengeance yet in days to come.

chorus: Not if fate shall guide Orestes to return home.

Aegisthus: Of myself I know that exiles feed on hope.

chorus: Keep on, grow thee fat, polluting justice, since you can.

Aegisthus: [1670] Know that you shall pay me the penalty to requite your folly.

chorus: Brag in your bravery like a cock besides his hen. Care not for their idle yelpings. I and you will be masters of this house and order it aright.

End.

The cycle of vengeance continues: In Libation Bearers Orestes, the son of Agamemnon, returns to Argos and, with his sister Electra, manages to kill both Clytemnestra and Aegisthus.

Eumenides In the Eumenides we see both the culmination of the overall theme of the trilogy as well as an overt and timely political statement.1 The vendetta theme will find resolution at the end of Eumenides when Athena herself establishes a system of justice to replace and to end the cycle of vengeance - and she does so by establishing the as court of law. This, in 458, four years after Pericles and Ephialtes had passed legislation reducing the Areopagus council from a constitutional and active legislative body to a court of law only. The play opens with the priestess of Delphi, the Pythia, revealing to the audience that she has just entered the temple of Apollo at Delphi as seen, therein, Orestes, seeking sanctuary at the altar. Also inside the temple are the Erinyes, the avenging spirits who pursue the guilty until

1 For the political message in Eumenides see Meier, 1990: 82 ff. 101 vengeance has been fulfilled. But the Erinyes cannot, by divine law, seize Orestes so long as he is touching the altar.

Pythia: [39] I was on my way to the inner shrine, enriched with many a wreath, when, on the centre stone,1 I beheld a man defiled before Heaven occupying the seat of suppliants. His hands were dripping gore; he held a sword just drawn and a lofty olive-branch reverently crowned with a tuft of wool exceeding large, white was the fleece; for as to this I can speak clearly.

[46] Before this man there sat asleep on thrones a wondrous throng of women. No! Women they were surely not, I rather call them. Nor yet can I liken them to forms of Gorgons either. [50] Once before this I saw some pictured creatures carrying off the feast of Phineus2 - but these are wingless, sable, and altogether detestable. Their snorting nostrils blow forth fearsome blasts, and from their eyes oozes a loathly rheum. [55] Their garb, too, was such as is unfit to bring before the statues of the gods or into the abodes of men. The tribe which owns this company I have never seen; nor do I know what region boasts to rear unscathed this brood and not repent its pains.

[60] But for the outcome, let that be now the care of the lord of this house, even Loxias3 himself, the powerful, for he is a revealer of healing remedies, a reader of portents, and for others he purifies their homes.

The Pythia exits and the scene shifts to the inner temple where Apollo is speaking to Orestes:

Apollo: [64] No! I will not abandon you. Your guardian to the end, close by your side, or even when far removed, I will not show me gentle to your enemies. So now you see these maddened women overcome; fallen on sleep are these loathsome maidens - beldames, aged children, [70] with whom neither god nor man nor beast consorts ever. For evil's sake were they even born, since they inhabit the evil gloom of Tartarus beneath the earth-creatures loathed of men and of Olympian gods. Nevertheless, you should flee on and grow not faint of heart. [75] For as you ever tread the travelled earth, they will chase you even over the wide continent and beyond the sea and the cities girdled by the sea. And grow not weary before your course be run by brooding on this your toil; but when you have come to Pallas' burgh,4 [80] sit you down and clasp in your arms her ancient image. And there, with

1 The Omphalos or navel. A white stone, located in the temple of Apollo at Delphi, was believed to be the exact centre of the earth. 2 The , who were sent by the gods to punish Phineus by stealing his food (Apollodorus, i.9.21). The point being made here is that the Erinyes are even more frightening than the Harpies. 3 Loxias in an epithet for Apollo. 4 Pallas Athena's city: Athens. 102 judges of your cause and speech of persuasive charm, we shall discover means to release you utterly from your distress; for it was at my behest that you did take your mother's life.

Apollo charges Hermes to guide Orestes to Athens. Clytemnestra's ghost appears and awakens the Erinyes who now form the chorus of the play, and who confront Apollo:

chorus: [198] Lord Apollo, listen in turn to our reply. You yourself are no mere abettor of this deed; It is your sole doing, and upon you falls all the guilt.

Apollo: What do you mean? Explain yourselves!

chorus: By your behest you did prompt the stranger to slay his mother.

Apollo: By my behest I prompted him to exact vengeance for his father. What then?

chorus: And thereafter you engaged yourself to give sanctuary to the red-handed murderer.

Apollo: [205] And I bade him turn for expiation to this house.

chorus: And then you revile us who sped him on his way here?

Apollo: Yes, I do, for it was improper that you approach this my house.

chorus: But to us this duty has been assigned.

Apollo: What is this duty of yours? Proclaim your glorious prerogative!

chorus: [210] We chase from their homes those that slay their mothers.

Apollo: But how then with a woman who kills her husband?

chorus: That would not be murder of the self-same blood and kin. 103

The scene now shifts to Athens where Orestes is seen clutching the statue of Athena even as the Erinyes enter in pursuit. Orestes prays to Athena for assistance and makes an interesting offer by way of compensation:

Orestes: [287] So now with pure lips I piously invoke Athena, this country's queen, to come to my aid. Without effort of her spear, shall she win myself, my land and the Argive folk as staunch and true allies for evermore.

The First Peloponnesian War began in 461 and a year before that, Argos had joined in an alliance with Athens. Less than one year after the production of the Oresteia, Argos would send 1000 hoplites to assist the Athenians at the Battle of . The Spartans won the battle, but barely. Athena appears and when she is appraised of the situation she decides to convene a court.

Athena: [483] I will appoint judges of homicide bound by oath and establish a tribunal, a tribunal to endure for all time. Do you call your witnesses and adduce your proofs, sworn evidence to support your cause; and I will return when I have singled out the best of my citizens, that they may decide this issue in accordance with the truth, having bound themselves by oath to pronounce no judgment contrary to justice.

The court is convened and Apollo appears to stand as a witness in the trial. After the Furies examine Orestes they ask for Apollo's testimony:

Apollo: [614] Unto you, this high tribunal created by Athena, I will speak as justice bids, seer that I am, I cannot utter untruth. Never yet, on my oracular throne, have I spoken anything touching man or woman or commonwealth, but what has been commanded by Zeus, the father of the Olympians. Mark how potent is this plea of justice; [620] and I charge you to yield obedience to the Father's will; for an oath hath not greater authority than Zeus.

Chorus: Zeus - according to your testimony - gave you this oracular command: to declare to Orestes here that he avenge the slaying of his father, but of the honour due his mother take no account at all?

Apollo and the Furies debate the greater crime; the murder of a husband and king or the murder of a mother, before Apollo appeals to Athena:

Apollo: [667] But for my part, 0 Pallas, as in all things else, as I well know how, will I exalt your city and your people, so with this man; for I have sent him as suppliant to your 104

sanctuary that he might prove faithful for all time to come, and that your, 0 Goddess, might win him as a new ally, him and his descendants, and it abide everlastingly that the posterity of this people maintain their plighted bond.

Athena: Am I to assume that enough has now been said, [675] and shall I charge the judges now to cast their honest ballots in accordance with their true judgment?

Chorus: For our part, every bolt of ours is already shot. But I remain to hear the issue of the trial.

Athena: Why should you not? As for you (to Apollo and Orestes), how shall I so dispose as to escape censure at your hands?

Apollo: You have heard what you have heard; and as you cast your ballots, [680] let your hearts, my friends, hold sacred the oath you have sworn.

Athena: [681] Hear now my ordinance, you men of Attica, who pronounce judgment at the first trial ever held for bloodshed. Henceforth, even as now, this court of judges shall abide unto the people of Aegeus1 for evermore. [685] And this Hill of Ares, whereon the Amazons had their seat and pitched their tents,2 what time they came, embattled, in resentment against Theseus, and in those days built up this new citadel with lofty towers to rival his, and sacrificed to Ares; whence the rock takes its name from him, the Hill of Ares. [690] Upon this hill, I say, Reverence and her kinsman Fear, which both dwell in the hearts of my citizens, shall withhold them from doing wrong by day and night alike, so be it they do not themselves pollute the laws with evil influences; [695] stain clear water with mud and you shall never find sweet drink. I counsel my citizens to maintain neither anarchy nor tyranny and to hold in reverence, and never quite banish, Fear from the city. For who among mortal men is righteous that has no fear of anything? [700] Stand then in just awe of such majesty and you shall possess a bulwark to safeguard your country and your government, such as none of mankind has either among the Scythians or in Pelops' realm. This council I do now establish, [705] inviolable by lust of gain, august, quick to avenge, a guardian of the land, vigilant in defence of them that sleep. I have thus dwelt at length in exhortation to my people for time yet to be but you must now rise, take each his ballot, [710] and decide the cause under the sacred obligation of your oath. I have done.

1 A mythical king of Athens. 2 According to legend, the Amazons invaded Athens and were defeated by Theseus. 105

Athena has just established the Areopagus Council. Since before the time of Solon this council had nearly sovereign power in Athens (Ath. Pol. 3.6). In 462 BC, just four years before the production of the Oresteia, Ephialtes and Pericles spearheaded constitutional reforms which stripped the Areopagus council of all powers except that they should remain a court of law (Ath. Pol. 25.1 - 26.1). The question, then, is whether or not Aeschylus intended to ratify these reforms in public opinion with the presentation of the Eumenides. The jury was hung, with equal votes for both sides and Athena, as the final and presiding magistrate, cast her vote in favour of Orestes, acquitting him of murder. Apollo exits, as does Orestes, but not before yet another vow that the people of Argos will be indebted to Athens forever (754 - 777). Athena then invites the Erinyes to reside in Athens and, accepting, they promise to protect the people of Athens from internal strife and civil war:

Chorus: May faction, insatiate of ill, ne' raise her loud voice within this city - this I pray; and may the dust not drink the black blood of its people and through passion work ruinous slaughtering for vengeance to the destruction of the State. Rather may they return joy for joy in a spirit of common love, and may they hate with one accord; for therein lies the cure of many an evil in the world.

106

Sophocles

Sophocles was born at Colonus, a small village just to the north-west of Athens, in 496/5 BC. The details of his family and his youth are obscure, but it seems probable that his father, Sophilus (or Sophillus) operated factories or hired out skilled slaves. What is certain is that his family was not aristocratic but was well-to-do; certain only because Sophocles was afforded the best education as a youth. He was only fifteen when he and his family fled to Salamis to witness the occupation of Athens by Xerxes, and after the Battle of Salamis Sophocles was a member of a boys' chorus which performed at the dedication of the trophy celebrating the victory. His first victory in the City Dionysia came in 468 with a play now lost, possibly called . Of his 123 productions only 7 survive, but we know that he won the City Dionysia 18 times. Sophocles' most famous plays are often grouped under the epithet 'The Theban Plays' and include (in the chronology of the myths themselves) Rex, Oedipus at Colonus and Antigone. While these plays might appear to form a trilogy, they were actually each one of three separate trilogies - nine plays in all, six of which are lost. The earliest of these trilogies was produced in 441/40 and featured Antigone, however, the chronology of the story begins with Oedipus: Oedipus the King () The play opens with Thebes beset by plague, and Oedipus, the king of Thebes, promising that he will find a cure:

Oedipus: [69 - 72] I have sent Menoeceus' son, , my consort's brother, to inquire of Pythian Phoebus at his Delphic shrine, how I might save the State by act or word.

(Creon enters) [95] Let me report then all the god declared. King Phoebus bids us quickly extirpate a foul pollution (miasma) that infests the land, and no more harbour an inveterate sore.

Oedipus [99] What expiation means he? What's amiss?

Creon [100] Banishment, or the shedding blood for blood. This stain of blood makes shipwreck of our state.

Oedipus: Whom can he mean, the miscreant thus denounced?

Creon Before you assumed the helm of State, the sovereign of this land was Laius.

Oedipus 107

[105] So have I heard; I never saw the man.

Creon He was killed; and now the god's command is plain: Punish his killers, whoever they be.

Oedipus learns from Creon that Laius, the former king, was murdered while on his way to Delphi. While the Thebans were trying to solve the crime, a Sphinx came to Thebes and they were forced to abandon the investigation and concentrate on the Sphinx. Oedipus issues a decree, and a call for help:

[216] You pray; 'tis well, but would you hear my words and heed them and apply the remedy, you might perchance find comfort and relief. Mind you, I speak as one who comes a stranger to this report, no less than to the crime; [220] for how unaided could I track it far without a clue? Which lacking (for too late was I enrolled a citizen of Thebes) this proclamation I address to all:

Thebans, if any knows the man by whom Laius, son of Labdacus, was slain, [225] I summon him to make confession to me. And if he shrinks, let him reflect that thus confessing he shall escape the capital charge; for the worst penalty that shall befall him is banishment; unscathed he shall depart. [230] But if an alien from a foreign land is known to any as the murderer, Let him who knows speak out, and he shall have due recompense from me and thanks to boot. But if you still keep silence, if through fear for self or friends you disregard my order, [235] hear what I then resolve: I lay my ban on the assassin whosoever he be. Let no man in this land, whereof I hold the sovereign rule, harbour or speak to him; [240] give him no part in prayer or sacrifice or lustral rites, but hound him from your homes. For this is our defilement, so the god has lately shown to me by oracles.

[245] Thus as their champion I maintain the cause both of the god and of the murdered King. And on the murderer this curse I lay (On him and all the partners in his guilt): Wretch, may he pine in utter wretchedness! And for myself, [250] if with my knowledge he gains admittance to my house, I pray the curse I laid on others fall on me. See that you give effect to all my best, for my sake and the god's and for our land, a desert blasted by the wrath of heaven. For, let alone the god's express command, [255] it were a scandal you should leave unpurged the murder of a great man and your king, nor track it home. And now that I am king, successor to his throne, [260] his bed, his wife, (And had he not been frustrated in the hope of issue, common children of one womb had forged a closer bond twixt him and me, but Fate swooped down upon him), therefore I his blood- avenger will maintain his cause as though he were my own father, [265] and leave no stone unturned to track the assassin or avenge the son of Labdacus, son of Polydore, son of Cadmus, and Agenor.

And for the disobedient thus I pray: [270] May the gods send them neither timely fruits of earth, nor teeming increase of the womb, but may they waste and pine, as now they waste, aye and worse stricken; but to all of you, my loyal subjects who approve my 108 acts, may Justice, our ally, [275] and all the gods be gracious and attend you evermore.

Oedipus then calls for the blind prophet Teiresias and asks for his assistance. But the prophet at first refuses and relents only when Oedipus interprets his silence as guilt.

Oedipus [345] I am angry in the extreme, and will not hold my tongue but speak my whole mind. You I think are the one who planned the crime, yes, and performed it too, all save the assassination; and if not for the fact that you are blind, I would say that you committed the crime alone.

Teiresias [350 Is that the way it's going to be? Fine, then I demand that you obey your own decree and from this moment speak not to me or to the people of Thebes: For you are the one who pollutes this city!

Oedipus is, of course, furious at the accusation and hismelf accuses Teiresias and Creon of conspiring to depose him. Oedipus' charge and Creon's defence are written in verse but are clearly formed on the principles of refutation and cross examination practiced not only by Socrates but by litigants in the courts. So, for example, Creon's defence is what Aristotle (Rehtoric ii.24) calls an argument from probability:

Creon [577] Then let me ask you, did you wed my sister?

Oedipus A fact so plain I cannot well deny.

Creon And as your consort queen she shares the throne?

Oedipus [580] I grant her freely all her heart desires.

Creon And with you two I share the triple rule?

Oedipus Yes, and that is what proves you a traitor.

Creon Not so, if you would employ reason as I do: First, I ask you to think, would any mortal [585] choose a troubled reign of terrors rather than security and peace, if the same power were given him? As for me, I have no natural craving for the name of tyrant, preferring to live a tyrant's life, and so thinks every sober-minded man. [590] Now all my 109 needs are satisfied through you, and I have nothing to fear; but were I king, my acts would often run counter to my will. How could a title then have charms for me above the luxury of boundless influence? I am not so infatuate [595] as to grasp the shadow when I hold the substance fast. As it is now every man has a pleasant greeting for me and wish me well, and everyone who wants something from you speaks to me first because he knows he can win your favour through me. So why would I trade my position for yours? [600] That would be sheer madness, and I am not mad. No such ambition ever tempted me, nor would I have a share in such intrigue.

And if you doubt me, go to Delphi and cross-examine the oracle to determine the truth of my report; [605] next investigate If with the seer I plotted or conspired, and if it prove so, sentence me to death, not by your voice alone, but mine and yours. But condemn me not, without appeal, on bare suspicion. It is not right to adjudge bad men at random good, [610] or good men bad. I believe a man should cast away the thing he counts most precious, his own life, rather than spurn a true friend. You will learn in time the truth, for time alone reveals the just; [615] a villain is detected in a day.

Especially in the last paragraph, lines 603 - 615, the vocabulary and the style are forensic. Oedipus is, however, unconvinced and the argument stops only when Jocaste enters.

Jocaste [707] Then you can ease your conscience on that score. Listen and I'll convince you that no man is perfect in the prophetic art. Here is the proof in brief: An oracle once came to Laius (I will not say it was from the Delphic god himself but from his ministers) declaring he was doomed to perish by the hand of his own son, a child that should be born to him by me. [715] Now Laius - so at least report affirmed - was murdered one day by foreigners at a spot where three roads meet. As for the child, it was but three days old when Laius, its ankles pierced and pinned together, gave it to be cast away by others on the trackless mountain side. [720] So then Apollo brought it not to pass that the child should be his father's murderer, or the dread terror find accomplishment, and Laius be slain by his own son. That, at least, was what the prophet had predicted. Pay no regard to prophesies; [725] whatever outcome the god wants, he can easily bring it about himself.

Oedipus What memories, what wild tumult of the soul came over me, lady, as I heard you speak!

Jocaste What do you mean? What has shocked and startled you?

Oedipus I thought I heard you say that Laius [730] was murdered at the meeting of three roads.

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Jocaste So ran the story that is current still.

Oedipus Where did this happen? Do you know the place?

Jocaste Phocis the land is called; the spot is where branch roads from Delphi and from Daulis meet.

Oedipus [735] And how long is it since these things happened?

Jocaste It was but a brief while before you were proclaimed our country's ruler that the news was brought.

Oedipus 0 Zeus, what have you willed to do with me!

Jocaste What is it, Oedipus, which moves you so?

Oedipus [740] Ask me not yet; tell me the build and height of Laius? Was he still in his prime?

Jocaste He was tall, and his hair was lightly strewn with silver; and not unlike you in form.

Oedipus 0, I am a sorry man! [745] I think unwittingly I laid but now a dread curse on myself.

Oedipus learns that of the five attendants who were with Laius, one only survived. That man has been living in the mountains ever since and Oedipus now summons him to Thebes. While they wait, Oedipus tells his own story:

Oedipus [774] My father was of Corinth, and my mother , a Dorian; and I was held the foremost citizen till a strange thing befell me, strange indeed, yet scarce deserving all the heat it stirred. A roisterer at some banquet, flown with wine, [780] shouted "You are no true son of your father."

It irked me, but I stomached for the time the insult; on the next morning I sought out my mother and my father and questioned them They were indignant at the random 111

slur cast on my parentage [785] and did their best to comfort me, but still the venomous barb rankled, for still the scandal spread and grew. So secretly, without their permission, I went to Delphi, and Apollo sent me back baulked of the knowledge that I came to seek. [790] But other grievous things he prophesied, Woes, lamentations, mourning, portents dire; To the effect that I should defile my mother's bed and raise up offspring too loathsome to behold, and slay the father from whose loins I sprang.

Warned by the oracle I turned and fled, and Corinth from that moment was to me unknown [795] save as I knew its region by the stars; Where I was headed I cared not, so I never might behold my doom of infamy fulfilled. And in my wanderings I reached the place where, as your story runs, the king was slain.

[800] Then, lady - you shall hear the very truth - as I drew near the triple-branching roads, a herald met me and a man who sat in a car drawn by colts - as in your story. The man in front and the old man himself [805] threatened to force me from the path and when I was pushed by the charioteer in anger I struck him, and the old man, seeing this, watched till I passed and from his car brought down on my head the double-pointed goad. [810] I had my revenge on him and more! One stroke of my good staff sufficed to fling him clean out of the chariot seat and laid him prone. And so I slew them every one. But if between this stranger there was anything in common with Laius, who more miserable than I, what mortal could you find more god-abhorred?

Doubt remains, but all is soon confirmed; Oedipus is the son of Laius and Jocaste, he has killed his own father and he has married and begotten children by his own mother. Both prophesies, the one given to Laius and Jocaste and the one given to Oedipus, have come true. Jocaste kills herself, and Oedipus gouges out his own eyes. As Oedipus is led out of Thebes the chorus has the final word:

Chorus Countrymen and Thebans, look; this is Oedipus the great: He who knew the Sphinx's riddle and was mightiest in our state. Who of all our townsmen gazed not on his fame with envious eyes? Now, in what a sea of troubles sunk and overwhelmed he lies! Therefore wait to see life's ending before you count any mortal happy: Wait till free from pain and sorrow he has gained his final rest.

Compare this conclusion to the passage from Herodotus' Histories (i.29 - 34), above in the Greek Ethos section.

Antigone Produced in 441 BC, Antigone tells of the conflict between Cleon, the regent-king of Thebes, and Antigone, the daughter of Oedipus, over the burial of Polyneices, but the subtext, and the enduring value of the play, is the contest of wills between the ruler and the ruled, the government and the citizen. The background to the play is that Etoecles, one of the sons of Oedipus, had taken the throne of Thebes and refused to share it with his brother, Polynices. The latter gathered six of his 112 friends from various Greek states and launched the attack on Thebes known as the War of the Seven against Thebes. In the battle both brothers lost their lives. Sophocles' Antigone in its entirety is available as an e-book on the website.

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Euripides

The third of the three great Athenian playwrights (with Aeschylus and Sophocles), Euripides was born to wealthy parents, Mnesarchides and Cleito in 480 BC, the year of the Persian invasion of Greece. His life coincided with the rise to greatness of his home city, Athens and he was fortunate to die, in 406, without seeing Athens surrender to Sparta in 403. Euripides won the City Dionysia only five times but that is a reflection of his bold innovations rather than the quality of his works - the judges at these affairs tended toward conservatism. Despite the support of his audiences, Euripides faced harsh criticism from the literary elite of Athens and in 408 he left Athens for the court of King of Macedon. Euripides lived and wrote there until his death in 406. Euripides wrote over 90 plays and although we know the names of 81 of these, only 19 are extant. The Daughters of Pelias (455 non extant) (date unknown) Cyclops (date unknown) Alcestis (438) Medea (431) Palamedes (non extant) Hippolytus (428) The Heraclidae (427) (uncertain date) (425/4) The Suppliants (421) This play relates the return of the descendants of Io to Argos. Danaus has brought his 50 daughters to Argos to escape the sons of and most of the play depicts the dilemma of King of Argos: Should he accept the suppliants and risk war with Aegyptus, or should he place the safety of his city first and send Danaus and his daughters away? The king accepts the risks that come with duty, and he takes the suppliant women into Argos only to be faced with a war with Egypt. The message, in the context of 421 BC is that Argos should risk war with Sparta by accepting an alliance with Athens. The Madness of Heracles (423 or 420) Ion (419) The Daughters of Troy (415) Electra (413) Iphigeneia in (414 - 412) Helen (412) The Phoenician Women (411 to 409) Orestes (408) The Bacchanals (406) Iphigeneia in Aulus (Produced posthumously, in 405)

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The

Women and Marriage Modern discussions on women in Ancient Greece often focus on two salient points: One; women did not participate in politics; not as councillors in oligarchic systems nor as ecclesiasts in democratic systems nor as jurors in any legal system. Two; in every Greek home of appropriate means there were ‘women’s quarters,’ a room or rooms set aside exclusively for females. Those scholars who wish to focus on the idea of male dominance over women, on the ideas of discrimination, oppression and even , interpret these two points as evidence of that unjust dominance. There exists, however, even more evidence to suggest that the genders were seen in terms of specialization, partnerships in which each has clearly defined roles.

Aristotle, Oeconomicus 1343 – 44a When we turn our attention to the human part of the household, it is the woman who makes the first claim upon it; for the natural comes first, as we have said, and nothing is more natural than the tie between female and male. For we have elsewhere laid down the premise that Nature is intent on multiplying severally her types; and this is true of every animal in particular. Neither the female, however, can affect this without the male, nor the male without the female; whence the union of the sexes has of necessity arisen. ...the co-operation between woman and man aims not merely an existence, but at a happy existence. [1344a] We begin then with the rules that should govern a man's treatment of his wife. And the first of these forbids him to do her wrong; for if he observes this, he is not likely himself to suffer wrong at her hands. As the Pythagoreans declare, even the common rule or custom of mankind thus ordains, forbidding all wrong to a wife as stringently as though she were a suppliant whom one has raised from the hearthstone. And a man does wrong to his wife when he associates with other women.

Aristotle is often quoted as saying that women have no arête, virtue. The line most cited comes at the end of the following excerpt. Reading the line in context, however, we can see that Aristotle’s argument is that women do possess the same virtue that men possess the only difference being that women do not have ‘authority.’

Aristotle, Politics [1259b.22 – 1260a.] [22] A question may indeed be raised, whether there is any excellence at all in a slave beyond and higher than merely instrumental and ministerial qualities -- whether he can have the of temperance, courage, justice, and the like; or whether slaves possess only bodily and ministerial qualities. And, whichever way we answer the question, a difficulty arises; for, if they have virtue, in what will they differ from freemen? On the other hand, since they are men and share in rational principle, it seems absurd to say that they have no virtue. A similar question may be raised about women and children, whether they too have virtues: ought a woman to be temperate and brave and just, and is a child to be called temperate, and intemperate, or not. So in general we may ask about the natural ruler, and the natural subject, whether they have the same or different virtues. For if a noble nature is equally 115 required in both, why should one of them always rule, and the other always be ruled? Nor can we say that this is a question of degree, for the difference between ruler and subject is a difference of kind, which the difference of more and less never is. Yet how strange is the supposition that the one ought, and that the other ought not, to have virtue! For if the ruler is intemperate and unjust, how can he rule well? If the subject, how can he obey well? [1260a] If he be licentious and cowardly, he will certainly not do his duty. It is evident, therefore, that both of them must have a share of virtue, but varying as natural subjects also vary among themselves. Here the very constitution of the soul has shown us the way; in it one part naturally rules, and the other is subject, and the virtue of the ruler we maintain to be different from that of the subject; the one being the virtue of the rational, and the other of the irrational part. Now, it is obvious that the same principle applies generally, and therefore almost all things rule and are ruled according to nature. But the kind of rule differs; the freeman rules over the slave after another manner from that in which the male rules over the female, or the man over the child; although the parts of the soul are present in all of them, they are present in different degrees. For the slave has no deliberative faculty at all; the woman has, but it is without authority, and the child has, but it is immature.

Hesiod, Works and Days 695 - 705 Bring home a wife to your house when you are of the right age, while you are not far short of thirty years nor much above; this is the right age for marriage. Let your wife have been grown up four years, and marry her in the fifth. Marry a maiden, so that you can teach her careful ways, and especially marry one who lives near you, but look well about you and see that your marriage will not be a joke to your neighbours. For a man wins nothing better than a good wife, and, again, nothing worse than a bad one, a greedy soul who roasts her man without fire, strong though he may be, and brings him to a raw old age.

The following purports to be a conversation between Socrates and a wealthy nobleman named Ischomachus:

Xenophon, Oeconomicus 7. But to answer your question, Socrates (he proceeded), I certainly do not spend my days indoors, if for no other reason, because my wife is quite capable of managing our domestic affairs without my aid. Ah! (said Socrates), Ischomachus, that is just what I should like particularly to learn from you. Did you yourself educate your wife to be all that a wife should be, or when you received her from her father and mother was she already a proficient well skilled to discharge the duties appropriate to a wife? Well skilled! (he replied). What proficiency was she likely to bring with her, when she was not quite fifteen at the time she wedded me, and during the whole prior period of her life had been most carefully brought up to see and hear as little as possible, and to ask the fewest questions? Or do you not think one should be satisfied, if at marriage her whole experience consisted in knowing how to take the wool and make a dress, and seeing how her mother’s handmaidens had their daily spinning-tasks assigned them? For (he added), as regards control of appetite and self-indulgence, she had received the soundest education, and that I take to be the most important matter in the bringing-up of man or woman. 116

Then all else (said I) you taught your wife yourself, Ischomachus, until you had made her capable of attending carefully to her appointed duties? That did I not (replied he) until I had offered sacrifice, and prayed that I might teach and she might learn all that could conduce to the happiness of us twain. Soc. And did your wife join in sacrifice and prayer to that effect? Isch. Most certainly, with many a vow registered to heaven to become all she ought to be; and her whole manner showed that she would not be neglectful of what was taught her. Soc. Pray narrate to me, Ischomachus, I beg of you, what you first essayed to teach her. To hear that story would please me more than any description of the most splendid gymnastic contest or horse-race you could give me. Why, Socrates (he answered), when after a time she had become accustomed to my hand, that is, was tamed sufficiently to play her part in a discussion, I put to her this question: “Did it ever strike you to consider, dear wife, what led me to choose you as my wife among all women, and your parents to entrust you to me of all men? It was certainly not from any difficulty that might beset either of us to find another bedfellow. That I am sure is evident to you. No! It was with deliberate intent to discover, I for myself and your parents in behalf of you, the best partner of house and children we could find, that I sought you out, and your parents, acting to the best of their ability, made choice of me. If at some future time God grant us to have children born to us, we will take counsel together how best to bring them up, for that too will be a common interest, and a common blessing if haply they shall live to fight our battles and we find in them hereafter support and succour when ourselves are old. But at present there is our house here, which belongs like to both. It is common property, for all that I possess goes by my will into the common fund, and in the same way all that you deposited was placed by you to the common fund. We need not stop to calculate in figures which of us contributed most, but rather let us lay to heart this fact that whichever of us proves the better partner, he or she at once contributes what is most worth having.” Thus I addressed her, Socrates, and thus my wife made answer: “But how can I assist you? What is my ability? Nay, everything depends on you. My business, my mother told me, was to be sober-minded!” “Most true, my wife,” I replied, “and that is what my father said to me. But what is the proof of sober-mindedness in man or woman? Is it not so to behave that what they have of good may ever be at its best, and that new treasures from the same source of beauty and righteousness may be most amply added?” “But what is there that I can do,” my wife inquired, “which will help to increase our joint estate?” “Assuredly,” I answered, “you may strive to do as well as possible what Heaven has given you a natural gift for and which the law approves.” “And what may these things be?” she asked. “To my mind they are not the things of least importance,” I replied, “unless the things which the queen bee in her hive presides over are of slight importance to the bee community; for the gods” (so Ischomachus assured me, he continued), “the gods, my wife, would seem to have exercised much care and judgment in compacting that twin system which goes by the name of male and female, so as to secure the greatest possible advantage to 117

the pair. Since no doubt the underlying principle of the bond is first and foremost to perpetuate through procreation the races of living creatures; and next, as the outcome of this bond, for human beings at any rate, a provision is made by which they may have sons and daughters to support them in old age. “And again, the way of life of human beings, not being maintained like that of cattle in the open air, obviously demands roofed homesteads. But if these same human beings are to have anything to bring in under cover, someone to carry out these labours of the field under high heaven must be found them, since such operations as the breaking up of fallow with the plough, the sowing of seed, the planting of trees, the pasturing and herding of flocks, are one and all open-air employments on which the supply of products necessary to life depends. “As soon as these products of the field are safely housed and under cover, new needs arise. There must be someone to guard the store and someone to perform such necessary operations as imply the need of shelter. Shelter, for instance, is needed for the rearing of infant children; shelter is needed for the various processes of converting the fruits of earth into food, and in like manner for the fabrication of clothing out of wool. “But whereas both of these, the indoor and the outdoor occupations alike, demand new toil and new attention, to meet the case,” I added, “God made provision from the first by shaping, as it seems to me, the woman’s nature for indoor and the man’s for outdoor occupations. Man’s body and soul He furnished with a greater capacity for enduring heat and cold, wayfaring and military marches; or, to repeat, He laid upon his shoulders the outdoor works. “While in creating the body of woman with less capacity for these things,” I continued, “God would seem to have imposed on her the indoor works; and knowing that He had implanted in the woman and imposed upon her the nurture of new-born babies, He endowed her with a larger share of affection for the new-born child than He bestowed upon man. And since He imposed on woman the guardianship of the things imported from without, God, in His wisdom, perceiving that a fearful spirit was no detriment to guardianship, endowed the woman with a larger measure of timidity than He bestowed on man. Knowing further that he to whom the outdoor works belonged would need to defend them against malign attack, He endowed the man in turn with a larger share of courage. “And seeing that both alike feel the need of giving and receiving, He set down memory and carefulness between them for their common use, so that you would find it hard to determine which of the two, the male or the female, has the larger share of these. So, too, God set down between them for their common use the gift of self-control, where needed, adding only to that one of the twain, whether man or woman, which should prove the better, the power to be rewarded with a larger share of this perfection. And for the very reason that their natures are not alike adapted to like ends, they stand in greater need of one another; and the married couple is made more useful to itself, the one fulfilling what the other lacks. “Now, being well aware of this, my wife,” I added, “and knowing well what things are laid upon us twain by God Himself, must we not strive to perform, each in the best way possible, our respective duties? Law, too, gives her consent — law and the usage of mankind, by sanctioning the wedlock of man and wife; and just as God ordained them to be partners in their children, so the law establishes their common ownership of house and estate. Custom, moreover, proclaims as beautiful those excellences of man and woman with which 118

God gifted them at birth. Thus for a woman to bide tranquilly at home rather than roam abroad is no dishonour; but for a man to remain indoors, instead of devoting himself to outdoor pursuits, is a thing discreditable. But if a man does things contrary to the nature given him by God, the chances are, such insubordination escapes not the eye of Heaven: he pays the penalty, whether of neglecting his own works, or of performing those appropriate to woman.” I added: “Just such works, if I mistake not, that same queen-bee we spoke of labours hard to perform, like yours, my wife, enjoined upon her by God himself.” “And what sort of works are these?” she asked; “what has the queen-bee to do that she seems so like myself, or I like her in what I have to do?” “Why,” I answered, “she too stays in the hive and suffers not the other bees to idle. Those whose duty it is to work outside she sends forth to their labours; and all that each of them brings in, she notes and receives and stores against the day of need; but when the season for use has come, she distributes a just share to each. Again, it is she who presides over the fabric of choicely-woven cells within. She looks to it that warp and woof are wrought with speed and beauty. Under her guardian eye the brood of young is nursed and reared; but when the days of rearing are past and the young bees are ripe for work, she sends them out as colonists with one of the seed royal to be their leader.” “Shall I then have to do these things?” asked my wife. “Yes,” I answered, “you will need in the same way to stay indoors, despatching to their toils without those of your domestics whose work lies there. Over those whose appointed tasks are wrought indoors, it will be your duty to preside; yours to receive the stuffs brought in; yours to apportion part for daily use, and yours to make provision for the rest, to guard and garner it so that the outgoings destined for a year may not be expended in a month. It will be your duty, when the wools are introduced, to see that clothing is made for those who need; your duty also to see that the dried corn is rendered fit and serviceable for food. “There is just one of all these occupations which devolve upon you,” I added, “you may not find so altogether pleasing. Should any one of our household fall sick, it will be your care to see and tend them to the recovery of their health.” “But there are other cares, you know, and occupations,” I answered, “which are yours by right, and these you will find agreeable. This, for instance, to take some maiden who knows naught of carding wool and to make her proficient in the art, doubling her usefulness; or to receive another quite ignorant of housekeeping or of service, and to render her skilful, loyal, serviceable, till she is worth her weight in gold; or again, when occasion serves, you have it in your power to requite by kindness the well-behaved whose presence is a blessing to your house; or maybe to chasten the bad character, should such an one appear. But the greatest joy of all will be to prove yourself my better; to make me your faithful follower; knowing no dread lest as the years advance you should decline in honour in your household, but rather trusting that, though your hair turn gray, yet, in proportion as you come to be a better helpmate to myself and to the children, a better guardian of our home, so will your honour increase throughout the household as mistress, wife, and mother, daily more dearly prized. Since,” I added, “it is not through excellence of outward form, but by reason of the lustre of virtues shed forth upon the life of man, that increase is given to things beautiful and good.” 119

That, Socrates, or something like that, as far as I may trust my memory, records the earliest conversation which I held with her.

Slavery Slavery in Ancient Greece is one of those topics that betrays the difficulty of cultural studies in that it conjures, as a reflex, negative judgements that may not be justified. As historians we should restrict both praise and blame to the mores of the time and place under consideration. It does us no service, it adds nothing of our understanding of this or any culture, to simply apply our moral preferences and to censure them.

Aeschines, Against 1.97 His father left him a fortune which another man would have found sufficient for the service of the state also. But Timarchus was not able even to preserve it for himself. There was a house south of the Acropolis, a suburban estate at Sphettus, another piece of land at Alopece, and besides there were nine or ten slaves who were skilled shoemakers, each of whom paid him a fee of two obols a day, and the superintendent of the shop three obols. Besides these there was a woman skilled in flax-working, who produced fine goods for the market, and there was a man skilled in embroidery. Certain men also owed him money, and there were house furnishings.

These two and three obol fees the slaves were paying to Timarchus were called apophora. The slaves would have been working in the trades described for two or three drachma per day, and paying a fee to Timarchus for the relative freedom. The difficulty of managing and disciplining slaves became a running joke and is used as comic relief in many Greek manuscripts. In the following excerpt, Socrates and Hippocrates are paying a visit to the house of Callias where the sophist is staying, but they are very nearly prevented by a belligerent slave:

Plato, Protagoras 314c - e. Now, I fancy the doorkeeper, who was a , overheard us; very likely [314d] the great number of sophists has made him annoyed with callers at the house: at any rate, when we had knocked on the door, he opened it and, on seeing us: Hello, he said, sophists there! Master is engaged. So saying, he seized the door with both hands and very smartly clapped it to with all his might. We tried knocking again, and then he spoke in answer through the closed door: Sirs, have you not heard, he is engaged? But, my good fellow, I said, we have not come to see Callias, [314e] nor are we sophists. Have no fear: I tell you, we have come to ask if we may see Protagoras; so go and announce us. Then with much hesitation the fellow opened the door to us…

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Sparta

The Spartans were Dorian Greeks but their royal families claimed descent from Heracles:

Herodotus vi.52 52. For the Lacedemonians, who herein agree with none of the poets, say that the son of , the son of Cleodaus, the son of ,1 being their king, led them himself (and not the sons of Aristodemus) to this land which they now possess. Then after no long time the wife of Aristodemus, whose name was Argeia (she was the daughter, they say, of Autesion, the son of Tisamenes, the son of , the son of Polyneikes) she, it is said, brought forth twins; and Aristodemus lived but to see his children and then ended his life by sickness. So the Lacedemonians of that time resolved according to established custom to make the elder of the children their king; but they did not know which of them they should take, because they were like one another and of equal size; and when they were not able to make out, or even before this, they inquired of their mother; and she said that even she herself did not know one from the other. She said this, although she knew in truth very well, because she desired that by some means both might be made kings. The Spartans then were in a strait; and being in a strait they sent to Delphi to inquire what they should do in the matter. And the Pythian prophetess bade them regard both children as their kings, but honour most the first in age. The prophetess, they say, thus gave answer to them; and when the Spartans were at a loss none the less how to find out the elder of them, a Messenian whose name was Panites made a suggestion to them: this Panites, I say, suggested to the Spartans that they should watch the mother and see which of the children she washed and fed before the other; and if she was seen to do this always in the same order, then they would have all that they were seeking and desiring to find out, but if she too was uncertain and did it in a different order at different times, it would be plain to them that even she had no more knowledge than any other, and they must turn to some other way. Then the Spartans following the suggestion of the Messenian watched the mother of the sons of Aristodemus and found that she gave honour thus to the first-born both in feeding and in washing; for she did not know with that design she was being watched. They took therefore the child which was honoured by its mother and brought it up as the first-born in the public hall, and to it was given the name of , while the other was called . These, when they had grown up, both themselves were at variance, they say, with one another, Though they were brothers, throughout the whole time of their lives, and their descendants also continued after the same manner.

The pseudo-historical reformer of the Spartan constitution was Lycurgus:

Herodotus i.65.2 – 66.1 ... in the times before this they [the Spartans] had the worst laws of almost all the Hellenes, both in matters which concerned themselves alone and also in that they had no dealings with strangers. And they made their change to a good constitution of laws thus:

1 Hyllus was the son of Heracles by by some accounts and by Deianeira by others. 121

Lycurgus, a man of the Spartans who was held in high repute, came to the Oracle at Delphi, and as he entered the sanctuary of the temple, straightway the Pythian prophetess said as follows: “Lo, thou art come, O Lycurgos, to this rich shrine of my temple, loved thou by Zeus and by all who possess the abodes of Olympos. Whether to call thee a god, I doubt, in my voices prophetic, god or a man, but rather a god I think, O Lycurgos.” Some say in addition to this that the Pythian prophetess also set forth to him the order of things which is now established for the Spartiates; but the Spartans themselves say that Lycurgos having become guardian of Leobotes his brother's son, who was king of the Spartans, brought in these things from Crete. For as soon as he became guardian, he changed all the prevailing laws, and took measures that they should not transgress his institutions: and after this Lycurgos established that which appertained to war, namely Enomoties and Triecads and Common Meals, and in addition to this the Ephors and the Senate. 66. Having changed thus, the Spartans had good laws; and to Lycurgus after he was dead they erected a temple, and they pay him great worship. So then, as might be supposed, with a fertile land and with no small number of men dwelling in it, they straightway shot up and became prosperous:

Our best source of information on Sparta is Xenophon, originally an Athenian, he served under Clearchus of Sparta as a mercenary for Cyrus the Pretender and later retired in .

Xenophon, The Spartan Constitution 1 - 3 1. [1] I recall the astonishment with which I first noted the unique position of Sparta amongst the states of Hellas, the relatively sparse population, and at the same time the extraordinary power and prestige of the community. I was puzzled to account for the fact. It was only when I came to consider the peculiar institutions of the Spartans that my wonderment ceased. [2] Or rather, it is transferred to the legislator who gave them those laws, obedience to which has been the secret of their prosperity. This legislator, Lycurgus, I must admire, and consider him to have been one of the wisest of mankind. Certainly he was no servile imitator of other states. It was by a stroke of invention rather, and on a pattern much in opposition to the commonly-accepted one, that he brought his fatherland to this pinnacle of prosperity. [3] Take for example - and it is well to begin at the beginning - the whole topic of the begetting and rearing of children. Throughout the rest of the world the young girl, who will one day become a mother (and I speak of those who may be held to be well brought up), is nurtured on the plainest food attainable, with the scantiest addition of meat or other condiments; while as to wine they train them either to total abstinence or to take it highly diluted with water. And in imitation, as it were, of the handicraft type, since the majority of artificers are sedentary, we, the rest of the Hellenes, are content that our girls should sit quietly and work wools. That is all we demand of them. But how are we to expect that women nurtured in this fashion should produce a splendid offspring? [4] Lycurgus pursued a different path. Clothes were things, he held, the furnishing of which might well enough be left to female slaves. And, believing that the highest function of a free woman was the bearing of children, in the first place he insisted on the training of the 122 body as incumbent no less on the female than the male; and in pursuit of the same idea instituted rival contests in running and feats of strength for women as for men. His belief was that where both parents were strong their progeny would be found to be more vigorous. [5] And so again after marriage. In view of the fact that immoderate intercourse is elsewhere permitted during the earlier period of matrimony, he adopted a principle directly opposite. He laid it down as an ordinance that a man should be ashamed to be seen visiting the chamber of his wife, whether going in or coming out. When they did meet under such restraint the mutual longing of these lovers could not but be increased, and the fruit which might spring from such intercourse would tend to be more robust than theirs whose affections are cloyed by satiety. [6] By a farther step in the same direction he refused to allow to be contracted at any period of life according to the fancy of the parties concerned. Marriage, as he ordained it, must only take place in the prime of bodily vigour, this too being, as he believed, a condition conducive to the production of healthy offspring. [7] Or again, to meet the case which might occur of an old man wedded to a young wife. Considering the jealous watch which such husbands are apt to keep over their wives, he introduced a directly opposite custom; that is to say, he made it incumbent on the aged husband to introduce someone whose qualities, physical and moral, he admired, to play the husband's part and to beget him children. [8] Or again, in the case of a man who might not desire to live with a wife permanently, but yet might still be anxious to have children of his own worthy the name, the lawgiver laid down a law in his behalf. Such a one might select some woman, the wife of some man, well born herself and blest with fair offspring, and, the sanction and consent of her husband first obtained, raise up children for himself through her. [9] These and many other adaptations of a like sort the lawgiver sanctioned. As, for instance, at Sparta a wife will not object to bear the burden of a double establishment, or a husband to adopt sons as foster-brothers of his own children, with a full share in his family and position, but possessing no claim to his wealth and property. [10] So opposed to those of the rest of the world are the principles which Lycurgus devised in reference to the production of children. Whether they enabled him to provide Sparta with a race of men superior to all in size and strength I leave to the judgment of whomsoever it may concern. 2. [1] With this exposition of the customs in connection with the birth of children, I wish now to explain the systems of education in fashion here and elsewhere. Throughout the rest of Hellas, the custom on the part of those who claim to educate their sons in the best way is as follows. As soon as the children are of an age to understand what is said to them they are immediately placed under the charge of Paidagogoi (or tutors), who are also attendants, and sent off to the school of some teacher to be taught "grammar," "music," and the concerns of the .1 Besides this they are given shoes to wear which tend to make their feet tender, and their bodies are enervated by various changes of clothing. And as for food, the only measure recognised is that which is fixed by appetite. [2] But when we turn to Lycurgus, instead of leaving it to each member of the state

1 The Wrestling School. 123

privately to appoint a slave to be his son's tutor, he set over the young Spartans a public guardian, the Paidonomos1 to give them his proper title, with complete authority over them. This guardian was selected from those who filled the highest magistracies. He had authority to hold musters of the boys, and as their overseer, in case of any misbehaviour, to chastise severely. The legislator further provided his paidonomos with a body of youths in the prime of life, and bearing whips, to inflict punishment when necessary, with this happy result; that in Sparta modesty and obedience ever go hand in hand, nor is there lack of either. [3] Instead of softening their feet with shoe or sandal, his rule was to make them hardy through going barefoot. This habit, if practised, would, as he believed, enable them to scale heights more easily and clamber down precipices with less danger. In fact, with his feet so trained the young Spartan would leap and spring and run faster unshod than another shod in the ordinary way. [4] Instead of making them effeminate with a variety of clothes, his rule was to habituate them to a single garment the whole year through, thinking that so they would be better prepared to withstand the variations of heat and cold. [5] Again, as regards food, according to his regulation the Eiren,2 head of the class, must see that his messmates gathered to the club meal,3 with such moderate food as to avoid that heaviness which is engendered by repletion. His belief was that by such training in boyhood they would be better able when occasion demanded to continue toiling on an empty stomach. They would be all the fitter, if the word of command were given, to remain on the march for a long time without extra food. The craving for luxuries would be less, the readiness to take any victual set before them greater, and, in general, the regime would be found healthier. [6] Under it he thought the lads would grow taller, since, as he maintained, a diet which makes one slim promotes height while fatty foods cause one to be more rotund.4 On the other hand, in order to guard against a too great pinch of starvation, though he did not actually allow the boys to help themselves without further trouble to what they needed more, he did give them permission to steal this thing or that in the effort to alleviate their hunger. [7] It was not, of course, from any real difficulty in providing for them with nutriment that he left it to them to avail themselves by this crafty method. Nor can I conceive that any one will so misinterpret the custom. Clearly its explanation lies in the fact that he who would live the life of a robber must forgo sleep by night, and in the daytime he must employ shifts and lie in ambush; he must prepare and make ready his scouts, and so forth, if he is to succeed in capturing the quarry. It is obvious, I say, that the whole of this education tended, and was intended, to make the boys craftier and more inventive in getting in supplies, whilst at the same time it cultivated their warlike instincts. [8] An objector may retort: "But if he thought it so fine a feat to steal, why did he inflict all those blows on the unfortunate who was caught?" My answer is: for the same reason which induces people, in other matters which are taught, to punish those who perform poorly. So they, the Spartans, punish the boy for getting caught stealing, not for the

1 Literally ‘child regulator’ or ‘one who regulates the children’ so, ‘Warden’ might be appropriate. 2 A Spartan youth, 20 years old. At that age he was appointed leader of a group of younger boys. 3 Boys in training took their meals together in a mess hall, rather than with their families. 4 I have, here, rephrased Watson’s overly verbose translation. 124 act of stealing itself. [9] So to steal as many cheeses as possible (off the shrine of Artemis Orthia) was a feat to be encouraged; but, at the same moment, others were enjoined to scourge the thief, which would point a moral not obscurely, that by pain endured for a brief season a man may earn the joyous reward of lasting glory. Herein, too, it is plainly shown that where speed is requisite the sluggard will win for himself much trouble and scant good. [10] Furthermore, and in order that the boys should not want a ruler, even in case the Warden himself were absent, he gave to any citizen who chanced to be present authority to do whatever he thought right, and to chastise them for any trespass committed. By so doing he created in the boys of Sparta a most rare modesty and reverence. And indeed there is nothing which, whether as boys or men, they respect more highly than the ruler. [11] Lastly, and with the same intention, that the boys must never be without a ruler, even if by chance there were no grown man present, he laid down the rule that in such a case the sharpest of the Eirenoi was to become ruler, each of his own division. The conclusion being that under no circumstances whatever are the boys of Sparta destitute of one to rule them. [12] I ought, as it seems to me, not to omit some remark on the subject of boy attachments, it being a topic in close connection with that of boyhood and the training of boys. We know that the rest of the Hellenes deal with this relationship in different ways, either after the manner of the Boeotians, where man and boy are intimately united by a bond like that of wedlock, or after the manner of the Eleians, where favours are exchanged for favours; while there are others who would absolutely debar the suitors from all conversation and discourse with boys. [13] Lycurgus adopted a system opposed to all of these alike. Given that someone, himself being all that a man ought to be, should in admiration of a boy's soul endeavour to discover in him a true friend without reproach, and to consort with him--this was a relationship which Lycurgus commended, and indeed regarded as the noblest type of bringing up. But if, as was evident, it was not an attachment to the soul, but a yearning merely towards the body, he stamped this thing as foul and horrible; and with this result, to the credit of Lycurgus be it said, that in Sparta the relationship of lover and beloved is like that of parent and child or brother and brother where carnal appetite is in abeyance. [14] I don’t think it any surprise, however, that some people refuse to believe this, since in many states the laws are not opposed to these relationships with boys.1 I have now described the two chief methods of education in vogue; that is to say, the Spartan as contrasted with that of the rest of Hellas, and I leave it to the judgment of him whom it may concern, which of the two has produced the finer type of men. And by finer I mean the better disciplined, the more modest and reverential, and, in matters where self-restraint is a virtue, the more continent. 3. [1] Coming to the critical period at which a boy ceases to be a boy and becomes a youth, we find that it is just then that the rest of the world proceed to emancipate their children from the private tutor and the schoolmaster, and, without substituting any further ruler, are content to launch them into absolute independence. Here, again, Lycurgus took an entirely opposite view of the matter.

1 I have added this line, which does appear in the Greek text but Watson omits. 125

[2] This, if observation might be trusted, was the season when the tide of animal spirits flows fast, and the froth of insolence rises to the surface; when, too, the most violent appetites for diverse pleasures, in serried ranks, invade the mind.1 This, then, was the right moment at which to impose tenfold labours upon the growing youth. [3] And by a crowning enactment, which said that "he who shrank from the duties imposed on him would forfeit henceforth all claim to the honours of the state," he caused, not only the public authorities, but those personally interested in the several companies of youths to take serious pains so that no single individual of them should by an act of craven cowardice find himself utterly rejected and reprobate within the body politic. [4] Furthermore, in his desire to implant in their youthful souls a root of modesty he imposed upon these bigger boys a special rule. In the very streets they were to keep their two hands within the folds of the cloak; they were to walk in silence and without turning their heads to gaze, now here, now there, but rather to keep their eyes fixed upon the ground before them. And hereby it would seem to be proved conclusively that, even in the matter of quiet bearing and sobriety, men may claim greater strength than women. [5] At any rate, you might sooner expect a stone image to find voice than one of those Spartan youths; to divert the eyes of some bronze stature were less difficult. And as to quiet bearing, no bride ever stepped in bridal bower with more natural modesty. Note them when they have reached the public table. The plainest answer to the question asked--that is all you need expect to hear from their lips.

Spartans were famous for austerity in all aspects of life, including the spoken and written word, and so it is from ‘Laconia’ that English derives the word ‘laconic.’

Herodotus iii.46 When those of the Samians who had been driven out by Polycrates reached Sparta, they were introduced before the magistrates and spoke at length, being urgent in their request. The magistrates however at the first introduction replied that they had forgotten the things which had been spoken at the beginning, and did not understand those which were spoken at the end. After this they were introduced a second time, and bringing with them a bag they said nothing else but this, namely that the bag was in want of meal; to which the others replied that they had overdone it with the bag. However, they resolved to help them.

Spartan Warfare Xenophon, The Spartan Constitution 11.1 - 10 11. [1] The regulations which I have mentioned are beneficial alike in peace and in war; but if any one wishes to learn what the lawgiver contrived better than other legislators with reference to military proceedings, he may attend to the following particulars: [2] In the first place, then, the Ephors give the cavalry and infantry public notice of the years during which they must join the army, as well as the artizans; for the Lacedæmonians provide themselves in the field with an abundance of all those things which people use in a

1 At 20 years of age. 126 city; and of whatever instruments an army may require in common, orders are given to bring some on wagons and others on beasts of burden, as by this arrangement anything left behind is least likely to escape notice. [3] For engagements in the field he made the following arrangements: He ordered that each soldier should have a purple robe and a brazen shield; for he thought that such a dress had least resemblance to that of women, and was excellently adapted for the field of battle, as it is soonest made splendid, and is longest in growing soiled. He permitted also those above the age of puberty to let their hair grow, as he thought that they thus appeared taller, more manly, and more terrible in the eyes of the enemy. [4] When they were thus equipped, he divided them into six morae of cavalry and heavy- armed infantry. Each of these morae of the infantry has one polemarch1, four Lochoi,2 eight Penteconters,3 and sixteen enomotarchs.4 The men of these moræ are sometimes, according to the command issued, formed in enomotiae, sometimes three, sometimes six abreast. [5] As to what most people imagine, that the arrangement of the Spartans under arms is extremely complex, they conceive the exact contrary to what is the fact; for in the Lacedaemonian order the officers are placed in the front ranks, and each rank is in a condition to perform everything which it is necessary for it to perform. [6] So easy is it to understand this arrangement that no one who can distinguish one man from another would fail of learning it; for it is assigned to some to lead, and enjoined on others to follow. Shiftings of place, by which the companies are extended or deepened, are ordered by the word of the enomotarch, as by a herald; and in these there is nothing in the least difficult to learn. [7] But how it is possible for men in this arrangement, even if they are thrown into confusion, to fight with an enemy presenting themselves on any quarter alike, it is not so easy to understand, except for those who have been brought up under the institution of Lycurgus. [8] The Spartans do with the greatest ease what appears extremely difficult to other men that are even accustomed to arms. For when they march in column, one enomotia follows in the rear of another; and if, when they are in this order, a body of the enemy shows itself in front, orders are given to each enomotarch to bring up his enomotia to the front on the left; and this movement is made throughout the whole army, until it presents itself in full array against the enemy. But if again, while they are in this order, the enemy should show themselves in the rear, each rank performs the evolution that the strongest may always be presented to the enemy. [9] But when the commander is on the left, they do not in that case consider themselves in a worse condition, but sometimes even in a better; for if an enemy should attempt to encompass them, he would come round, not on the defenseless, but on the armed side. [10] If on any occasion, again, it should appear advantageous, for any particular object, that the commander should occupy the right wing, they wheel the troop toward the wing, and maneuver the main body until the commander is on the right, and the rear becomes the left. But if, again, the body of the enemy appear on the right, marching in column, they do

1 Literally ‘commander-in-war’, a general. 2 Commander of a band of 100 men, a loxos. 3 Commander of 50 men. 4 An enomotia, then, is a band of 25 men. 127 nothing else but turn each century round, like a ship, so as to front the enemy; and thus the century which was in the rear comes to the right. But if the enemy approach on the left, they do not allow them to come near, but repulse them, or turn their centuries round to face the enemy; and thus again the century that was in the rear takes its place on the left.

Every Spartan male was a full-time, professional soldier: Slavery allowed them the luxury. The majority of the population of Laconia were called and these people not only did all of the labour necessary to maintain the state, but because of the small numbers of Spartans the Helots also served in the army as auxiliaries. But the Spartans were always on guard against Helot rebellion:

Critias The Spartan Constitution Because of mistrust, the Spartiate at home takes the handles off their (the Helots’) shields. Not being able to do this in war, because of the frequent need for speedy use, he goes round always carrying his spear, thinking to overcome the Helot with it if he tries separate mutiny with the shield only. They have also devised bolts, which they believe to be strong enough to withstand any attack from the Helots.

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The Peloponnesian War:

In 435/4 BC Corcyra, an independent state, found itself in conflict with Corinth, a member of the . Corcyra applied to Athens for ally status while Corinth sent an embassy to Athens to urge them to ignore the Corcyreans:

Thucydides i.44 When the Athenians had heard both out, two assemblies were held. In the first there was a manifest disposition to listen to the representations of Corinth; in the second, public feeling had changed and an alliance with Corcyra was decided on, with certain reservations. It was to be a defensive, not an offensive alliance. It did not involve a breach of the treaty with Peloponnese:1 Athens could not be required to join Corcyra in any attack upon Corinth.2 But each of the contracting parties had a right to the other's assistance against invasion, whether of his own territory or that of an ally.3 For it began now to be felt that the coming of the Peloponnesian war was only a question of time, and no one was willing to see a naval power of such magnitude as Corcyra sacrificed to Corinth; though if they could let them weaken each other by mutual conflict, it would be no bad preparation for the struggle which Athens might one day have to wage with Corinth and the other naval powers. At the same time the island seemed to lie conveniently on the coasting passage to Italy and Sicily. With these views, Athens received Corcyra into alliance and, on the departure of the Corinthians not long afterwards, sent ten ships to their assistance. They were commanded by , the son of Cimon, Diotimus, the son of Strombichus, and Proteas, the son of Epicles. Their instructions were to avoid collision with the Corinthian fleet except under certain circumstances. If it sailed to Corcyra and threatened a landing on her coast, or in any of her possessions, they were to do their utmost to prevent it. These instructions were prompted by an anxiety to avoid a breach of the treaty.

The Revolt of Potidaea Potidaea, a member state in the Athenian Empire in the N. West corner of the Aegean, attempted to revolt from Athenian rule in October of 433 BC:

Thucydides i.56 Almost immediately after this, fresh differences arose between the Athenians and Peloponnesians, and contributed their share to the war. Corinth was forming schemes for retaliation, and Athens suspected her hostility. The Potidaeans, who inhabit the isthmus of Pallene, being a Corinthian colony, but tributary allies of Athens, were ordered to raze the wall looking towards Pallene, to give hostages, to dismiss the Corinthian magistrates, and in

1 The Thirty Years Peace between Athens and Sparta that ended the First Peloponnesian War in 445 BC. 2 Because Corinth was a member of the Peloponnesian League and a signatory to the peace of 445. 3 This is a treaty that never seems to have been enjoyed by either side. On several occasions Athens might have benefited from Corcyrean aid, but none was ever sent. 129 future not to receive the persons sent from Corinth annually to succeed them. It was feared that they might be persuaded by Perdiccas1 and the Corinthians to revolt, and might draw the rest of the allies in the direction of Thrace to revolt with them. These precautions against the Potidaeans were taken by the Athenians immediately after the battle at Corcyra.

Grounds for Complaint: With political tensions coming to a head, several Greek states openly protested the aggressiveness of Athens and entreated the Spartans to intervene:

Thucydides i.66-67 The Athenians and Peloponnesians had these antecedent grounds of complaint against each other: the complaint of Corinth was that her colony of Potidaea, and Corinthian and Peloponnesian citizens within it, were being besieged; that of Athens against the Peloponnesians that they had incited a town of hers, a member of her alliance and a contributor to her revenue, to revolt, and had come and were openly fighting against her on the side of the Potidaeans. For all this, war had not yet broken out: there was still truce for a while; for this was a private enterprise on the part of Corinth. [67] But the siege of Potidaea put an end to her inaction; she had men inside it: besides, she feared for the place. Immediately summoning the allies to Sparta, she came and loudly accused Athens of breach of the treaty and aggression on the rights of the Peloponnesian League. With her, the Aeginetans, formally unrepresented from fear of Athens, in secret proved not the least urgent of the advocates for war, asserting that they had not the independence guaranteed to them by the treaty. After extending the summons to any of their allies and others who might have complaints to make of Athenian aggression, the Spartans held their ordinary assembly, and invited them to speak. There were many who came forward and made their several accusations; among them the Megarians, in a long list of grievances, called special attention to the fact of their exclusion from the ports of the Athenian empire and the market of Athens, in defiance of the treaty. Last of all the Corinthians came forward, and having let those who preceded them inflame the Spartans, now followed with a speech…

After several speeches two votes were held to determine if Sparta should lead the Peloponnesian League in declaring war on Athens. The first vote counted the members of the Spartan gerousia only and the motion was passed to declare war but by a small margin. The second vote counted the allied states the majority chose war.

Thucydides i.88 The Spartans voted that the treaty had been broken, and that the war must be declared, not so much because they were persuaded by the arguments of the allies, as because they feared the growth of the power of the Athenians, seeing most of Hellas already subject to them.

1 Perdiccas was king of Macedon (454 – 413 BC). When Perdiccas opposed the Athenian settlement at Amphipolis Athens supported his brother, Philip, in a bid to remove him from the throne. The bid failed and Perdicass became an enemy of Athens. 130

In the above selection, Thucydides is completing an argument he began early in Book One. The argument is simple enough: ‘All else notwithstanding, the real cause of the war was fear.’

Thucydides i.23 To the question why they broke the treaty, I answer by placing first an account of their grounds of complaint and points of difference that no one may ever have to ask the immediate cause which plunged the Hellenes into a war of such magnitude. The real cause I consider to be the one which was formally most kept out of sight. The growth of the power of Athens, and the fear which this inspired in Sparta, made war inevitable. Still it is well to give the grounds alleged by either side which led to the dissolution of the treaty and the breaking out of the war.

Archidamus’ Strategy Archidamus, the Spartan king and leader of the Peloponnesian League army, expected a traditional war. He would march to Attica and the Athenians would march their army out to meet him. They would have a good fight and afterwards the Athenians would admit defeat and everyone would be home before the end of summer. Thucydides imagines a speech given by Archidamus as the army approached Attica:

Thucydides ii.11 In the present instance, the city against which we are going, far from being so impotent for defence, is on the contrary most excellently equipped at all points; so that we have every reason to expect that they will take the field against us, and that if they have not set out already before we are there, they will certainly do so when they see us in their territory wasting and destroying their property. For men are always exasperated at suffering injuries to which they are not accustomed, and on seeing them inflicted before their very eyes; and where least inclined for reflection, rush with the greatest heat to action. The Athenians are the very people of all others to do this, as they aspire to rule the rest of the world, and are more in the habit of invading and ravaging their neighbours' territory, than of seeing their own treated in the like fashion.

Pericles’ Strategy Pericles had no intention of meeting the in a traditional hoplite battle. Athens had walls around the city, around the harbour and on each side of the road leading from the city to the harbour. He intended to use the Athenian fleet to harass the Peloponnese and frustrate Spartan efforts until Archidamus gave up.

Thucydides ii.13 [Pericles]… also gave the citizens some advice on their present affairs in the same strain as before. They were to prepare for the war, and to carry in their property from the country. They were not to go out to battle, but to come into the city and guard it, and get ready their fleet, in which their real strength lay. They were also to keep a tight rein on their allies- the strength of Athens being derived from the money brought in by their payments, and success 131 in war depending principally upon conduct and capital. Apart from other sources of income, an average revenue of six hundred talents of silver was drawn from the tribute of the allies; and there were still six thousand talents of coined silver in the Acropolis, out of nine thousand seven hundred that had once been there, from which the money had been taken for the porch of the Acropolis, the other public buildings, and for Potidaea. This did not include the uncoined gold and silver in public and private offerings, the sacred vessels for the processions and games, the Median spoils, and similar resources to the amount of five hundred talents. To this he added the treasures of the other temples. These were by no means inconsiderable, and might fairly be used. Nay, if they were ever absolutely driven to it, they might take even the gold ornaments of Athena herself; for the statue contained forty talents of pure gold and it was all removable. This might be used for self-preservation, and must every penny of it be restored. Such was their financial position- surely a satisfactory one. Then they had an army of thirteen thousand heavy infantry, besides sixteen thousand more in the garrisons and on home duty at Athens. This was at first the number of men on guard in the event of an invasion: it was composed of the oldest and youngest levies and the resident aliens who had heavy armour. Pericles also showed them that they had twelve hundred horse including mounted archers, with sixteen hundred archers unmounted, and three hundred galleys fit for service. Such were the resources of Athens in the different departments when the Peloponnesian invasion was impending and hostilities were being commenced. Pericles also urged his usual arguments for expecting a favourable issue to the war.1

But Athenian strategy was not entirely passive. While Archidamus was chopping olive trees in Attica an Athenian fleet, some 100 ships strong, spent the summer of 431 on a cruise around the Peloponnese raiding as they went and on their way home, after Archidamus had withdrawn, that fleet joined an Athenian land force in a massive retaliatory raid on .

Pericles’ Oration Heralded – then and now - as one of the greatest speeches ever written, the Funeral Oration was delivered in November or December of 431 BC at the funeral of those Athenians who were the first casualties of the war.

Thucydides ii.35 - 46 35. "Most of my predecessors in this place have commended him who made this speech part of the law, telling us that it is well that it should be delivered at the burial of those who fall in battle. For myself, I should have thought that the worth which had displayed itself in deeds would be sufficiently rewarded by honours also shown by deeds; such as you now see in this funeral prepared at the people's cost. And I could have wished that the reputations of many brave men were not to be imperilled in the mouth of a single individual, to stand or fall according as he spoke well or ill. For it is hard to speak properly upon a subject where it

1 Pericles, like so many politicians, was not very good at math. The 31,800 soldiers he has listed would consume 371 talents every month just in wages. The 300 ships required another 300 talents per month. Not even counting the normal administrative costs – pay for jury service and pay for attendance at the ecclesia for example – Athens did not have enough money to survive one year of the war at her current output. 132 is even difficult to convince your hearers that you are speaking the truth. On the one hand, the friend who is familiar with every fact of the story may think that some point has not been set forth with that fullness which he wishes and knows it to deserve; on the other, he who is a stranger to the matter may be led by envy to suspect exaggeration if he hears anything above his own nature. For men can endure to hear others praised only so long as they can severally persuade themselves of their own ability to equal the actions recounted: when this point is passed, envy comes in and with it incredulity.1 However, since our ancestors have stamped this custom with their approval, it becomes my duty to obey the law and to try to satisfy your several wishes and opinions as best I may. 36. "I shall begin with our ancestors: it is both just and proper that they should have the honour of the first mention on an occasion like the present. They dwelt in the country without break in the succession from generation to generation, and handed it down free to the present time by their valour.2 And if our more remote ancestors deserve praise, much more do our own fathers, who added to their inheritance the empire which we now possess, and spared no pains to be able to leave their acquisitions to us of the present generation.3 Lastly, there are few parts of our dominions that have not been augmented by those of us here, who are still more or less in the vigour of life; while the mother country has been furnished by us with everything that can enable her to depend on her own resources whether for war or for peace. That part of our history which tells of the military achievements which gave us our several possessions, or of the ready valour with which either we or our fathers stemmed the tide of Hellenic or foreign aggression, is a theme too familiar to my hearers for me to dilate on, and I shall therefore pass it by. But what was the road by which we reached our position, what the form of government under which our greatness grew, what the national habits out of which it sprang; these are questions which I may try to solve before I proceed to my panegyric upon these men; since I think this to be a subject upon which on the present occasion a speaker may properly dwell, and to which the whole assemblage, whether citizens or foreigners, may listen with advantage. 37. "Our constitution does not copy the laws of neighbouring states; we are rather a pattern to others than imitators ourselves. Its administration favours the many instead of the few; this is why it is called a democracy. If we look to the laws, they afford equal justice to all in their private differences; if no social standing, advancement in public life falls to reputation for capacity, class considerations not being allowed to interfere with merit; nor again does poverty the way, if a man is able to serve the state, he is not hindered by the obscurity of his condition. The freedom which we enjoy in our government extends also to our ordinary life. There, far from exercising a jealous surveillance over each other, we do not feel called upon to be angry with our neighbour for doing what he likes, or even to indulge in those injurious looks which cannot fail to be offensive, although they inflict no positive penalty. But all this ease in our private relations does not make us lawless as citizens. Against this fear is our chief safeguard, teaching us to obey the magistrates and the laws, particularly

1 A statement that could only be made in a political climate where the legends of the heroes of old, the Iliad etc., had already be subject to sceptical scrutiny. 2 The Athenians maintained that they were autochthonous, born of the soil, and that they were the only Greek gens that did not migrate to Hellas from another country. 3 Those Athenians who participated in the wars against the Persians. 133 such as regard the protection of the injured, whether they are actually on the statute book, or belong to that code which, although unwritten, yet cannot be broken without acknowledged disgrace. 38. "Further, we provide plenty of means for the mind to refresh itself from business. We celebrate games and sacrifices all the year round, and the elegance of our private establishments forms a daily source of pleasure and helps to banish the spleen; while the magnitude of our city draws the produce of the world into our harbour, so that to the Athenian the fruits of other countries are as familiar a luxury as those of his own. 39. "If we turn to our military policy, there also we differ from our antagonists. We throw open our city to the world, and never by alien acts exclude foreigners from any opportunity of learning or observing, although the eyes of an enemy may occasionally profit by our liberality; trusting less in system and policy than to the native spirit of our citizens; while in education, where our rivals from their very cradles by a painful discipline seek after manliness, at Athens we live exactly as we please, and yet are just as ready to encounter every legitimate danger. In proof of this it may be noticed that the Spartans do not invade our country alone, but bring with them all their confederates; while we Athenians advance unsupported into the territory of a neighbour, and fighting upon a foreign soil usually vanquish with ease men who are defending their homes. Our united force was never yet encountered by any enemy, because we have at once to attend to our marine and to dispatch our citizens by land upon a hundred different services; so that, wherever they engage with some such fraction of our strength, a success against a detachment is magnified into a victory over the nation, and a defeat into a reverse suffered at the hands of our entire people. And yet if with habits not of labour but of ease, and courage not of art but of nature, we are still willing to encounter danger, we have the double advantage of escaping the experience of hardships in anticipation and of facing them in the hour of need as fearlessly as those who are never free from them. 40. "Nor are these the only points in which our city is worthy of admiration. We cultivate refinement without extravagance and knowledge without effeminacy; wealth we employ more for use than for show, and place the real disgrace of poverty not in owning to the fact but in declining the struggle against it. Our public men have, besides politics, their private affairs to attend to, and our ordinary citizens, though occupied with the pursuits of industry, are still fair judges of public matters; for, unlike any other nation, regarding him who takes no part in these duties not as unambitious but as useless, we Athenians are able to judge at all events if we cannot originate, and, instead of looking on discussion as a stumbling-block in the way of action, we think it an indispensable preliminary to any wise action at all.1 Again, in our enterprises we present the singular spectacle of daring and deliberation, each carried to its highest point, and both united in the same persons; although usually decision is the fruit of ignorance, hesitation of reflection. But the palm of courage will surely be adjudged most justly to those, who best know the difference between hardship and pleasure and yet are never tempted to shrink from danger. In generosity we are equally singular, acquiring our friends by conferring, not by receiving, favours. Yet, of course, the doer of the favour is the firmer friend of the two, in order by continued kindness

1 A meeting of the Ecclesia (the main legislative body) required a quorum of 6000. The court system also required 6000 citizens serving jury duty. Athens was a participatory political system. 134 to keep the recipient in his debt; while the debtor feels less keenly from the very consciousness that the return he makes will be a payment, not a free gift. And it is only the Athenians, who, fearless of consequences, confer their benefits not from calculations of expediency, but in the confidence of liberality. 41. "In short, I say that as a city we are the school of Hellas, while I doubt if the world can produce a man who, where he has only himself to depend upon, is equal to so many emergencies, and graced by so happy a versatility, as the Athenian. And that this is no mere boast thrown out for the occasion, but plain matter of fact, the power of the state acquired by these habits proves. For Athens alone of her contemporaries is found when tested to be greater than her reputation, and alone gives no occasion to her assailants to blush at the antagonist by whom they have been worsted, or to her subjects to question her title by merit to rule. Rather, the admiration of the present and succeeding ages will be ours, since we have not left our power without witness, but have shown it by mighty proofs; we will need no Homer to sing our praises, nor any other poet whose verses might charm for the moment but whose version of events will be discredited by the truth.1 We have forced every sea and land to be the highway of our daring, and everywhere, whether for evil or for good, have left imperishable monuments behind us. Such is the Athens for which these men, in the assertion of their resolve not to lose her, nobly fought and died; and well may every one of their survivors be ready to suffer in her cause. 42. "Indeed if I have dwelt at some length upon the character of our country, it has been to show that our stake in the struggle is not the same as theirs who have no such blessings to lose, and also that the panegyric of the men over whom I am now speaking might be by definite proofs established. That panegyric is now in a great measure complete; for the Athens that I have celebrated is only what the heroism of these and their like have made her, men whose fame, unlike that of most Hellenes, will be found to be only commensurate with their deserts. And if a test of worth be wanted, it is to be found in their closing scene, and this not only in cases in which it set the final seal upon their merit, but also in those in which it gave the first intimation of their having any. For there is justice in the claim that steadfastness in his country's battles should be as a cloak to cover a man's other imperfections; since the good action has blotted out the bad, and his merit as a citizen more than outweighed his demerits as an individual.2 But none of these allowed either wealth with its prospect of future enjoyment to unnerve his spirit, or poverty with its hope of a day of freedom and riches to tempt him to shrink from danger. No, holding that vengeance upon their enemies was more to be desired than any personal blessings, and reckoning this to be the most glorious of hazards, they joyfully determined to accept the risk, to make sure of their vengeance, and to let their wishes wait; and while committing to hope the uncertainty of final success, in the business before them they thought fit to act boldly and trust in themselves. Thus choosing to die resisting, rather than to live submitting, they fled only from dishonour, but met danger face to face, and after one brief moment, while at the summit of their fortune, escaped, not from their fear, but from their glory.

1 A declaration of profound impiety and secularism! Thucydides is here denouncing the poets all of whom claim divine inspiration. 2 Second secular declaration: you will be judged by your service to the state rather than by the prescriptions of the gods. 135

43. "So these men died like Athenians. You, their survivors, must determine to have as unfaltering a resolution in the field, though you may pray that it may have a happier issue. And not contented with ideas derived only from words of the advantages which are bound up with the defence of your country, though these would furnish a valuable text to a speaker even before an audience so alive to them as the present, you must yourselves realize the power of Athens, and feed your eyes upon her from day to day, till love of her fills your hearts;1 and then, when all her greatness shall break upon you, you must reflect that it was by courage, sense of duty, and a keen feeling of honour in action that men were enabled to win all this, and that no personal failure in an enterprise could make them consent to deprive their country of their valour, but they laid it at her feet as the most glorious contribution that they could offer. For this offering of their lives made in common by them all they each of them individually received that renown which never grows old, and for a sepulchre, not so much that in which their bones have been deposited, but that noblest of shrines wherein their glory is laid up to be eternally remembered upon every occasion on which deed or story shall call for its commemoration. For heroes have the whole earth for their tomb; and in lands far from their own, where the column with its epitaph declares it, there is enshrined in every breast a record unwritten with no tablet to preserve it, except that of the heart. These take as your model and, judging happiness to be the fruit of freedom and freedom of valour, never decline the dangers of war. For it is not the miserable that would most justly be unsparing of their lives; these have nothing to hope for: it is rather they to whom continued life may bring reverses as yet unknown, and to whom a fall, if it came, would be most tremendous in its consequences. And surely, to a man of spirit, the degradation of cowardice must be immeasurably more grievous than the unfelt death which strikes him in the midst of his strength and patriotism! 44. "Comfort, therefore, not condolence, is what I have to offer to the parents of the dead who may be here. Numberless are the chances to which, as they know, the life of man is subject; but fortunate indeed are they who draw for their lot a death so glorious as that which has caused your mourning, and to whom life has been so exactly measured as to terminate in the happiness in which it has been passed. Still I know that this is a hard saying, especially when those are in question of whom you will constantly be reminded by seeing in the homes of others blessings of which once you also boasted: for grief is felt not so much for the want of what we have never known, as for the loss of that to which we have been long accustomed. Yet you who are still of an age to beget children must bear up in the hope of having others in their stead; not only will they help you to forget those whom you have lost, but will be to the state at once a reinforcement and a security; for never can a fair or just policy be expected of the citizen who does not, like his fellows, bring to the decision the interests and apprehensions of a father. While those of you who have passed your prime must congratulate yourselves with the thought that the best part of your life was fortunate, and that the brief span that remains will be cheered by the fame of the departed. For it is only the love of honour that never grows old; and honour it is, not gain, as some would have it, that rejoices the heart of age and helplessness. 45. "Turning to the sons or brothers of the dead, I see an arduous struggle before you. When a man is gone, all are wont to praise him, and should your merit be ever so

1 The crux of the issue: Athens, the state, is your idol! 136 transcendent, you will still find it difficult not merely to overtake, but even to approach their renown. The living have envy to contend with, while those who are no longer in our path are honoured with a goodwill into which rivalry does not enter. On the other hand, if I must say anything on the subject of female excellence to those of you who will now be in widowhood, it will be all comprised in this brief exhortation. Great will be your glory in not falling short of your natural character; and greatest will be hers who is least talked of among the men, whether for good or for bad. 46. "My task is now finished. I have performed it to the best of my ability, and in word, at least, the requirements of the law are now satisfied. If deeds be in question, those who are here interred have received part of their honours already, and for the rest, their children will be brought up till manhood at the public expense: the state thus offers a valuable prize, as the garland of victory in this race of valour, for the reward both of those who have fallen and their survivors. And where the rewards for merit are greatest, there are found the best citizens. "And now that you have brought to a close your lamentations for your relatives, you may depart."

The Plague in Athens The population of Attica moved inside the protective walls of the city and, albeit reluctantly, did nothing to respond to Archidamus’ invasion of Attic soil. Much has been made of the invasions, but the Spartans did very little real damage, the effects of the invasions were, as Archidamus had predicted, largely psychological. What no one could predict were the effects of overcrowding on public health. In the Spring of 430 BC Archidamus returned to Attica with his army, the population of Attica again withdrew inside the city, and immediately a plague began to spread.

Thucydides ii.47 It was said that the plague had broken out in many places previously in the neighbourhood of and elsewhere; but a pestilence of such extent and mortality was nowhere remembered. Neither were the physicians at first of any service, ignorant as they were of the proper way to treat it, but they died themselves the most thickly, as they visited the sick most often; nor did any human art succeed any better. Supplications in the temples, divinations, and so forth were found equally futile, till the overwhelming nature of the disaster at last put a stop to them altogether.

Thucydides wrote a History, to be sure, but that same text is also a socio-political treatise. His first thesis is that fear is the prime motivator in human actions. His second, based on his observations of war, civil war, and the plague, is that people only obey rules of conduct when they are confident that the systems which enforce those rules are in place, but people regress to baser behaviours in times of crisis:

Thucydides ii.53 Men now coolly ventured on what they had formerly done in a corner, and not just as they pleased, seeing the rapid transitions produced by persons in prosperity suddenly dying 137 and those who before had nothing succeeding to their property. So they resolved to spend quickly and enjoy themselves, regarding their lives and riches as alike things of a day. Perseverance in what men called honour was popular with none, it was so uncertain whether they would be spared to attain the object; but it was settled that present enjoyment, and all that contributed to it, was both honourable and useful. Fear of gods or law of man there was none to restrain them. As for the first, they judged it to be just the same whether they worshipped them or not, as they saw all alike perishing; and for the last, no one expected to live to be brought to trial for his offences, but each felt that a far severer sentence had been already passed upon them all and hung ever over their heads, and before this fell it was only reasonable to enjoy life a little.

Pericles himself died of the plague, probably in August of 429 BC.

The Peace of Nicias In the early years of the war neither Athens nor Sparta can be called aggressive but the few major events of 431 – 21 seem to belie the notion that Spartan strategy was offensive and Athenian defensive. Sparta invaded Attica regularly but little damage was done. Sparta’s only three successes were the sack of Plataea in 426 BC and the victory at and the capture of Amphipolis both in 424; the first an act of outrageous cruelty that required great effort for little gain, the last and act of strategic genius at very little cost that would eventually bring Athens to negotiate peace. Athens, on the other hand, was far more outgoing and successful. Athens was able to take Aegina, bring the revolt of Potidaea under control, effectively surround the Peloponnese, subdue a revolt at , secure a beach-head at Pylos and humiliate the Spartans there, defeat the Corinthians and lock the entrance to the Corinthian Gulf, take Cythera and shut down the Gulf of Laconia and, in all of this, wrap a noose around the Peloponnese. It was a noose they would never close. Nicias sponsored support for a Spartan peace proposal and the Ten Years War, or Archidamian War, came to an end in 421 BC.

Thucydides v.14 Indeed it so happened that directly after the battle of Amphipolis and the retreat of Ramphias from Thessaly, both sides ceased to prosecute the war and turned their attention to peace. Athens had suffered severely at Delium, and again shortly afterwards at Amphipolis, and had no longer that confidence in her strength which had made her before refuse to treat, in the belief of ultimate victory which her success at the moment had inspired; besides, she was afraid of her allies being tempted by her reverses to rebel more generally, and repented having let go the splendid opportunity for peace which the affair of Pylos had offered. Sparta, on the other hand, found the event of the war to falsify her notion that a few years would suffice for the overthrow of the power of the Athenians by the devastation of their land. She had suffered on the island a disaster hitherto unknown at Sparta; she saw her country plundered from Pylos and Cythera; the Helots were deserting, and she was in constant apprehension that those who remained in Peloponnese would rely upon those outside and take advantage of the situation to renew their old attempts at revolution. Besides this, as chance would have it, her thirty years' truce with the Argives was 138

upon the point of expiring; and they refused to renew it unless Cynuria were restored to them; so that it seemed impossible to fight Argos and Athens at once. She also suspected some of the cities in Peloponnese of intending to go over to the Argives, which in the end was indeed the case.

As much as all of this, however, the way to peace was opened mostly because Brasidas of Sparta and Cleon of Athens had both died at Amphipolis: both of these men had been the most vocal and popular supporters of war in their respective cities (Thuc. v.16).

The Melian Dialogue Peace with Sparta freed Athens to pursue her policy of expansion by sea. In 416 BC Alcibiades led an Athenian force to the small, neutral, independent island of Melos. The conquest of Melos was total: All of the adult males were executed. All of the women and children were sold as slaves (Thuc. 5.116) The incident prompted Thucydides to write a fictional dialogue between an unnamed Athenian and an unnamed Melian just before the battle began. The ‘Melian Dialogue’ is studied to this day as one of the most poignant examples of the theory of power politics.

Thucycides v. 84 - 111 [84] The Melians are a colony of Sparta that would not submit to the Athenians like the other islanders, and at first remained neutral and took no part in the struggle, but afterwards upon the Athenians using violence and plundering their territory, assumed an attitude of open hostility. Cleomedes, son of Lycomedes, and Tisias, son of Tisimachus, the generals, encamping in their territory with the above armament, before doing any harm to their land, sent envoys to negotiate. These the Melians did not bring them before the people, but bade them state the object of their mission to the magistrates and the few; upon which the Athenian envoys spoke as follows: [85] “Since the negotiations are not to go on before the people, in order that we may not be able to speak straight on without interruption, and deceive the ears of the multitude by seductive arguments which would pass without refutation (for we know that this is the meaning of our being brought before the few), what if you who sit there were to pursue a method more cautious still? Make no set speech yourselves, but take us up at whatever you do not like, and settle that before going any farther. And first tell us if this proposition of ours suits you.” [86] The Melian commissioners answered: “To the fairness of quietly instructing each other as you propose there is nothing to object; but your military preparations are too far advanced to agree with what you say, as we see you are come to be judges in your own cause, and that all we can reasonably expect from this negotiation is war, if we prove to have right on our side and refuse to submit, and in the contrary case, slavery.” [87] Athenians: “If you have met to argue from suspicions about the future, or for anything else than to consult for the safety of your state upon the facts that you see before you, we should just stop; otherwise we will go on.” [88] Melians: “It is natural and excusable for men in our position to turn more ways than one both in thought and utterance. However, the question in this conference is, as you 139 say, the safety of our country; and the discussion, if you please, can proceed in the way which you propose.” [89] Athenians: For ourselves, we shall not trouble you with specious pretences- either of how we have a right to our empire because we overthrew the Mede, or are now attacking you because of wrong that you have done us- and make a long speech which would not be believed; and in return we hope that you, instead of thinking to influence us by saying that you did not join the Spartans, although their colonists, or that you have done us no wrong, will aim at what is feasible, holding in view the real sentiments of us both; since you know as well as we do that right, as the world goes, is only in question between equals in power, while the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must.1 [90] Melians: As we think, at any rate, it is expedient- we speak as we are obliged, since you enjoin us to let right alone and talk only of interest- that you should not destroy what is our common protection, the privilege of being allowed in danger to invoke what is fair and right, and even to profit by arguments not strictly valid if they can be got to pass current. And you are as much interested in this as any, as your fall would be a signal for the heaviest vengeance and an example for the world to meditate upon. [91] Athenians: The end of our empire, if end it should, does not frighten us: a rival empire like Sparta, even if Sparta was our real antagonist, is not so terrible to the vanquished as subjects who by themselves attack and overpower their rulers. This, however, is a risk that we are content to take. We will now proceed to show you that we are come here in the interest of our empire, and that we shall say what we are now going to say, for the preservation of your country; as we would fain exercise that empire over you without trouble, and see you preserved for the good of us both. [92] Melians: And how, pray, could it turn out as good for us to serveas for you to rule? [93] Athenians: Because you would have the advantage of submitting before suffering the worst, and we should gain by not destroying you. [94] Melians: So that you would not consent to our being neutral, friends instead of enemies, but allies of neither side. [95] Athenians: No; for your hostility cannot so much hurt us as your friendship will be an argument to our subjects of our weakness, and your enmity of our power. [96] Melians: Is that your subjects' idea of equity, to put those who have nothing to do with you in the same category with peoples that are most of them your own colonists, and some conquered rebels? [97] Athenians: As far as right goes they think one has as much of it as the other, and that if any maintain their independence it is because they are strong, and that if we do not molest them it is because we are afraid; so that besides extending our empire we should gain in security by your subjection; the fact that you are islanders and weaker than others rendering it all the more important that you should not succeed in baffling the masters of the sea. [98] Melians: But do you consider that there is no security in the policy which we indicate? For here again if you debar us from talking about justice and invite us to obey your

1 This is the basic tenet of the modern ‘realpolitik’ philosophy: ignore all pretense to idealism, justice, claims of right or wrong and act purely according to self-interest. In other words, always do what seems most profitable in each individual situation. 140

interest, we also must explain ours, and try to persuade you, if the two happen to coincide. How can you avoid making enemies of all existing neutrals who shall look at this case and take from it that one day or another you will attack them? And what is this but to make greater the enemies that you have already, and to force others to become so who would otherwise have never thought of it? [99] Athenians: Why, the fact is that continentals generally give us but little alarm; the liberty which they enjoy will long prevent their taking precautions against us; it is rather islanders like yourselves, outside our empire, and subjects smarting under the yoke, who would be the most likely to take a rash step and lead themselves and us into obvious danger. [100] Melians: Well then, if you risk so much to retain your empire, and your subjects to get rid of it, it were surely great baseness and cowardice in us who are still free not to try everything that can be tried, before submitting to your yoke. [101] Athenians: Not if you are well advised, the contest not being an equal one, with honour as the prize and shame as the penalty, but a question of self-preservation and of not resisting those who are far stronger than you are. [102] Melians: But we know that the fortune of war is sometimes more impartial than the disproportion of numbers might lead one to suppose; to submit is to give ourselves over to , while action still preserves for us a hope that we may stand erect. [103] Athenians: Hope, danger's comforter, may be indulged in by those who have abundant resources, if not without loss at all events without ruin; but its nature is to be extravagant, and those who go so far as to put their all upon the venture see it in its true colours only when they are ruined; but so long as the discovery would enable them to guard against it, it is never found wanting. Let not this be the case with you, who are weak and hang on a single turn of the scale; nor be like the vulgar, who, abandoning such security as human means may still afford, when visible hopes fail them in extremity, turn to invisible, to prophecies and oracles, and other such inventions that delude men with hopes to their destruction. [104] Melians: You may be sure that we are as well aware as you of the difficulty of contending against your power and fortune, unless the terms be equal. But we trust that the gods may grant us fortune as good as yours, since we are just men fighting against unjust, and that what we want in power will be made up by the alliance of the Spartans, who are bound, if only for very shame, to come to the aid of their kindred. Our confidence, therefore, after all is not so utterly irrational. [105] Athenians: When you speak of the favour of the gods, we may as fairly hope for that as yourselves; neither our pretensions nor our conduct being in any way contrary to what men believe of the gods, or practise among themselves. Of the gods we believe, and of men we know, that by a necessary law of their nature they rule wherever they can. And it is not as if we were the first to make this law, or to act upon it when made: we found it existing before us, and shall leave it to exist for ever after us; all we do is to make use of it, knowing that you and everybody else, having the same power as we have, would do the same as we do. Thus, as far as the gods are concerned, we have no fear and no reason to fear that we shall be at a disadvantage. But when we come to your notion about the Spartans, which leads you to believe that shame will make them help you, here we bless your simplicity but do not envy your folly. The Spartans, when their own interests or their country's laws are in question, are 141 the worthiest men alive; of their conduct towards others much might be said, but no clearer idea of it could be given than by shortly saying that of all the men we know they are most conspicuous in considering what is agreeable honourable, and what is expedient just. Such a way of thinking does not promise much for the safety which you now unreasonably count upon. [106] Melians. But it is for this very reason that we now trust to their respect for expediency to prevent them from betraying the Melians, their colonists, and thereby losing the confidence of their friends in Hellas and helping their enemies. [107] Athenians. Then you do not adopt the view that expediency goes with security, while justice and honour cannot be followed without danger; and danger the Spartans generally court as little as possible. [108]Melians. But we believe that they would be more likely to face even danger for our sake, and with more confidence than for others, as our nearness to Peloponnese makes it easier for them to act, and our common blood ensures our fidelity. [109] Athenians. Yes, but what an intending ally trusts to is not the goodwill of those who ask his aid, but a decided superiority of power for action; and the Spartans look to this even more than others. At least, such is their distrust of their home resources that it is only with numerous allies that they attack a neighbour; now is it likely that while we are masters of the sea they will cross over to an island? [110] Melians. But they would have others to send. The Cretan Sea is a wide one, and it is more difficult for those who command it to intercept others, than for those who wish to elude them to do so safely. And should the Spartans miscarry in this, they would fall upon your land, and upon those left of your allies whom Brasidas did not reach; and instead of places which are not yours, you will have to fight for your own country and your own confederacy. [111] Athenians. Some diversion of the kind you speak of you may one day experience, only to learn, as others have done, that the Athenians never once yet withdrew from a siege for fear of any. But we are struck by the fact that, after saying you would consult for the safety of your country, in all this discussion you have mentioned nothing which men might trust in and think to be saved by. Your strongest arguments depend upon hope and the future, and your actual resources are too scanty, as compared with those arrayed against you, for you to come out victorious. You will therefore show great blindness of judgment, unless, after allowing us to retire, you can find some counsel more prudent than this. You will surely not be caught by that idea of disgrace, which in dangers that are disgraceful, and at the same time too plain to be mistaken, proves so fatal to mankind; since in too many cases the very men that have their eyes perfectly open to what they are rushing into, let the thing called disgrace, by the mere influence of a seductive name, lead them on to a point at which they become so enslaved by the phrase as in fact to fall wilfully into hopeless disaster, and incur disgrace more disgraceful as the companion of error, than when it comes as the result of misfortune. This, if you are well advised, you will guard against; and you will not think it dishonourable to submit to the greatest city in Hellas, when it makes you the moderate offer of becoming its tributary ally, without ceasing to enjoy the country that belongs to you; nor when you have the choice given you between war and security, will you be so blinded as to choose the worse. And it is certain that those who do not yield to their equals, who keep 142 terms with their superiors, and are moderate towards their inferiors, on the whole succeed best. Think over the matter, therefore, after our withdrawal, and reflect once and again that it is for your country that you are consulting, that you have not more than one, and that upon this one deliberation depends its prosperity or ruin.

The Sicilian Expedition The Athenian’s first foray into Sicily began in 427 when 20 ships were sent to support Leontini in her war against Syracuse. In 425/4 another 40 ships were sent. The commanders of this armada helped the Sicilians arrive at a peace…

Thucydides iv.65 …the peace was concluded, and the Athenian fleet afterwards sailed away from Sicily. Upon their arrival at Athens, the Athenians banished Pythodorus and Sophocles, and fined Eurymedon for having taken bribes to depart when they might have subdued Sicily. So thoroughly had the present prosperity persuaded the citizens that nothing could withstand them, and that they could achieve what was possible and impracticable alike, with means ample or inadequate it mattered not. The secret of this was their general extraordinary success, which made them confuse their strength with their hopes.

Athens did not want peace, they wanted a war that would end in their domination of Sicily. In 416 the Sicilian town of Egesta petitioned for Athenian aid and the Athenians renewed their hopes…

Thucydides vi.1. The same winter1 the Athenians resolved to sail again to Sicily, with a greater armament than that under and Eurymedon, and, if possible, to conquer the island; most of them being ignorant of its size and of the number of its inhabitants, Hellenic and barbarian,2 and of the fact that they were undertaking a war not much inferior to that against the Peloponnesians. For the voyage round Sicily in a merchantman is not far short of eight days; and yet, large as the island is, there are only two miles of sea to prevent its being mainland.

The Defamation of the Herms and the Profanation of the Mysteries

Thucydides vi. 27-28 [27] In the midst of these preparations all the stone Hermae in the city of Athens, that is to say the customary square figures, so common in the doorways of private houses and temples, had in one night most of them been mutilated. No one knew who had done it, but large public rewards were offered to find the authors; and it was further voted that anyone who knew of any other act of impiety having been committed should come and give information without fear of consequences, whether he were citizen, alien, or slave. The

1 The winter of 416/15 2 Most of the Western half of the island was Phoenician (Carthaginian). 143 matter was taken up the more seriously, as it was thought to be ominous for the expedition, and part of a conspiracy to bring about a revolution and to upset the democracy. [28] Information was given accordingly by some resident aliens and servants, not about the Hermae but about some previous mutilations of other images perpetrated by young men in a drunken frolic, and of mock celebrations of the mysteries, averred to take place in private houses. Alcibiades being implicated in this charge, it was taken hold of by those who could least endure him, because he stood in the way of their obtaining the undisturbed direction of the people, and who thought that if he were once removed the first place would be theirs. These accordingly magnified the matter and loudly proclaimed that the affair of the mysteries and the mutilation of the Hermae were part and parcel of a scheme to overthrow the democracy, and that nothing of all this had been done without Alcibiades; the proofs alleged being the general and undemocratic licence of his life and habits.

Despite the fears, the fleet sailed for Sicily and the investigations continued in its absence. By the time the fleet arrived at Sicily, they were met there by officers of the with orders to arrest Alcibiades:

Thucydides vi.53 There they found the Salaminia come from Athens for Alcibiades, with orders for him to sail home to answer the charges which the state brought against him, and for certain others of the soldiers who with him were accused of sacrilege in the matter of the mysteries and of the Hermae. For the Athenians, after the departure of the expedition, had continued as active as ever in investigating the facts of the mysteries and of the Hermae, and, instead of testing the informers, in their suspicious temper welcomed all indifferently, arresting and imprisoning the best citizens upon the evidence of rascals, and preferring to sift the matter to the bottom sooner than to let an accused person of good character pass unquestioned, owing to the rascality of the informer.

The investigations – encouraged by fear, mob mentality and political rivalry, quickly degenerated:

Thucydides vi.60 With these events in their minds, and recalling everything they knew by hearsay on the subject, the Athenian people grow difficult of humour and suspicious of the persons charged in the affair of the mysteries, and persuaded that all that had taken place was part of an oligarchical and monarchical conspiracy. In the state of irritation thus produced, many persons of consideration had been already thrown into prison, and far from showing any signs of abating, public feeling grew daily more savage, and more arrests were made; until at last one of those in custody, thought to be the most guilty of all, was induced by a fellow prisoner to make a revelation, whether true or not is a matter on which there are two opinions, no one having been able, either then or since, to say for certain who did the deed.1 However this may be, the other found arguments to persuade him, that even if he had not done it, he ought to save himself by gaining a promise of impunity, and free the state of its

1 This unnamed informant is . See Plutarch, Alcibiades; Andocides On the Mysteries. 144

present suspicions; as he would be surer of safety if he confessed after promise of impunity than if he denied and were brought to trial. He accordingly made a revelation, affecting himself and others in the affair of the Hermae; and the Athenian people, glad at last, as they supposed, to get at the truth, and furious until then at not being able to discover those who had conspired against the commons, at once let go the informer and all the rest whom he had not denounced, and bringing the accused to trial executed as many as were apprehended, and condemned to death such as had fled and set a price upon their heads. In this it was, after all, not clear whether the sufferers had been punished unjustly, while in any case the rest of the city received immediate and manifest relief.

Alcibiades, however, would have none of this. He escaped his escort and fled, eventually making his way to Sparta. The Athenians condemned him to death in absentia. Alcibiades made his way to Sparta and encouraged the Spartans to renew the war by supporting Syracuse and attacking Athens. His Advice to Agis, the King of Sparta, is reported by Thucydides:

Thucydides vi.91.6-92 91 [6] "You must fortify in Attica, the blow of which the Athenians are always most afraid and the only one that they think they have not experienced in the present war; the surest method of harming an enemy being to find out what he most fears, and to choose this means of attacking him, since every one naturally knows best his own weak points and fears accordingly. The fortification in question, while it benefits you, will create difficulties for your adversaries, of which I shall pass over many, and shall only mention the chief. Whatever property there is in the country will most of it become yours, either by capture or surrender; and the Athenians will at once be deprived of their revenues from the silver mines at Laurium, of their present gains from their land and from the law courts, and above all of the revenue from their allies, which will be paid less regularly, as they lose their awe of Athens and see you addressing yourselves with vigour to the war. The zeal and speed with which all this shall be done depends, Spartans, upon yourselves; as to its possibility, I am quite confident, and I have little fear of being mistaken. 92. "Meanwhile I hope that none of you will think any the worse of me if, after having hitherto passed as a lover of my country, I now actively join its worst enemies in attacking it, or will suspect what I say as the fruit of an outlaw's enthusiasm. I am an outlaw from the iniquity of those who drove me forth, not, if you will be guided by me, from your service; my worst enemies are not you who only harmed your foes, but they who forced their friends to become enemies; and love of country is what I do not feel when I am wronged, but what I felt when secure in my rights as a citizen. Indeed I do not consider that I am now attacking a country that is still mine; I am rather trying to recover one that is mine no longer; and the true lover of his country is not he who consents to lose it unjustly rather than attack it, but he who longs for it so much that he will go all lengths to recover it. For myself, therefore, Spartans, I beg you to use me without scruple for danger and trouble of every kind, and to remember the argument in every one's mouth, that if I did you great harm as an enemy, I could likewise do you good service as a friend, inasmuch as I know the plans of the Athenians, while I only guessed yours. For yourselves I entreat you to believe that your most capital interests are now under deliberation; and I urge you to send without hesitation the 145 expeditions to Sicily and Attica; by the presence of a small part of your forces you will save important cities in that island, and you will destroy the power of Athens both present and prospective; after this you will dwell in security and enjoy the supremacy over all Hellas, resting not on force but upon consent and affection."

Nicias and Lamachus continued the war in Sicily but Lamachus was killed early in the campaign. Nicias attempted to besiege Syracuse from the land but reinforcements arrived from Sparta and Corinth saving Syracuse and reversing the advantage. Nicias was forced to write a letter to the Athenians asking for reinforcements:

Thucydides vii.11 – 15 "Our past operations, Athenians, have been made known to you by many other letters; it is now time for you to become equally familiar with our present condition, and to take your measures accordingly. We had defeated in most of our engagements with them the Syracusans, against whom we were sent, and we had built the works which we now occupy, when Gylippus arrived from Sparta with an army obtained from Peloponnese and from some of the cities in Sicily. In our first battle with him we were victorious; in the battle on the following day we were overpowered by a multitude of cavalry and darters, and compelled to retire within our lines. We have now, therefore, been forced by the numbers of those opposed to us to discontinue the work of circumvallation, and to remain inactive; being unable to make use even of all the force we have, since a large portion of our heavy infantry is absorbed in the defence of our lines. Meanwhile the enemy have carried a single wall past our lines, thus making it impossible for us to invest them in future, until this cross wall be attacked by a strong force and captured. So that the besieger in name has become, at least from the land side, the besieged in reality; as we are prevented by their cavalry from even going for any distance into the country. [12] "Besides this, an embassy has been dispatched to Peloponnese to procure reinforcements, and Gylippus has gone to the cities in Sicily, partly in the hope of inducing those that are at present neutral to join him in the war, partly of bringing from his allies additional contingents for the land forces and material for the navy. For I understand that they contemplate a combined attack, upon our lines with their land forces and with their fleet by sea. You must none of you be surprised that I say by sea also. They have discovered that the length of the time we have now been in commission has rotted our ships and wasted our crews, and that with the entireness of our crews and the soundness of our ships the pristine efficiency of our navy has departed. For it is impossible for us to haul our ships ashore and careen them, because, the enemy's vessels being as many or more than our own, we are constantly anticipating an attack. Indeed, they may be seen exercising, and it lies with them to take the initiative; and not having to maintain a blockade, they have greater facilities for drying their ships. [13] "This we should scarcely be able to do, even if we had plenty of ships to spare, and were freed from our present necessity of exhausting all our strength upon the blockade. For it is already difficult to carry in supplies past Syracuse; and were we to relax our vigilance in the slightest degree it would become impossible. The losses which our crews have suffered and still continue to suffer arise from the following causes. Expeditions for fuel and for forage, and the distance from which water has to be fetched, cause our sailors to be cut off by 146

the Syracusan cavalry; the loss of our previous superiority emboldens our slaves to desert; our foreign sailors are impressed by the unexpected appearance of a navy against us, and the strength of the enemy's resistance; such of them as were pressed into the service take the first opportunity of departing to their respective cities; such as were originally seduced by the temptation of high pay, and expected little fighting and large gains, leave us either by desertion to the enemy or by availing themselves of one or other of the various facilities of escape which the magnitude of Sicily affords them. Some even engage in trade themselves and prevail upon the captains to take Hyccaric slaves on board in their place; thus they have ruined the efficiency of our navy. [14] "Now I need not remind you that the time during which a crew is in its prime is short, and that the number of sailors who can start a ship on her way and keep the rowing in time is small. But by far my greatest trouble is, that holding the post which I do, I am prevented by the natural indocility of the Athenian seaman from putting a stop to these evils; and that meanwhile we have no source from which t recruit our crews, which the enemy can do from many quarters, but are compelled to depend both for supplying the crews in service and for making good our losses upon the men whom we brought with us. For our present confederates, Naxos and Catana, are incapable of supplying us. There is only one thing more wanting to our opponents, I mean the defection of our Italian markets. If they were to see you neglect to relieve us from our present condition, and were to go over to the enemy, famine would compel us to evacuate, and Syracuse would finish the war without a blow. "I might, it is true, have written to you something different and more agreeable than this, but nothing certainly more useful, if it is desirable for you to know the real state of things here before taking your measures. Besides I know that it is your nature to love to be told the best side of things, and then to blame the teller if the expectations which he has raised in your minds are not answered by the result; and I therefore thought it safest to declare to you the truth. [15] "Now you are not to think that either your generals or your soldiers have ceased to be a match for the forces originally opposed to them. But you are to reflect that a general Sicilian coalition is being formed against us; that a fresh army is expected from Peloponnese, while the force we have here is unable to cope even with our present antagonists; and you must promptly decide either to recall us or to send out to us another fleet and army as numerous again, with a large sum of money, and someone to succeed me, as a disease in the kidneys unfits me for retaining my post. I have, I think, some claim on your indulgence, as while I was in my prime I did you much good service in my commands. But whatever you mean to do, do it at the commencement of spring and without delay, as the enemy will obtain his Sicilian reinforcements shortly, those from Peloponnese after a longer interval; and unless you attend to the matter the former will be here before you, while the latter will elude you as they have done before."

Reinforcements were sent under two new generals, and Eurymedon, but by this time Sparta had agreed with her allies that Athens was indeed in violation of the truce and the Peloponnesian War was officially resumed. Athens had foolishly put herself in the position of fighting two wars simultaneously, one of which was on her own doorstep. 147

The Athenian forces in Sicily, despite reinforcements, were defeated by land and sea. The general Eurymedon was killed in a naval battle and the remaining generals, Nicias and Demosthenes, undertook one last attempt to force an entrance to Syracuse by sea. The Athenian fleet was defeated in the Battle of the Great Harbour in September of 413 BC. Nicias and Demosthenes then attempted a landward retreat but the Athenians were pursued and torn to pieces by the Syracusan forces. Demosthenes and Nicias were captured and executed and more than seven thousand Athenian soldiers were taken prisoner and sold as slaves.

The Decelean (Ionian) War The Spartans followed Alcibiades’ advice: In the Spring of 413 BC, Agis invaded Attica but this time the Spartans marched north, around the city of Athens, and took Decelea which they proceeded to fortify.

Thucydides vii.27 …since Decelea had been first fortified by the whole Peloponnesian army during this summer, and then occupied for the annoyance of the country by the garrisons from the cities relieving each other at stated intervals, it had been doing great mischief to the Athenians; in fact this occupation, by the destruction of property and loss of men which resulted from it, was one of the principal causes of their ruin. Previously the invasions were short, and did not prevent their enjoying their land during the rest of the time: the enemy was now permanently fixed in Attica; at one time it was an attack in force, at another it was the regular garrison overrunning the country and making forays for its subsistence, and the Lacedaemonian king, Agis, was in the field and diligently prosecuting the war; great mischief was therefore done to the Athenians. They were deprived of their whole country: more than twenty thousand slaves had deserted, a great part of them artisans, and all their sheep and beasts of burden were lost; and as the cavalry rode out daily upon excursions to Decelea and to guard the country, their horses were either lamed by being constantly worked upon rocky ground, or wounded by the enemy.

Athens was facing desperate hardships: She had been weakened in manpower and material resources by the loss in Sicily; the state treasury was nearly bankrupt; because of the Sicilian expedition, Syracuse had now entered the war as an ally of Sparta and Athenian naval supremacy had come to an end; and now a Spartan army was not only looking down on the city of Athens itself from its perch at Decelea, but from that stronghold the Spartans were able to disrupt the passage of imported goods from the port at Oropus. Because of all of these factors many of the Ionian cities rebelled and Sparta was able to negotiate a treaty of alliance with , the Persian governor of Sardis.

Thucydides viii.37 The convention of the Spartans and the allies with King Darius and the sons of the King, and with Tissaphernes for a treaty and friendship, as follows: 1. Neither the Spartans nor the allies of the Spartans shall make war against or otherwise injure any country or cities that belong to King Darius or did belong to his father or to his ancestors; neither shall the Spartans nor the allies of the Spartans exact tribute from such cities. Neither shall King Darius nor any of the subjects of the King make war 148 against or otherwise injure the Spartans or their allies. 2. If the Spartans or their allies should require any assistance from the King, or the King from the Spartans or their allies, whatever they both agree upon they shall be right in doing. 3. Both shall carry on jointly the war against the Athenians and their allies: and if they make peace, both shall do so jointly. 4. The expense of all troops in the King's country, sent for by the King, shall be borne by the King. 5. If any of the states comprised in this convention with the King attack the King's country, the rest shall stop them and aid the King to the best of their power. And if any in the King's country or in the countries under the King's rule attack the country of the Spartans or their allies, the King shall stop it and help them to the best of his power.

The Revolution of 411 Alcibiades soon lost his support at Sparta and was condemned by Agis. He sought refuge with Tissaphernes and from Persian territory hatched a plot to return to Athens:

Thucydides viii.46 - 47 [46] Alcibiades further advised Tissaphernes not to be in too great a hurry to end the war, or to let himself be persuaded to bring up the Phoenician fleet which he was equipping, or to provide pay for more Hellenes, and thus put the power by land and sea into the same hands; but to leave each of the contending parties in possession of one element, thus enabling the king when he found one troublesome to call in the other. For if the command of the sea and land were united in one hand, he would not know where to turn for help to overthrow the dominant power; unless he at last chose to stand up himself, and go through with the struggle at great expense and hazard. The cheapest plan was to let the Hellenes wear each other out, at a small share of the expense and without risk to himself.1 Besides, he would find the Athenians the most convenient partners in empire as they did not aim at conquests on shore, and carried on the war upon principles and with a practice most advantageous to the King; being prepared to combine to conquer the sea for Athens, and for the King all the Hellenes inhabiting his country, whom the Peloponnesians, on the contrary, had come to liberate. Now it was not likely that the Spartans would free the Hellenes from the Hellenic Athenians, without freeing them also from the barbarian Mede, unless overthrown by him in the meanwhile. Alcibiades therefore urged him to wear them both out at first, and, after docking the Athenian power as much as he could, forthwith to rid the country of the Peloponnesians. In the main Tissaphernes approved of this policy, so far at least as could be conjectured from his behaviour; since he now gave his confidence to Alcibiades in recognition of his good advice, and kept the Peloponnesians short of money, and would not let them fight at sea, but ruined their cause by pretending that the Phoenician fleet would arrive, and that they would thus be enabled to contend with the odds in their favour, and so made their navy lose its efficiency, which had been very remarkable, and generally betrayed a coolness in the war that was too plain to be mistaken.

1 This would become the official policy of the Persians for nearly a century following. 149

[47] Alcibiades gave this advice to Tissaphernes and the King, with whom he then was, not merely because he thought it really the best, but because he was studying means to effect his restoration to his country, well knowing that if he did not destroy it he might one day hope to persuade the Athenians to recall him, and thinking that his best chance of persuading them lay in letting them see that he possessed the favour of Tissaphernes. The event proved him to be right. When the Athenians at Samos found that he had influence with Tissaphernes, principally of their own motion (though partly also through Alcibiades himself sending word to their chief men to tell the best men in the army that, if there were only an oligarchy in the place of the rascally democracy that had banished him, he would be glad to return to his country and to make Tissaphernes their friend), the captains and chief men in the armament at once embraced the idea of subverting the democracy.

Athens was using Samos as a forward base in the war, and Alcibiades was able to convince oligarchic factions on Samos to present his plan to the men of the fleet. The promise of better pay and an advantage in the war was enough for those men to agree and, in essence, to vote their own government out of existence.

Thucydides viii. 53-4 [53] Meanwhile the Athenian envoys who had been dispatched from Samos with Pisander arrived at Athens, and made a speech before the people, giving a brief summary of their views, and particularly insisting that, if Alcibiades were recalled and the democratic constitution changed, they could have the King as their ally, and would be able to overcome the Peloponnesians. A number of speakers opposed them on the question of the democracy, the enemies of Alcibiades cried out against the scandal of a restoration to be effected by a violation of the constitution, and the Eumolpidae and Ceryces protested in behalf of the mysteries, the cause of his banishment, and called upon the gods to avert his recall; when Pisander, in the midst of much opposition and abuse, came forward, and taking each of his opponents aside asked him the following question: In the face of the fact that the Peloponnesians had as many ships as their own confronting them at sea, more cities in alliance with them, and the King and Tissaphernes to supply them with money, of which the Athenians had none left, had he any hope of saving the state, unless someone could induce the King to come over to their side? Upon their replying that they had not, he then plainly said to them: "This we cannot have unless we have a more moderate form of government, and put the offices into fewer hands, and so gain the King's confidence, and forthwith restore Alcibiades, who is the only man living that can bring this about. The safety of the state, not the form of its government, is for the moment the most pressing question, as we can always change afterwards whatever we do not like."

[54] The people were at first highly irritated at the mention of an oligarchy, but upon understanding clearly from Peisander that this was the only resource left, they took counsel of their fears, and promised themselves someday to change the government again, and gave way.

150

Tissaphernes, as it turned out, had played Alcibiades false, refused the alliance with Athens and renewed his treaty with Sparta. The Athenians thought that it was Alcibiades who had played them false (not entirely untrue) but the realization came too late: In the early months of 411 BC the Athenian Ecclesia voted itself out of existence. The Four Hundred The Oligarchs, led by Peisander, Antiphon, Phrynichus and , set up a governing Council of Four Hundred top replace the Boulé and promised that this new council would be chosen from a list of five thousand of “those such as were most able to serve the state in person and in purse” (Thuc. viii. 65.3).

Thucydides viii.66: Fear, and the sight of the numbers of the conspirators, closed the mouths of the rest; or if any ventured to rise in opposition, he was presently put to death in some convenient way, and there was neither search for the murderers nor justice to be had against them if suspected; but the people remained motionless, being so thoroughly cowed that men thought themselves lucky to escape violence, even when they held their tongues. An exaggerated belief in the numbers of the conspirators also demoralized the people, rendered helpless by the magnitude of the city, and by their want of intelligence with each other, and being without means of finding out what those numbers really were. For the same reason it was impossible for anyone to open his grief to a neighbour and to concert measures to defend himself, as he would have had to speak either to one whom he did not know, or whom he knew but did not trust. Indeed all the popular party approached each other with suspicion, each thinking his neighbour concerned in what was going on, the conspirators having in their ranks persons whom no one could ever have believed capable of joining an oligarchy; and these it was who made the many so suspicious, and so helped to procure impunity for the few, by confirming the commons in their mistrust of one another.

Once in control of Athens they sent delegates to inform and take control of the army and fleet at Samos, but the men on Samos refused and swore to uphold the democracy, choosing Alcibiades as their leader. Essentially, the Athenian democracy was now based on Samos and was in a state of war both with the Oligarchy of Athens and the Peloponnesians.

Thucydides viii.86 Now it was that Alcibiades for the first time did the state a service, and one of the most signal kind. For when the Athenians at Samos were bent upon sailing against their countrymen, in which case Ionia and the Hellespont would most certainly at once have passed into possession of the enemy, Alcibiades it was who prevented them. At that moment, when no other man would have been able to hold back the multitude, he put a stop to the intended expedition, and rebuked and turned aside the resentment felt, on personal grounds, against the envoys; he dismissed them with an answer from himself, to the effect that he did not object to the government of the Five Thousand, but insisted that the Four Hundred should be deposed and the Council of Five Hundred reinstated in power: meanwhile any retrenchments for economy, by which pay might be better found for the armament, met with his entire approval. Generally, he bade them hold out and show a bold 151

face to the enemy, since if the city were saved there was good hope that the two parties might someday be reconciled, whereas if either were once destroyed, that at Samos, or that at Athens, there would no longer be any one to be reconciled to.

The refusal of the army at Samos shattered the confidence and cohesion of the Four Hundred and they too split into two factions; the one wishing to maintain the oligarchy by surrendering to the Spartans, the other wishing to end the oligarchy and restore the democracy in order to bring the army back.

Thucydides viii. 89: …the majority of the members of the oligarchy, who were already discontented and only too much inclined to be quit of the business in any safe way that they could, were at once greatly strengthened in their resolve. These now banded together and strongly criticized the administration, their leaders being some of the principal generals and men in office under the oligarchy, such as Theramenes, son of Hagnon, Aristocrates, son of Scellias, and others; who, although among the most prominent members of the government (being afraid, as they said, of the army at Samos, and most especially of Alcibiades, and also lest the envoys whom they had sent to Sparta might do the state some harm without the authority of the people), without insisting on objections to the excessive concentration of power in a few hands, yet urged that the Five Thousand must be shown to exist not merely in name but in reality, and the constitution placed upon a fairer basis. But this was merely their political cry; most of them being driven by private ambition into the line of conduct so surely fatal to oligarchies that arise out of democracies. For all at once pretend to be not only equals but each the chief and master of his fellows; while under a democracy a disappointed candidate accepts his defeat more easily, because he has not the humiliation of being beaten by his equals. But what most clearly encouraged the malcontents was the power of Alcibiades at Samos, and their own disbelief in the stability of the oligarchy; and it was now a race between them as to which should first become the leader of the commons.

A small fleet of Peloponnesian was, at this time, cruising in the Saronic Gulf and through the straights of Euboea. There were only thirty-six ships available to Athens and these met with and were defeated by the Peloponnesian ships off Oropus.

Thucydides viii.96: When the news of what had happened in Euboea reached Athens, a panic ensued such as they had never before known. Neither the disaster in Sicily, great as it seemed at the time, nor any other had ever so much alarmed them. The camp at Samos was in revolt; they had no more ships or men to man them; they were at discord among themselves and might at any moment come to blows; and a disaster of this magnitude coming on the top of all, by which they lost their fleet, and worst of all Euboea, which was of more value to them than Attica, could not occur without throwing them into the deepest despondency. Meanwhile their greatest and most immediate trouble was the possibility that the enemy, emboldened by his victory, might make straight for them and sail against , which they had no longer ships to defend; and every moment they expected him to arrive. This, with a little more courage, he might easily have done, in which case he would either have increased the 152

dissensions of the city by his presence, or, if he had stayed to besiege it, have compelled the fleet from Ionia, although the enemy of the oligarchy, to come to the rescue of their country and of their relatives, and in the meantime would have become master of the Hellespont, Ionia, the islands, and of everything as far as Euboea, or, to speak roundly, of the whole Athenian empire. But here, as on so many other occasions, the Spartans proved the most convenient people in the world for the Athenians to be at war with. The wide difference between the two characters, the slowness and want of energy of the Spartans as contrasted with the dash and enterprise of their opponents, proved of the greatest service, especially to a maritime empire like Athens.

In this crisis, the Four Hundred were deposed and a limited democracy consisting of five- thousand, chosen from the hoplite class and above, was constituted. Athenian Recovery In the summer of 411 BC, after the Five Thousand had taken control of the Athenian government, the Athenian fleet of seventy-six ships and a Peloponnesian fleet of eighty-six ships met off Cynossema. The Athenians won a decisive victory and the tide of the war suddenly changed.

Thucydides viii. 106: The rout was now complete. Most of the Peloponnesians fled for refuge first to the river Midius, and afterwards to . Only a few ships were taken by the Athenians; as owing to the narrowness of the Hellespont the enemy had not far to go to be in safety. Nevertheless nothing could have been more opportune for them than this victory. Up to this time they had feared the Peloponnesian fleet, owing to a number of petty losses and to the disaster in Sicily; but they now ceased to mistrust themselves or any longer to think their enemies good for anything at sea. Meanwhile they took from the enemy eight Chian vessels, five Corinthian, two Ambraciot, two Boeotian, one Leucadian, Lacedaemonian, Syracusan, and Pellenian, losing fifteen of their own. After setting up a trophy upon Point Cynossema, securing the wrecks, and restoring to the enemy his dead under truce, they sent off a galley to Athens with the news of their victory. The arrival of this vessel with its unhoped-for good news, after the recent disasters of Euboea, and in the revolution at Athens, gave fresh courage to the Athenians, and caused them to believe that if they put their shoulders to the wheel their cause might yet prevail.

Cyzicus had, in the meantime, revolted from Athens and the Athenian fleet sailed to recover the town. The text of Thucydides suddenly ends here, in the autumn of 411, after the fall of Cyzicus to Athens. There are various theories as to why he failed to complete his work, none of which are conclusive. Diodorus offers a note indicating his change of sources:

Diodorus xiii.42.5: [5] Here Thucydides breaks off his history, containing in eight books (which some divide into nine) the affairs of twenty-two years. Xenophon and Theopompus begin theirs where Thucydides ends. Xenophon continues his history for the term of forty-eight years; but 153

Theopompus goes on with the affairs of Greece for the term of seventeen years, and ends his history at the sea-fight at Cnidus, comprised in twelve books.

The implication seems to be that Diodorus has been following Thucydides up to the autumn of 411, and switches to Xenophon and Theopompus for events that follow, but much of what precedes this passage in Diodorus does not agree with the text of Thucydides, and much of what follows does not agree with Xenophon. Xenophon’s begins simply; Meta de tauta, “After these things…” He seems to have written specifically to complete the work begun by Thucydides, but nowhere does Xenophon say so overtly. Xenophon brings his account to an end with the Battle of Mantinea, in 362 BC. 1 In the early winter of 411 BC the Athenians, with Alcibiades coming to their assistance, won a victory over the Spartan fleet off Abydus. Alcibiades was later captured by the Persian Satrap Tissaphernes, but he was able to escape:

Xenophon, Hellenica i.1.9-10: [9] After the above incidents, Tissaphernes arrived in the Hellespont, and received a visit from Alcibiades, who presented him with a single ship, bringing with him tokens of friendship and gifts, whereupon Tissaphernes seized him and shut him up in Sardis, giving out that the king's orders were to go to war with the Athenians. [10] Thirty days later Alcibiades, accompanied by Mantitheus, who had been captured in Caria, managed to procure horses and escaped by night to Clazomenae.

In the spring of 410 BC the Spartans under Mindarus, with the aid of Pharnabazus, were able to recapture Cyzicus. The Athenians, with 86 ships, attacked the Spartans at Cyzicus and won a decisive victory capturing or destroying the entire Spartan fleet. The Spartan general was killed in the action the surviving troops were, without ships, stranded.

Xenophon Hellenica i.1.23: [23] Now a despatch from Hippocrates, Mindarus' vice-admiral, had been intercepted on its way to Sparta, and taken to Athens. It ran as follows (in broad Doric): "Ships gone; Mindarus dead; Men starving; don't know what to do."

After the loss of their fleet and the death of their general at Cyzicus, the Spartans approached the Athenians with proposals for peace. Diodorus reproduces was he calls an example of laconic2 brevity from Endius, the Spartan ambassador:

Diodorus xiii 52.3 - 8: [3] "We want peace with you, men of Athens, on the conditions that we each keep the cities we hold; that troops on each other's territory be removed; that all prisoners be released, one Athenian for one Spartan. For we are not unaware that the war is very harmful to us both, but much more to you, [4] Learn from the facts, not the words: We

1 Theopompus also wrote a Hellenica which covered the years 410 - 394, but this work is lost. 2 The English word 'laconic', comes from Laconia, the region in Greece where Sparta is located. The terms 'Laconian' and 'Spartan' are virtually interchangeable. 154 farm all of the Peloponnese, you farm only a small part of Attica. The War has brought allies to us and taken them away from you. We are funded by the richest king in the world; you by the poorest people in the world. [5] Our soldiers fight willingly because they get paid; yours reluctantly because they have to pay. [6] When we fight at sea we lose ships, you lose citizens. Most importantly, when we are defeated at sea we dominate the land, and there is not a Spartiite who knows what it is to retreat; but when you are driven from the sea you dominate nothing and can barely survive. [7] So why, when we hold every advantage, do we want peace? Because Sparta gains nothing from this War, but only suffers less than the Athenians. Only fools want to share in the suffering of their enemies and there is no profit in harming one's own people just for the pleasure of harming one's enemies. [8] We are also motivated by the traditions (ethos) of our fathers: that whatever the bloodshed and destruction, we believe it our duty before gods and men to be the least to blame."

This event is also used by Diodorus to highlight the abuses, and faults, of the democratic system. Most of our extant historians are critical of the ease with which voters in a democracy are persuaded to make bad decisions:

Diodorus xiii 53 [53.1] When the Laconian had spoken this and some other things to the like effect, the more moderate of the Athenians were inclined to peace; but those who were accustomed to sow the seeds of dissention, and to make a private gain of public adversity were for war. [2] Of this opinion was , a man of great influence among the people, who, coming into the assembly, after he had said many things pertinent to the business in hand, he chiefly encouraged the people by magnifying the greatness of their late successes, and urging all in such a manner, as if fortune (contrary to her usual custom) had now forgot to dispose and order the successes of war, by turns and changes to each side. [3] But the Athenians at length regretted this mischievous advice, which was so little to their advantage. For, being thus deceived by flattering discourses, framed only to please, they were brought so low that they could never after recover their former greatness and grandeur. [4] But these things shall be hereafter related in their due place. The Athenians therefore (being thus puffed up with their victories, and being very confident because Alcibiades was their general) concluded they should recover their former esteem and reputation in a short time.

The fact that Xenophon never mentions this offer of peace needn't disqualify its historicity: Xenophon, even more than most historians, is selective in what he reports and what he omits. Agis, the Spartan King, began to realize that Athens could never be taken from the land:

Xenophon Hell. i. 1. 35 - 36 [35] Meanwhile Agis, as he looked out from Decelea, and saw vessel after vessel laden with grain running down to Piraeus,1 declared that it was useless for his troops to go on week after week excluding the Athenians from their own land, while no one stopped the

1 The arrival of the grain fleet suggests the late summer or early winter of 410. 155

source of their corn supply by sea: the best plan would be to send Clearchus, the son of Rhamphius, who was Proxenos of the Byzantines, to and Byzantium. [36] The suggestion was approved, and with fifteen vessels duly manned from Megara, or furnished by other allies, Clearchus set out. These were troop-ships rather than swift-sailing triremes. Three of them, on reaching the Hellespont, were destroyed by the Athenian ships employed to keep a sharp look-out on all merchant craft in those waters. The other twelve escaped to , and thence finally reached Byzantium in safety.

This explanation of Agis' strategy seems a bit late in the narrative. Clearly, the Spartan strategy had been, since at least 411, to attack Athenian interests in the Hellespont, Propontis and with the goal of interrupting the Black Sea grain fleet. This strategic refinement must be seen as the beginning of the end for Athens, despite the appearance that Athens had the upper hand for the moment, the Spartan dagger was now aimed at the Athenian jugular! Athens undertook every effort to recover control of this critical sea zone. In the meantime, however, the Spartans has sent ambassadors to Persia, and the new Satrap of Sardis, son of Darius II, had promised financial aid. Athens had, sometime before this, also sent ambassadors to Persia but the Athenians were unaware that the promises of Pharnabazus were merely part of a Persian political struggle in which both the Athenians and Spartans were pawns.

Xenophon Hell. i. 4. 1 - 7 [4.1] Pharnabazus and the ambassadors were passing the winter at Gordium in Phrygia, when they heard of the occurrences at Byzantium. [2] Continuing their journey to the king's court in the commencement of spring, they were met by a former embassy, which was now on its return journey. These were the Lacedaemonian ambassadors, Boeotius and his party, with the other envoys; who told them that the Spartans had obtained from the king all they wanted. [3] One of the company was Cyrus, the new governor of all the seaboard districts, who was prepared to co-operate with the Spartans in war. He was the bearer, moreover, of a letter with the royal seal attached. It was addressed to all the populations of Lower Asia, and contained the following words: 'I send down Cyrus as Karanos' - that is to say, supreme lord - 'over all those who muster at Castolus.' [4] The ambassadors of the Athenians, even while listening to this announcement, and indeed after they had seen Cyrus, were still desirous, if possible, to continue their journey to the king, or, failing that, to return home. [5] Cyrus, however, urged upon Pharnabazus either to deliver them up to himself, or to defer sending them home at present; his object being to prevent the Athenians learning what was going on. [6] Pharnabazus, wishing to escape all blame, for the time being detained them, telling them, at one time, that he would presently escort them up country to the king, and at another time that he would send them safe home. [7] But when three years had elapsed, he prayed Cyrus to let them go, declaring that he had taken an oath to bring them back to the sea, in default of escorting them up to the king. Then at last they received safe conduct to Ariobarzanes, with orders for their further transportation. The latter conducted them a stage further, to in Mysia; and from Cius they set sail to join their main armament.

156

Return of Alcibiades In 408/7 BC, the Athenians pardoned Alcibiades and elected him . Feeling that the climate was finally safe, he returned to Athens amid great pomp.

Diodorus xiii. 68: [68.1] After the end of the year, Euctemon was made Archon of Athens and the Romans elected Marcus Papirius and Spurius Nautius consuls. Then was celebrated the ninety-third Olympiad,1 in which Eubatus of Cyrene won the Stadion. At this time the Athenian generals (now possessed of Byzantium) gained all the cities of the Hellespont, except Abydos. [2] Then they left Diodorus and Mantithius with sufficient forces, governors in the Hellespont; and they themselves, after they had performed many famous exploits for the honour and safety of their country, returned with the fleet, laden with booty, to Athens. When they drew near, all the people thronged out with great joy to meet them, and a great number of strangers, both women and children, ran together into the Piraeus; [3] the arrival of the generals filling all persons with admiration. For they brought home with them no less than two hundred ships, which they had taken and a multitude of prisoners, with much spoil; and their own ships were gloriously adorned with arms, rich spoils, and golden crowns, and such like. Everybody thronged one upon another to see Alcibiades, so as the city was even left without an inhabitant, while both slave and free longed to have a view of him. [4] For he was so highly admired at that time, that none of the former Athenians were judged comparable to this man, who so openly and confidently had stood it out against the people. They who were poor, and under debts and fines, now hoped they had an excellent advocate, who by raising tumults and disturbances in the city, could free them from their penuries and pressing necessities. [5] He was a man daring above all others, and an excellent speaker: in times of war a brave soldier, and as skilful a commander; ready in undertaking any desperate enterprise, of a very comely and beautiful countenance, of a noble spirit and aspiring mind. All were so filled with expectation from him, that they concluded his return, and the prosperity of the city, were coupled together. For as the Spartans were successful and victorious while he assisted them, so they hoped that by his return, their affairs would change to the better.

That same summer, however, Lysander was made commander of the Spartan fleet.

Diodorus viii. 70 [70.1] As for the Spartans, although they had lost most of their fleet, and the command of the sea, together with their general Mindarus, yet they were not discouraged, but created Lysander admiral of their navy, a most expert soldier, bold and daring, and ready to undertake anything, through all hazards whatsoever. As soon as he entered upon his command, he raised no small number of soldiers throughout the Peloponnesus, and furnished the fleet with sailors, as well as in the present circumstances he was able. [2]

1 August of 408 BC. 157

Sailing then to , he got together as many ships from there, and the rest of the towns, as he could, and then departed with what ships he had, to Ephesus and Miletus; where, he was further supplied from these cities, and with others from , he set forth from Ephesus with a fleet of seventy ships. [3] But when he understood that Cyrus, the son of Darius, was sent from his father, with orders to assist the Spartans in the war, he made a journey to him at Sardis; and after several arguments adduced to encourage the young man to prosecute the war against the Athenians, he forthwith received from him ten thousand Darics, for the pay of his soldiers, with command from Cyrus to proceed, without doubting his assistance; for that he was commanded by his father to spare no costs for the supply of the Spartans, in whatsoever they should undertake.

Alcibiades sailed to oppose Lysander, but the former won a naval victory off the coast of Ephesus, in the Battle of Notium, and the Athenians, fickle as always, pressed new charges against Alcibiades and once again he was forced into exile and stripped of his command. Arginusae In the autumn of 406 BC, , the Athenian admiral, found himself outnumbered and trapped in the harbour of Mytilene by the Spartan fleet. A relief force was sent from Athens and the Athenians defeated the Spartan fleet near Arginusae. However, immediately after the battle a storm arose and the Athenian ships were prevented from collecting the dead and wounded from the area of the battle and themselves were forced to sail for safety. On their return to Athens, the commanders of the fleet were all charged and brought to trial:

Xenophon Hellenica i. 7 [7.1] All the above-named generals, with the exception of Conon, were presently deposed by the home authorities. In addition to Conon two new generals were chosen, Adeimantus and . Of those concerned in the late victory two never returned to Athens: these were Protomachus and Aristogenes. The other six sailed home. [2] Their names were Pericles, Diomedon, , Aristocrates, Thrasylus, and Erasinides. On their arrival Archidemus, the leader of the democracy at that date, who had charge of the two obol fund,1 inflicted a fine on Erasinides, and accused him in the courts of having appropriated money derived from the Hellespont, which belonged to the people. He brought a further charge against him of misconduct while acting as general, and the court sentenced him to imprisonment. [3] These proceedings in the law court were followed by the statement of the generals before the Boulé touching the late victory and the magnitude of the storm. Timocrates then proposed that the other five generals should be put in custody and handed over to the Ecclesia, whereupon the Boulé committed them all to prison. [4] Then came the meeting of the Ecclesia, in which others, and more particularly Theramenes, formally accused the generals. He insisted that they ought to show cause why they had not picked up the shipwrecked crews. To prove that there had been no attempt on their part to attach blame to others, he might point, as conclusive testimony, to the despatch sent by the generals themselves to the Boulé and the Ecclesia, in which they

1 A special war-time subsidy to assist those impoverished by war. 158 attributed the whole disaster to the storm, and nothing else. [5] After this the generals each in turn made a defence, which was necessarily limited to a few words, since no right of addressing the assembly at length was allowed by law. Their explanation of the occurrences was that, in order to be free to sail against the enemy themselves, they had devolved the duty of picking up the shipwrecked crews upon certain competent captains of triremes, who had themselves been generals in their time, to wit Theramenes and Tharysbulus, and others of like stamp. [6] If blame could attach to any one at all with regard to the duty in question, those to whom their orders had been given were the sole persons they could hold responsible. "But," they went on to say, "we will not, because these very persons have denounced us, invent a lie, and say that Theramenes and Thrasybulus are to blame, when the truth of the matter is that the magnitude of the storm alone prevented the burial of the dead and the rescue of the living." [7] In proof of their contention, they produced the pilots and numerous other witnesses from among those present at the engagement. By these arguments they were in a fair way to persuade the people of their innocence. Indeed many private citizens rose wishing to become bail for the accused, but it was resolved to defer decision till another meeting of the Ecclesia. It was indeed already so late that it would have been impossible to see to count the show of hands. It was further resolved that the Boulé meanwhile should prepare a measure, to be introduced at the next assembly, as to the mode in which the accused should take their trial. [8] Then came the festival of the Aparturia,1 with its family gatherings of fathers and kinsfolk. Accordingly the party of Theramenes procured numbers of people clad in black apparel, and close-shaven, who were to go in and present themselves before the Ecclesia in the middle of the festival, as relatives, presumably, of the men who had perished; and they persuaded to accuse the generals in the Boulé. [9] The next step was to convoke the Ecclesia, when the Boulé laid before it the proposal just passed by their body, at the instance of Callixenus, which ran as follows: "Seeing that both the parties to this case, to wit, the prosecutors of the generals on the one hand, and the accused themselves in their defence on the other, have been heard in the late meeting of the assembly; we propose that the people of Athens now record their votes, one and all, by their tribes; that a couple of voting urns be placed for the convenience of each several tribe; and the public crier in the hearing of each several tribe proclaim the mode of voting as follows: Let everyone who finds the generals guilty of not rescuing the heroes of the late sea fight deposit his vote in urn No. 1. Let him who is of the contrary opinion deposit his vote in urn No. 2. [10] Further, in the event of the aforesaid generals being found guilty, let death be the penalty. Let the guilty persons be delivered over to The Eleven. Let their property be confiscated to the State, with the exception of one tithe, which falls to the goddess. [11] Now there came forward in the assembly a man, who said that he had escaped drowning by clinging to a meal tub. The poor fellows perishing around him had commissioned him, if he succeeded in saving himself, to tell the people of Athens how bravely they had fought for their fatherland, and how the generals had left them there to drown.

1 Held in October. This was a festival to reassert descent from Ion. 159

[12] Presently Euryptolemus, the son of Peisianax, and others served a notice of indictment on Callixenus, insisting that his proposal was unconstitutional, and this view of the case was applauded by some members of the assembly. But the majority kept crying out that it was monstrous if the people were to be hindered by any stray individual from doing what seemed to them right. [13] And when Lysicus, embodying the spirit of those cries, formally proposed that if these persons would not abandon their action, they should be tried by the same vote along with the generals: a proposition to which the mob gave vociferous assent; and so these were compelled to abandon their summonses. [14] Again, when some of the Prytanes objected to put a resolution to the vote which was in itself unconstitutional, Callixenus again got up and accused them in the same terms, and the crowd shouted to summons all who refuse. [15] The Prytanes, in alarm, all agreed to permit the voting - with one exception. This obstinate dissentient was Socrates, the son of , who insisted that he would do nothing except in accordance with the law.1 [16] After this Euryptolemus rose and spoke in behalf of the generals. He said: "I stand here, men of Athens, partly to accuse Pericles, though he is a close and intimate connection of my own,2 and Diomedon, who is my friend, and partly to urge certain considerations on their behalf, but chiefly to press upon you what seems to me the best course for the State collectively. [17] I hold them to blame in that they dissuaded their colleagues from their intention to send a despatch to the Boulé and this assembly, which should have informed you of the orders given to Theramenes and Thrasybulus to take forty-seven triremes and pick up the shipwrecked crews, and of the neglect of the two officers to carry out those orders. [18] And it follows that though the offence was committed by one or two, the responsibility must be shared by all; and in return for kindness in the past, they are in danger at present of sacrificing their lives to the machinations of these very men, and others whom I could mention. In danger, do I say, of losing their lives? [19] No, not so, if you will suffer me to persuade you to do what is just and right; if you will only adopt such a course as shall enable you best to discover the truth and shall save you from too late repentance, when you find you have transgressed irremediably against heaven and your own selves. In what I urge there is no trap nor plot whereby you can be deceived by me or any other man; it is a straightforward course which will enable you to discover and punish the offender by whatever process you like, collectively or individually. Let them have, if not more, at any rate one whole day to make what defence they can for themselves; and trust to your own unbiased judgment to guide you to the right conclusion. [20] "You know, men of Athens, the exceeding stringency of the decree of Cannonus, which orders that man, whosoever he be, who is guilty of treason against the people of Athens, to be put in irons, and so to meet the charge against him before the people. If he be convicted, he is to be thrown into the Barathron and perish,3 and the property of such a one is to be confiscated, with the exception of the tithe which falls to the goddess. [21] I call upon you to try these generals in accordance with this decree. And, by Zeus, if it please

1 Socrates was Epistates at the time, Chairman of the Prytaneia (Plato 31b) 2 Pericles was the son of the great Pericles by his second, but foreign, wife . 3 The Barathron was a deep pit into which criminals, and the bodies of those who had been executed, were thrown. 160

you, begin with my own kinsman Pericles for base would it be on my part to make him of more account than the whole of the State. [22] Or, if you prefer, try them by that other law, which is directed against robbers of temples and betrayers of their country, which says: if a man betray his city or rob a sacred temple of the gods, he shall be tried before a law court, and if he be convicted, his body shall not be buried in Attica, and his goods shall be confiscated to the State. [23] Take your choice as between these two laws, men of Athens, and let the prisoners be tried individually.1 Let three portions of a day be assigned to each respectively, one portion wherein they shall listen to their accusation, a second wherein they shall make their defence, and a third wherein you shall meet and give your votes in due order on the question of their guilt or innocence. [24] By this procedure the malefactors will receive the desert of their misdeeds in full, and those who are innocent will owe you, men of Athens, the recovery of their liberty, in place of unmerited destruction. [25] "On your side, in trying the accused by recognised legal procedure, you will show that you obey the gods and can regard the sanctity of an oath, instead of joining hands with our enemies the Spartans and fighting their battles. For is it not to fight their battles, if you take their conquerors, the men who deprived them of seventy vessels, and at the moment of victory sent them to death untried and in violation of the law? [26] What are you afraid of, that you press forward with such hot haste? Do you imagine that you may be robbed of the power of life and death over whom you please, should you condescend to a legal trial? But that you are safe if you take shelter behind an illegality, like the illegality of Callixenus, when he worked upon the senate to propose to this assembly to deal with the accused by a single vote? But consider, you may actually put to death an innocent man, and then repentance will one day visit you too late. Think about how painful and unavailing remorse will then be, and more particularly if your error has cost a fellow man his life. [28] What a travesty of justice it would be if in the case of a man like Aristarchus, who first tried to destroy the democracy and then betrayed to our enemy the Thebans, you granted him a day for his defence, consulting his wishes, and conceded to him all the other benefits of the law;2 whereas now you are proposing to deprive your own generals of these same privileges, who in every way conformed to your views and defeated your enemies. [29] Do not you, of all men, I implore you, men of Athens, act thus. Why, these laws are your own, to them, beyond all else you owe your greatness. Guard them jealously; in nothing, I implore you, act without their sanction. "But now, turn for a moment and consider with me the actual occurrences which have created the suspicion of misconduct on the part of our late generals. The sea-fight had been fought and won, and the ships had returned to land, when Diomedon urged that the whole squadron should sail out in line and pick up the wrecks and floating crews. Erasinides was in favour of all the vessels sailing as fast as possible to deal with the enemy's forces at Mytilene. And Thrasylus represented that both objects could be effected, by

1 It was the general practice in Athenian law that defendants not be tried as a group. This was Socrates' main objection to the current proceedings - that the generals were being tried as a group. 2 Aristarchus, with Pisander, Phrynicus and Antiphon, was one of the leaders of the oligarchic coup in 411, known as the Revolution of the Four Hundred (Thuc. viii. 90 - 98). After the fall of the Four Hundred he took a cavalry unit to the Athenian outpost Oenoe, on the border of Boeotia, and gave assistance to the Thebans in capturing the town. He was later arrested, tried and condemned to death in Athens. 161 leaving one division of the fleet there, and with the rest sailing against the enemy; [30] and if this resolution were agreed to, he advised that each of the eight generals should leave three ships of his own division with the ten vessels of the taxiarchs, the ten Samian vessels, and the three belonging to the nauarchs. These added together make forty-seven, four for each of the lost vessels, twelve in number. [31] Among the taxiarchs left behind, two were Thrasybulus and Theramenes, the men who in the late meeting of this assembly undertook to accuse the generals. With the remainder of the fleet they were to sail to attack the enemy's fleet. Everything, you must admit, was duly and admirably planned. It was only common justice, therefore, that those whose duty it was to attack the enemy should render an account for all miscarriages of operations against the enemy; while those who were commissioned to pick up the dead and dying should, if they failed to carry out the instructions of the generals, be put on trial to explain the reasons of the failure. [32] This indeed I may say on behalf of both parties. It was really the storm which, in spite of what the generals had planned, prevented anything being done. There are witnesses ready to attest the truth of this: the men who escaped as by a miracle, and among these one of these very generals, who was on a sinking ship and was saved. And this man, who needed picking up as much as anybody at that moment, is, they insist, to be tried by one and the same vote as those who neglected to perform their orders! [33] Once more, I beg you, men of Athens, to accept your victory and your good fortune, instead of behaving like the desperate victims of misfortune and defeat. Recognise the hand of divine necessity; do not incur the reproach of stony-heartedness by discovering treason where there was merely powerlessness, and condemning as guilty those who were prevented by the storm from carrying out their instructions. Nay! you will better satisfy the demands of justice by crowning these conquerors with wreaths of victory than by punishing them with death at the instigation of wicked men." [34] At the conclusion of his speech Euryptolemus proposed, as an amendment, that the prisoners should, in accordance with the decree of Cannonus, be tried each separately, as against the proposal of the senate to try them all by a single vote. At the show of hands the tellers gave the majority in favour of Euryptolemus's amendment, but upon the application of Menecles, who took formal exception to this decision, the show of hands was gone through again, and now the verdict was in favour of the resolution of the senate. At a later date the balloting was made, and by the votes recorded the eight generals were condemned, and the six who were in Athens were put to death. Not long after, repentance seized the Athenians, and they passed a decree authorising the public prosecution of those who had deceived the people, and the appointment of proper securities for their persons until the trial was over. Callixenus was one of those committed for trail. There were, besides Callixenus, four others against whom true bills were declared, and they were all five imprisoned by their sureties. But all subsequently effected their escape before the trial, at the time of the sedition in which Cleophon was killed. Callixenus eventually came back when the party in Piraeus returned to the city, at the date of the amnesty, but only to die of hunger, an object of universal detestation.

162

Disaster at Aegospotami In 405 BC Lysander moved the newly reconstructed Spartan fleet into the Hellespont with the intention of disrupting the grain fleets headed for Athens. The Athenian fleet, commanded by Conon, set out in pursuit:

Xenophon, Hellenica ii.1. 18 - 29 [18] Lysander was again on the move; leaving Abydos, he passed up channel to Lampsacus, which was allied with Athens; the men of Abydos and the rest of the troops advancing by land, under the command of the Lacedaemonian Thorax. [19] They then attacked and took by storm the town, which was wealthy, and with its stores of wine and wheat and other commodities was pillaged by the soldiery. All free-born persons, however, were without exception released by Lysander. [20] And now the Athenian fleet, following close on his heels, came to moorings at , in the , one hundred and eighty sail in all. It was not until they had reached this place, and were getting their early meal, that the news of what had happened at Lampsacus reached them. Then they instantly set sail again to Sestos, [21] and, having halted long enough merely to take in stores, sailed on further to Aegospotami, a point facing Lampsacus, where the Hellespont is not quite fifteen stadia wide.1 Here they took their evening meal. [22] The night following, or rather early next morning, with the first streak of dawn, Lysander gave the signal for the men to take their breakfasts and get on board their vessels; and so, having got all ready for a naval engagement, with his ports closed and movable bulwarks attached, he issued the order that no one was to stir from his post or put out to sea. [23] As the sun rose the Athenians drew up their vessels facing the harbour, in line of battle ready for action; but since Lysander declined to come out to meet them, as the day advanced they retired again to Aegospotami. [24] Then Lysander ordered the swiftest of his ships to follow the Athenians, and as soon as the crews had disembarked, to watch what they did, sail back, and report to him. Until these look-outs returned he would permit no disembarkation from his ships. This performance he repeated for four successive days, and each day the Athenians put out to sea and challenged an engagement. [25] But now Alcibiades, from one of his fortresses, could see the position of his fellow-countrymen, moored on an open beach beyond reach of any city, and forced to send for supplies to Sestos, which was fifteen stadia distant, while their enemies were safely lodged in a harbour, with a city adjoining, and everything within reach. The situation did not please him, and he advised them to shift their anchorage to Sestos, where they would have the advantage of a harbour and a city. "Once there," he concluded, "you can engage the enemy whenever it suits you." [26] But the generals, and more particularly Tydeus and , bade him go about his business. "We are generals now--not you," they said; and so he went away. And now for five days in succession the Athenians had sailed out to offer battle, and for the fifth time retired, followed by the same swift sailors of the enemy. [27] But this time Lysander's orders to the vessels so sent in pursuit were that as soon as they saw the enemy's crew fairly disembarked and dispersed along the shores of the Chersonesus (a practice, it should be mentioned, which had grown upon them from day to day owing to the distance at which eatables had to be purchased, and out of sheer

1 2.7 kilometers. 163 contempt, no doubt, of Lysander, who refused to accept battle), they were to begin their return voyage, and when in mid-channel to hoist a shield. The orders were punctually carried out, [28] and Lysander at once signalled to his whole squadron to put across with all speed, while Thorax, with the land forces, was to march parallel with the fleet along the coast. Aware of the enemy's fleet, which he could see bearing down upon him, Conon had only time to signal to the crews to join their ships and rally to the rescue with all their might. But the men were scattered far and wide, and some of the vessels had only two out of their three banks of rowers, some only a single one, while others again were completely empty. Conon's own ship, with seven others in attendance on him and the Paralus,1 put out to sea, a little cluster of nine vessels, with their full complement of men; but every one of the remaining one hundred and seventy-one vessels were captured by Lysander on the beach. As to the men themselves, the large majority of them were easily made prisoners on shore, a few only escaping to the small fortresses of the neighbourhood. [29] Meanwhile Conon and his nine vessels made good their escape. For himself, knowing that the fortune of Athens was ruined, he put into Abarnis, the promontory of Lampsacus, and there picked up the great sails of Lysander's ships, and then with eight ships set sail himself to seek refuge with Evagoras in Cyprus, while the Paralus started for Athens with tidings of what had taken place.

The loss of the entire fleet was a complete disaster for Athens. Nearly every ship in her possession was lost that day. Athens was now out of money, out of men, out of ships, surrounded by land and defenseless by sea. Diodorus provides us with the greatest understatement in history:

Diodorus xiii. 107.1 When the Athenians learned of the total destruction of their forces, they abandoned the policy of control of the sea…

Xenophon was actually in Athens on that fateful day and he recalls the event in vivid detail:

Xenophon Hellenica ii. 2.3-4 [3] It was night when the Paralus reached Athens with her evil tidings, on receipt of which a bitter wail of woe broke forth. From Piraeus, following the line of the up to the heart of the city, it swept and swelled, as each man to his neighbour passed on the news. On that night no man slept. There was mourning and sorrow for those that were lost, but the lamentation for the dead was merged in even deeper sorrow for themselves, as they pictured the evils they were about to suffer, the like of which they themselves had inflicted upon the men of Melos, who were colonists of the Spartans, when they mastered

1 One of the two official ships of State used by the Athenians, the Salamina being the other. 164 them by siege. Or on the men of Histiaea; on Scione and Torone; on the Aeginetans, and many another Hellene city.1 [4] On the following day the public assembly met, and, after debate, it was resolved to block up all the harbours save one, to put the walls in a state of defence, to post guards at various points, and to make all other necessary preparations for a siege. Such were the concerns of the men of Athens.

Lysander easily mopped up what resources Athens had left in the Aegean theatre before sailing for Athens with a large fleet and initiating a naval blockade of the city. The Spartans quickly assembled an army of their allies and, combined with the army already with Agis at Decelea, moved to surround the walls of Athens. Athens Surrenders Xenophon, Hellenica ii.2.10 - 23 [10] The Athenians, finding themselves besieged by land and sea, were in sore perplexity what to do. Without ships, without allies, without provisions, the belief gained hold upon them that there was no way of escape. They must now, in their turn, suffer what they had themselves inflicted upon others; not in retaliation, indeed, for ills received, but out of sheer insolence, overriding the citizens of petty states, and for no better reason than that these were allies of the very men now at their gates.2 [11] In this frame of mind they enfranchised those who at any time had lost their civil rights, and schooled themselves to endurance; and, albeit many succumbed to starvation, no thought of truce or reconciliation with their foes was breathed. But when the food supply was absolutely insufficient, they sent an embassy to Agis, proposing to become allies of the Spartans on the sole condition of keeping their fortification walls and Piraeus; and to draw up articles of treaty on these terms. [12] Agis told them to go to Sparta, seeing that he had no authority to act himself. With this answer the ambassadors returned to Athens, and were forthwith sent on to Sparta. [13] On reaching Sellasia a town in Laconian territory, they waited till they got their answer from the Ephors, who, having learnt their terms (which were identical to those already proposed to Agis), bade them instantly to be gone, and, if they really desired peace, to come with other proposals, the fruit of better reflection. [14] Thus the ambassadors returned home, and reported the result of their embassy, whereupon despondency fell upon all. It was a painful reflection that in the end they would be sold into slavery; and meanwhile, pending the return of a second embassy, many would fall victims to starvation. [15] The razing of their fortifications was not a solution which any one cared to recommend. A member of the Boulé, Archestratus, had indeed put the question to the Boulé, whether it were not best to make peace with the Spartans on such terms as they were willing to propose; but he was thrown into prison. The Spartan

1 Melos was conquered by Athens in 416 BC. All of the men were killed and the women and children sold into Slavery. Histiaea was conquered by Pericles in 445 (Thuc. i.114: Diod. xii.7.1). Scione and Torone defected to Sparta in 423 and were brutally reconquered in 421 (Thuc. iv.120: Diod. xii.72, 76) On these issues see also Isocrates 4.100 - 101. 2 The Greek text here is more harsh than can be translated well: Xenophon is essentially saying that Athens was about to suffer, but justly, the very punishment they had, with the height of inhumane arrogance and cruelty and without justice, inflicted upon small and innocent cities. 165

proposals referred to the destruction of both long walls for a space of more than ten stadia. And a decree had been passed, making it illegal to submit any such proposition about the walls. [16] Things having reached this pass, Theramenes made a proposal in the Ecclesia as follows: If they chose to send him as an ambassador to Lysander, he would go and find out why the Spartans were so unyielding about the walls; whether it was they really intended to enslave the city, or merely that they wanted a guarantee of good faith. [17] Despatched accordingly, he lingered on with Lysander for three whole months and more, watching for the time when the Athenians, at the last pinch of starvation, would be willing to accede to any terms that might be offered. At last, in the fourth month, he returned and reported to the public assembly that Lysander had detained him all this while, and had ended by bidding him betake himself to Sparta, since he had no authority himself to answer his questions, which must be addressed directly to the Ephors. [18] After this Theramenes was chosen with nine others to go to Sparta as ambassadors with full powers. Meanwhile Lysander had sent an Athenian exile, named Aristotle, in company of certain Spartans, to Sparta to report to the board of Ephors how he had answered Theramenes, that they, and they alone, had supreme authority in matters of peace and war. [19] Theramenes and his companions presently reached Sellasia, and being there questioned as to the reason of their visit, replied that they had full powers to treat of peace. After which the Ephors ordered them to be summoned to their presence. On their arrival a general assembly was convened, in which the Corinthians and Thebans more particularly, though their views were shared by many other Hellenes also, urged the meeting not to come to terms with the Athenians, but to destroy them. [20] The Spartans replied that they would never reduce to slavery a city which was itself an integral portion of Hellas, and had performed a great and noble service to Hellas in the most perilous of emergencies. On the contrary, they were willing to offer peace on the terms now specified, namely: "That the long walls and the fortifications of Piraeus should be destroyed; that the Athenian fleet, with the exception of twelve vessels, should be surrendered; that the exiles should be restored; and lastly, that the Athenians should acknowledge the headship of Sparta in peace and war, leaving to her the choice of friends and foes, and following her lead by land and sea." [21] Such were the terms which Theramenes and the rest who acted with him were able to report on their return to Athens. As they entered the city, a vast crowd met them, trembling lest their mission have proved fruitless. For indeed delay was no longer possible, so long already was the list of victims daily perishing from starvation. [22] On the day following, the ambassadors delivered their report, stating the terms upon which the Spartans were willing to make peace. Theramenes acted as spokesman, insisting that they ought to obey the Spartans and pull down the walls. A small minority raised their voice in opposition, but the majority were strongly in favour of the proposition, and the resolution was passed to accept the peace. [23] After that, Lysander sailed into the Piraeus, and the exiles were readmitted. And so they fell to levelling the fortifications and walls with much enthusiasm, to the accompaniment of female flute-players, deeming that day the beginning of liberty to Greece. 166

167

The Spartan

The in Athens In addition to the terms listed above, Lysander ordered that the Athenians dissolve the democracy and institute a constitution more in keeping with traditional values.

Diodorus xiv. 3. 1 - 3. By the dissolution of the government at Athens, (which happened the seven hundred and eightieth year current from the destruction of Troy),1 the city was involved in an anarchy (no Archon was elected)… and the ninety-fourth Olympiad was held this year, in which Corcinas of was victor. [2] At this time, the Athenians, their power being broken, obtained a peace with the Spartans, and liberty to govern according to the constitution of their ancestors if they demolished their walls, which they pulled down accordingly, but could not agree among themselves about the form of their government. [3] For they that were for an oligarchy, gave their votes for the restoring the ancient government in which only a few ruled. But the greatest part who stood up for the democracy, preferred the government of their fathers, declaring that to be the truest democracy.

For the events of the spring and early summer of 404 it is informative to compare the various accounts:

Xenophon, Hellenica ii.3.1, 3-4 [1] In the following year, [in which was celebrated an Olympiad, wherein Corcinas the Thessalian was victorious in the stadion, Endius being now at Sparta and Pythodorus archon at Athens. Since, however, Pythodorus was chosen during the time of the oligarchy, the Athenians do not use his name to mark the year, but call it "the 2 archonless year." And this oligarchy came into being in the way hereafter described:] [2] The people passed a resolution to choose thirty men who were to draft a constitution based on the ancestral laws of the State…

[3] After these transactions, Lysander set sail for Samos; and Agis withdrew the land force from Decelea and disbanded the troops, dismissing the contingents to their several cities. [4] In was at this date, about the time of the solar eclipse…3

The only thing that was clear was that the constitution of Ephialtes was unacceptable to the Spartans. The debate was whether they should reinstate the constitution of Cleisthenes, of Solon or that which preceded even Solon.

1 Following Apollodorus' chronology. This date for the Trojan War, when set to the , would be 1184 BC. 2 The text in square brackets is likely an interpolation and was not included in the Dakyns translation. 3 There was a partial solar eclipse visible from Greece on 3 Sept. 404 with a magnitude of 7.43. 168

In the passage above, Xenophon suggests that the decision to install the Thirty was made by the people of Athens after which Lysander went to Samos. Diodorus has a rather different account:

Diodorus xiv.3.4 - 7 [4] When this banding one against another had continued some days, they for the oligarchy sent to Lysander the Spartan, hoping thereby to gain the point, in regard he was ordered (now the war was at an end) to settle the government of the cities; and in every place he set up an oligarchy. To this end they sailed to him at Samos, where he then was, having lately taken the city. [5] When they arrived, and had craved his assistance, he promised them his aid and thereupon (after he had made Thorax the Spartiate harmost of Samos) passed over to the Peiraeus with an hundred sail. Then calling a general assembly, he advised them to choose thirty men, who should govern the commonwealth, and manage all the affairs of the city. [6] Theramenes opposed this proposal, repeating the articles of the peace, whereby it was agreed that they should be governed according to the laws of their fathers; and declared it would be a most intolerable piece of injustice if, against the sacred ties of an oath, their liberties must be thus ravished from them. Lysander answered that the Athenians had first broken the league themselves, because they did not pull down their walls within the time agreed, and grievously threatened Theramenes, and told him that unless he desisted from his oppositions against the Spartans, he would put him to death. [7] Upon this, both Theramenes and the people, being in a great fright, were forced by a general suffrage to abolish the democracy and thirty men were forthwith chosen to be governors of the commonwealth, in name called harmosts, but in deed and in truth nothing but tyrants.

One might assume that Xenophon, being an Athenian himself and witness to these events, would be the more reliable source. But we must keep in mind that Xenophon was sympathetic to Sparta and critical of the Athenians, and because of his biases may well have misrepresented events to colour our judgement. Diodorus was Sicilian and writing four centuries after the fact, but that does not necessarily make him a dispassionate and objective reporter: His agenda is to identify good leadership from bad and he is openly critical of Spartan hegemony.

But the Thirty spent less time working on a new constitution than securing their own power, eliminating potential rivals and settling old scores.

Xenophon Hellenica ii.3.11 - 16 [11] The Thirty had been chosen almost immediately after the long walls and the fortifications round Piraeus had been razed. They were chosen for the express purpose of compiling a code of laws for the future constitution of the State. The laws were always on the point of being published, yet they were never forthcoming; and the thirty compilers contented themselves meanwhile with appointing a senate and the other magistracies as suited their fancy best. [12] That done, they turned their attention, in the first instance, to such persons as were well known to have made their living as sycophants under the 169

democracy, and to be thorns in the side of all respectable people. These they laid hold on and prosecuted on the capital charge. The new senate gladly recorded its vote of condemnation against them; and the rest of the world, conscious of bearing no resemblance to them, seemed scarcely vexed. [13] But the Thirty did not stop there. Presently they began to deliberate by what means they could get the city under their absolute control, in order that they might work their will upon it. Here again they proceeded tentatively; in the first instance, they sent (two of their number), and Aristoteles, to Sparta, and persuaded Lysander to support them in getting a Lacedaemonian garrison despatched to Athens. They only needed it until they had got the "malignants" out of the way, and had established the constitution; and they would undertake to maintain these troops at their own cost. Lysander was not deaf to their persuasions, and by his co-operation their request was granted. [14] A bodyguard, with Callibius as Harmost, was sent. And now that they had got the garrison, they fell to flattering Callibius with all servile flattery, in order that he might give countenance to their doings. Thus they prevailed on him to allow some of the guards, whom they selected, to accompany them, while they proceeded to lay hands on whom they would; no longer confining themselves to base folk and people of no account, but boldly laying hands on those who they felt sure would least easily brook being thrust aside, or, if a spirit of opposition seized them, could command the largest number of partisans. [15] These were early days; as yet Critias was of one mind with Theramenes, and the two were friends. But the time came when, in proportion as Critias was ready to rush headlong into wholesale carnage, like one who thirsted for the blood of the democracy, which had banished him,1 Theramenes balked and thwarted him. It was barely reasonable, he argued, to put people to death, who had never done a thing wrong to respectable people in their lives, simply because they had enjoyed influence and honour under the democracy. "Why, you and I, Critias," he would add, "have said and done many things before now for the sake of popularity." [16] To which the other (for the terms of friendly intimacy still subsisted) would retort, "There is no choice left to us, since we intend to take the lion's share, but to get rid of those who are best able to hinder us. If you imagine, because we are thirty instead of one, our government requires one whit the less careful guarding than an actual tyranny, you must be very innocent."

Tyrants are as tyrants do: The Thirty eventually published the list of the Three Thousand and quickly disenfranchised the rest by removing their ability to resist:

Xenophon, Hellenica ii.3.20-22 The Three Thousand were drawn up in the Agora, and the rest of the citizens, who were not included in the list, elsewhere in various quarters of the city. The order to take arms was given; but while the men's backs were turned, at the bidding of the Thirty, the Spartan guards, with those of the citizens who shared their views, appeared on the scene and took away the arms of all except the Three Thousand, carried them up to the Acropolis, and safely deposited them in the temple. [20] The ground being thus cleared, as it were, and feeling that they had it in their

1 The details of this banishment are not known. 170

power to do what they pleased, they embarked on a course of wholesale butchery, to which many were sacrificed to the merest hatred, many to the accident of possessing riches. Presently the question rose: How they were to get money to pay their guards? And to meet this difficulty a resolution was passed empowering each of the committee to seize on one of the metics apiece, to put his victim to death, and to confiscate his property. [22] Theramenes was invited, or rather told to seize someone or other. "Choose whom you will, only let it be done." To which he responded that it hardly seemed to him a noble or worthy course on the part of those who claimed to be the elite of society to outdo the sycophants in injustice. "We are different from them in only one way: The sycophants took some of the money and let the victims live; we will take all of the wealth and our victims will die. Surely we would be doing the greater injustice!"

Theramenes became a vocal and obstinate opponent of their program so Critias ordered his execution.

Diodorus xiv. 4.1 - 5.4 [1] Because of the justice and moderation of Theramenes, the People judged he would be a bridle to the covetousness of the rest of those placed over them and thefefore chose him to be one of the Thirty. The duty and office of these men was to choose the members of the Boulé to create magistrates, and to make laws for the government of the city. [2] But they delayed passing any laws upon many specious pretences; yet they filled the senate and all the offices of the magistrates with their own friends so that these were called magistrates but were in fact the servants of the Thirty Tryants. At first they executed justice upon the basest elements of the city and put many of them to death and for this they were praised by the honourable citizens. [3] But afterwards, when they resolved to be lawless and set up an arbitrary power, they sent for a garrison from the Spartans, promising that they would mould all things in the government to the advantage of their interest. For they knew very well that, without a foreign force, they could not execute those slaughters and butcheries they designed, knowing that all would as one man rise up against them in commen defense. [4] When the garrison from Sparta had come, they quickly won over the commander, Callibius, with bribes and flattery. Then they singled out some of the richest of the citizens, such as they thought fit, and charging them with treason, put them to death and confiscated their estates. [5] But when Theramenes opposed his colleagues and joined the others who stood up for the defence of their liberties, the thirty called a meeting of the Boulé. Critias, the president, gave a speech charging Theramenes with many grievous crimes; chiefly that he betrayed that government, in the administration of which he himself voluntarily accepted a share. Theramenes gave such a convincing speech in reply that he gained the good opinion of the whole senate.1 [6] Critias, fearing that Theramenes should overturn the oligarchy, ordered the soldiers to draw their swords and surround and arrest him. But Theramenes anticipating his own arrest, rushed to the altar of Hestia in the senate-house, crying out that he fled to the gods, not that he hoped thereby to save his own life, but that the impiety of his murderers might be the more aggravated, by the violation of the sacred rites

1 Both speeches are reproduced in Xenophon, Hellenica ii.3.24-49. 171 of their religion.

5. [1] Theramenes was violently dragged from the altar and all the while maintained his composure and dignity, having been well schooled in philosophy by Socrates. The People, although they mourned the loss of Theramenes, had not the courage to take action in his defense because of the soldiers who stood guard over the whole affair. [2] But Socrates the philosopher, and two of his associates ran in and tried to prevent the arrest. But Theramenes entreated them to desist, declaring he was grateful for their love and courage on his behalf, but that it would be his greatest misery if he should be the cause of the deaths of those who were so dear to him. [3] Socrates and his men, seeing that no one else was coming to their assistance and the soldiers becoming more agitated, abandoned their plan. Theramenes was then forced from the altar and was led through the agora to execution by the officers who had him in charge. [4] But the common people, terrified by the soldiers, mourned the fate of a man unjustly condemned and executed, and began to appreciate their own condition: For when they saw that a man of such fame and virtue as Theramenes could be so mistreated, the realized their own vulnerability and that their lives were now worthless.

Xenophon, Hellenica ii. 4.1 [1] So Theramenes met his death; and, now that this obstacle was removed, the Thirty, felt that they had it in their power to play the tyrant without fear. They issued an order forbidding all, whose names were not on the list of the Three Thousand, to set foot within the city and they confiscated their property, both in the city and the country estates. Even Piraeus was not safe; of those who sought refuge there, many were driven forth in similar fashion, until Megara and Thebes overflowed with the crowd of refugees.

Indications of Xenophon's bias are often more evident in what he omits, than what he includes in his history. The events described in the passage below are not mentioned in Xenophon:

Diodorus xiv. 6.1-3 [1] And the Spartans, seeing the city thus spoiled and ruined, made it evident that they were pleased and had no desire for Athens to recover its strength. For they made a decree that all the fugitives from Athens, in every part of Greece, should be carried back bound to the tyrants; and whosoever opposed the execution of this decree, should be fined five talents. [2] This was in truth looked upon as a very cruel and inhuman edict, but the other cities stood so much in awe of the power of the Spartans, that it was everywhere obeyed. But the Argives were the first to show their abhorrence of the Lacedaemonian cruelty, and pitying the miserable condition of the exiles, received them with compassion. [3] The Thebans likewise passed a law that a fine would be imposed upon anyone who did not do his utmost to assist in freeing anyone they saw being arrested and taken back to Athens. Such, then, was the state of affairs in Athens.

172

Civil War in Athens Both Xenophon and Diodorus agree, however, that it was Thasybulus who rallied the exiles in Thebes:

Xenophon, Hellenica ii. 4.2 - 4 [2] Presently Thrasybulus, with about seventy followers, sallied out from Thebes, and made himself master of the fortress of Phyle.1 The weather was brilliant, and the Thirty marched out of the city to repel the invader; with them were the Three Thousand and the Cavalry. When they reached the place, some of the young men, in the foolhardiness of youth, made a dash at the fortress, but without effect; all they got was wounds, and so retired. [3] The intention of the Thirty now was to blockade the place; by shutting off all the avenues of supplies, they thought to force the garrison to capitulate. But this project was interrupted by a steady downfall of snow that night and the following day. Baffled by this all-pervading enemy they beat a retreat to the city, but not without the sacrifice of many of their camp-followers, who fell a prey to the men in Phyle. [4] The next concern of the government in Athens was to secure the farms and country houses against the plundering and forays to which they would be exposed, if there were no armed force to protect them. With this object a protecting force was despatched to the border region about fifteen stadia from Pyle. This corps consisted of the Lacedaemonian guards, or nearly all of them, and two tribes of cavalry.2 They encamped in a wild and broken district, and the round of their duties commenced.

The force that was sent to blockade Phyle was attacked and defeated by Thrasybulus and his men - who numbered over seven hundred. With these battles, in the winter of 404/3 BC, only months after surrendering to Sparta, Athens is now engaged in civil war. Thrasybulus then led his forces to the harbour and a major battle was fought between the exiles and the forces of the Thirty. The exiles were victorious, and Critias himself was killed.

Diodorus xiv. 33.4 - 6 [4] A great multitude who hated the tyranny, continually flocked out of the city into the Piraeus, and all the exiles from every place, hearing of the success of Thrasybulus, hastened thither to him, so that at length the number of the exiles exceeded the other; upon which encouragement they began to besiege the city. [5] But they within, to the end a peace might be concluded upon fair terms, cast off the Thirty, and sent them out of the city, and established a board of ten with sovereign power. But as soon as these ten were settled in office, instead of minding anything relating to the peace, they turned absolute tyrants, and sent Sparta for forty ships and a thousand soldiers under the command of Lysander. [6] Pausanias, then king of Sparta, both out of envy to Lysander, and because he

1 Phyle was a deme in the Oineis tribe with a fortified acropolis. It was 24 km (15 miles) to the north-west of Athens on the border with Boeotia. Phyle commanded the Mt. Parnes pass which linked Athens to Thebes 2 The cavalry, as the infantry, was levied by tribe making ten divisions of cavalry. 173 understood the rest of the Greeks had an evil eye against Sparta, marched with a great army to Athens, and reconciled the exiles and the citizens. Thus at length the Athenians were restored to their country, and now began to govern according to their own laws. Those that were afraid lest they should suffer due punishment for their former wickedness, had liberty to remove themselves to Eleusis.

The involvement of Pausanias was not as peaceful as Diodorus lets us believe. According to Xenophon the Spartans first attempted to remove the exiles from Piraeus by force, and only after suffering some losses on his own side did Pausanias broker the peace:

Xenophon, Hellenica ii.4. 35 - 43: [35] Thereupon Pausanias set up a trophy and returned to his camp; and despite what had happened he was not angry with them, but sent secretly and instructed the men in Piraeus to send ambassadors to him and the ephors who were with him, telling them also what proposals these ambassadors should offer; and they obeyed him. He also set about dividing the men in the City, and gave directions that as many of them as possible should gather together and come to him and the ephors and say that they had no desire to be waging war with the men in Piraeus, but rather to be reconciled with them and in common with them to be friends of the Spartans. [36] Now Naucleidas also, who was an ephor, was pleased to hear this. For, as it is customary for two of the ephors to be with a king on a campaign, so in this instance Naucleidas and one other were present, and both of them held to the policy of Pausanias rather than to that of Lysander. For this reason they eagerly sent to Sparta both the envoys from Piraeus, having the proposals for peace with the Spartans, and the envoys from the City as private individuals,1 namely, Cephisophon and Meletus.2 [37] When, however, these men had departed for Sparta, the authorities in the City3 also proceeded to send ambassadors, with the message that they surrendered both the walls which they possessed and themselves to the Spartans, to do with them as they wished; and they said they counted it only fair that the men in Piraeus, if they claimed to be friends of the Spartans, should in like manner surrender Piraeus and Munychia. [38] When the ephors and the members of the Lacedaemonian assembly had heard all the ambassadors, they dispatched fifteen men to Athens and commissioned them, in conjunction with Pausanias, to effect a reconciliation in the best way they could. And they effected a reconciliation on these terms: That the two parties should be at peace with one another and that every man should depart to his home except the members of the Thirty, and of the Eleven, and of the Ten who had ruled in Piraeus. They also decided that if any of the men in the city were afraid, they should settle at Eleusis. [39] When these things had been accomplished, Pausanias disbanded his army and the men from Piraeus went up to the Acropolis under arms and offered sacrifice to Athena. When they had come down, the generals convened an Assembly. There Thrasybulus spoke as follows: [40] "I advise you," he said," men of the city, to 'know

1 That is to say that these envoys did not represent the government of the Ten, who did not want to reconcile, but rather a splinter faction inside the City who did want to reconcile with the democrats. 2 This is the same Meletus who will later bring charges against Socrates (Diog. Laert. Lives ii.5.40: Plato, Apology 19b-). 3 Representatives of the Board of Ten. 174

yourselves.' And you would best learn to know yourselves were you to consider what grounds you have for arrogance that you should undertake to rule over us. Are you more just? But the commons, though poorer than you, never did you any wrong for the sake of money; while you, though richer than any of them, have done many disgraceful things for the sake of gain. But since you can lay no claim to justice, consider then whether it is courage that you have a right to pride yourselves upon. [41] And what better test could there be of this than the way we made war upon one another? Well then, would you say that you are superior in intelligence, you who having a wall, arms, money, and the Peloponnesians as allies, have been worsted by men who had none of these? Is it the Spartans, then, think you, that you may pride yourselves upon? How so? Why, they have delivered you up to this outraged populace, just as men fasten a clog upon the necks of snapping dogs and deliver them up to keepers, and now have gone away and left you. [42] Nevertheless, my comrades, I am not the man to ask you to violate any one of the pledges to which you have sworn, but I ask you rather to show this virtue also, in addition to your other virtues; that you are true to your oaths and are god-fearing men." When he had said his and more to the same effect, and had told them that there was no need of their being disturbed, but that they had only to live under the laws that had previously been in force, he dismissed the Assembly. [43] So at that time they appointed their magistrates and proceeded to carry on their government; but at a later period, on learning that the men at Eleusis were hiring mercenary troops, they took the field with their whole force against them, put to death their generals when they came for a conference, and then, by sending to the others their friends and kinsmen, persuaded them to become reconciled. And, pledged as they were under oath, that in very truth they would not remember past grievances, the two parties even to this day1ive together as fellow-citizens and the commons abide by their oaths.

The return of the exiles from Phyle in the fall of 402 BC was an event celebrated each year in Athens on the 12th of Boedromion (Plut. de Glor. Ath. 7), roughly late September. The oath forbidding anyone to remember the crimes of the past was strictly enforced. It amounted to a general amnesty - with the noted exceptions - and allowed reconciliation.

Cyrus the Pretender In the meantime, Darius II, King of Persia, had passed away in the early spring of 404 and his eldest son succeeded as Artaxerxes II. The younger son, Cyrus, was confirmed as Satrap of Sardis but he had other plans:

Xenophon, (The March of the Ten Thousand) Book I.1.1 - 6 [1.1] Darius and Parysatis had two sons born to them, of whom the elder was Artaxerxes and the younger Cyrus. Now when Darius lay sick and suspected that the end of his life was near, he wished to have both his sons with him. [2] The elder, as it chanced, was with him already; but Cyrus he summoned from the province over which he had made him 175 satrap, and he had also appointed him commander of all the forces that muster in the plain of Castolus.1 Cyrus accordingly went up2 to his father, taking with him Tissaphernes as a friend and accompanied by three hundred Greek hoplites, under the command of Xenias of Parrhasia.3

[3] When Darius had died and Artaxerxes had become established as king, Tissaphernes falsely accused Cyrus to his brother of plotting against him. And Artaxerxes, believing the accusation, arrested Cyrus, with the intention of putting him to death. His mother, however, made intercession for him, and sent him back again to his satrapy. [4] Now when Cyrus had thus returned, after his danger and disgrace, he set about planning that he might never again be in the power of his brother, but, if possible, might be king in his stead. He had, in the first place, the support of Parysatis, his mother, for she loved him better than the son who was king, Artaxerxes. [5] Again, when any of the King's court came to visit him, he, treated them all in such a way that when he sent them back they were more devoted to him than to the King. He also took care that the barbarians of his own province should be capable soldiers and should feel kindly toward him. [6] Lastly, as regards his Greek force, he proceeded to collect it with the utmost secrecy, so that he might take the King as completely unprepared as possible.

The Death of Aclibiades Cyrus, usually referred to as Cyrus the Younger or Cyrus the Pretender, could not possibly have kept his plans secret. One of the people who was informed was Alcibiades:

Diodorus xiv.11 [1] …Pharnabazus, the satrap of King Darius, wanting to win the favour of the Spartans, arrested Alcibiades the Athenian and put him to death. But gives a different reason for his death and I think it not unprofitable to relate the plot against Alcibiades as Ephorus has recorded it. [2] In his seventeenth book he states that Cyrus had plotted with the Spartans to make war against his brother, Artaxerxes. Alcibiades, having learned about Cyrus' plot, approached Pharnabazus and informed him of the whole affair and asked him for a passport to go to Artaxerxes, judging it fittest for him to give the first information of the conspiracy to the king. [3] But when Pharnabazus heard this, he was resolved to he the first to inform the king himself and therefore sent a messenger in whom he could confide, and by him laid all open before the king. When Alcibiades realized that Pharnabazus was not going to help him, as Ephorus states, Alcibiades sought the aid of the satrap of . Pharnabazus, fearing lest the king should come to understand the truth, sent some men to pursue Alcibiades and to kill him on the road. [4] These men caught

1 An area to the east of Sardis. Castolus was the traditional mustering ground for the armies of the western empire. Cyrus’ base of operations was at Sardis. 2 In our Greek sources, the word ‘up’ in reference to geography means ‘east.’ The ‘upper satrapies’ of the Persian Empire are those to the east of Persepolis. Xenophon’s account of Cyrus’ march east is titled Anabasis, literally; The Journey Up-Country.’ ’s account of the conquests of Alexander the Great is also titled Anabasis. 3 In Arcadia. 176

Alcibiades in a village in Phrygia where he was spending the night. During the night they piled kindling around the house and set it ablaze. Alcibiades, attempting to save himself from the fire, fled the house only to be cut down there by the javelins of his assassins.

Alcibiades likely learned of the plot through Clearchus, an exiled Spartan general. Word had been sent out, through Cyrus’ contacts in Greece that work was available in Asia for unemployed soldiers, and with the end of the Peloponnesian War there were plenty about.

Clearchus and Cyrus

Diodorus xiv. 12.2 - 9 [2] During the time of their government, the affairs of Byzantium were in turmoil both because of civil strife and their wars with the Thracians. Not being able to put an end to their civil discords they asked that the Spartans send them a commander and Clearchus was sent to restore order to the city. [3] Clearchus, having been granted supreme power, gathered a force of and acted more like a tyrant than a governor. For first, having invited the magistrates to a feast, after a public sacrifice, he caused them all to be put to death. Soon after, when there was none left to govern the city, he strangled thirty of the chief men of Byzantium, and seized upon all their goods to his own use. He likewise put to death some of the richest of the citizens under colour of pretended crimes, and others he banished. Having thus enriched himself, he enlisted vast numbers of foreign troops, and confirmed and strengthened himself in the tyranny. [4] When the cruelty and power of the tyrant was spread abroad, the Spartans at the first sent messengers to him to advise him to lay down his government. But when he flatly refused, they sent an army against him under the command of Panthoedas. [5] But when Clearchus heard of his coming, he marched away with his forces to , of which he had previously taken possession. For by reason of his cruelty in Byzantium he foresaw that not only the Spartans, but the citizens, would be his enemies. [6] Consequently, concluding that he could with more safety march out against his enemies from Selymbria, he brought all his money, together with his army, to that place. When he came there, and heard of the approach of the Spartans, he drew out to meet them, and at a place called they engaged. [7] The battle was doubtful a long time, but at length the valiant Spartans prevailed, and the tyrant's army was miserably destroyed. Clearchus, with a few, escaped to Selymbria and was there awhile besieged, but afterwards in a great fright he fled out of the town in the night and sailed over to Ionia where, becoming familiar with Cyrus the king of Persia's brother, he was made general of his army. [8] For Cyrus, being made governor of all the satraps of the sea-coast, and being of a high and aspiring spirit, determined to make war against his brother Artaxerxes. [9] Recognizing Clearchus to be a fellow of a bold and daring spirit, ready for any adventure, Cyrus game him money, and ordered him to raise an army of as many mercenaries as he could, hoping he had now got a fit companion to assist him in the execution of those bold attempts he had taken in hand.

Diodorus says that he is using Ephorus as his source for these events. One would expect that Xenophon would be the preferred source, since he was a participant in the events; but Diodorus (Ephorus) and Xenophon appear to contradict each other on some key points: 177

Xenophon Anabasis i.1.6 – 11 [6] … It was in the following way, then, that he gathered this force: In the first place, he sent orders to the commanders of all the garrisons he had in the cities to enlist as many Peloponnesian soldiers of the best sort as they severally could, on the plea that Tissaphernes had designs upon their cities. For, in fact, the Ionian cities had originally belonged to Tissaphernes, by gift of the King, but at that time all of them except Miletus had revolted and gone over to Cyrus. [7] The people of Miletus also were planning to do the very same thing, namely, to go over to Cyrus, but Tissaphernes, finding out about it in time, put some of them to death and banished others. Cyrus thereupon took the exiles under his protection, collected an army, and laid siege to Miletus both by land and by sea, and endeavored to restore the exiles to their city; and this, again, made him another pretext for gathering an army. [8] Meanwhile he sent to the King and urged, on the ground that he was his brother, that these Ionian cities should be given to him instead of remaining under the rule of Tissaphernes,1 and his mother co-operated with him in this. The result was that the King failed to perceive the plot against him, but believed that Cyrus was spending money on his troops because he was at war with Tissaphernes. Consequently, he was not at all displease at their being at war, the less so because Cyrus regularly remitted to the King the tribute which came in from the cities he chanced to have that belonged to Tissaphernes.

[9] Still another army was being collected for him in the Chersonese, which is opposite Abydus, in the following manner: Clearchus was a Spartan exile; Cyrus, making his acquaintance, came to admire him, and gave him ten thousand darics. And Clearchus, taking the gold, collected an army by means of this money, and using the Chersonese as a base of operations, proceeded to make war upon the Thracians who dwell beyond the Hellespont, thereby aiding the Greeks. Consequently, the Hellespontine cities of their own free will sent Clearchus contributions of money for the support of his troops. So it was that this army also was being secretly maintained for Cyrus.

[10] Again, Aristippus the Thessalian chanced to be a friend (xenos) of Cyrus, and since he was hard pressed by his political opponents at home, he came to Cyrus and asked him for three months' pay for two thousand mercenaries, urging that in this way he should get the better of his opponents. And Cyrus gave him six months' pay for four thousand, and requested him not to come to terms with his opponents until he had consulted with him. Thus the army in Thessaly, again, was being secretly maintained for him.

[11] Furthermore, Cyrus directed Proxenus the Boeotian, who was a friend (xenos) of his, to come to him with as many men as he could get, saying that he wished to undertake a campaign against the Pisidians, because, as he said, they were causing trouble to his

1 Just when, and how, Tissaphernes came into possession of these cities is not known. At the end of the Peloponnesian War in 404 they were, as far as we know, ruled by governors installed by Lysander. The rule of these governors was excessively harsh, however, and when Pharnabazus sent complaints about Lysander’s conduct to Sparta, the Ephors recalled Lysander (Plut. Lys. 19.4). Perhaps at this time they also relinquished claim to Asia Minor, or at least left a vacuum, which Tissaphernes could exploit. 178

province. He also directed Sophaenetus the Stymphalian and Socrates the Achaean, who were likewise friends (xenoi) of his, to come with as many men as they could get, saying that he intended to make war upon Tissaphernes with the aid of the Milesian exiles; and they proceeded to carry out his directions.

Diodorus xiv.19.2 – 9. [2] At this time1 Cyrus, chief of all the satraps of the maritime provinces, now determined to prosecute that war against Artaxerxes, his brother, which he had long before been ruminating in his mind, for this young man was of a very high spirit, and an eagerness for the trials of war which was not without success. [3] To this end he mustered a great army of mercenaries, and furnished himself with all things necessary for the expedition. As yet he did not reveal to his army what he intended, but gave out that he raised an army to go against some tyrants in Cilicia who had rebelled against the king. [4] He sent moreover an ambassador to the Spartans to put them in mind of the favours he had done them in the war against Athens, and to request their aid in the design he had now on foot. Upon this the Spartans believing that this war would be to their advantage, decreed aid to be sent to Cyrus, and presently sent orders to Samius,2 the admiral of their fleet, to observe whatever was commanded him by Cyrus. [5] Samius having then twenty-five triremes at his command, with these passed over to Ephesus, to Cyrus's admiral, offering his assistance in every thing he should be commanded. The Spartans also sent over, under the command of Cheirisophus, eight hundred infantry. One Tamos was admiral of the barbarian fleet, and had under his command fifty triremes well equipped. As soon the Spartan fleet arrived, both fleets set sail as if they intended for Cilicia. [6] When Cyrus had got together at Sardis the soldiers of Asia, and thirteen thousand mercenaries, he made those Persians that were of his kindred governors of Lydia and Phrygia, but the chief command of Ionia and Aeolia he bestowed upon his trusty friend Tamos of Memphis. Having settled these matters, be then presently marched with his army towards Cilicia and Pisidia, a rumour being spread abroad that some of those nations had risen in revolt. [7] He had out of Asia seventy thousand men, of which three thousand were cavalry; out of the Peloponnese and other parts of Greece thirteen thousand mercenaries. [8] Clearchus the Spartan was general of all the Peloponnesians, except the Achaeans; Proxenos of Thebes commanded the Boeotians; Socrates the Achaians; and Menon of Larrisa commanded the Thessalians. [9] The Persian officers commanded the barbarian contingents and Cyrus was overall commander. He had revealed his intention to march against his brother only to the senior officers, but wisely concealed it from the common soldiers lest by the greatness of the attempt they should be discouraged, and so desert him. And further, considering the great journey they were to march, he took special care of the soldiers, was very familiar with every one, and made plentiful provision for them in every place.

1 The summer of 401 BC. 2 The Greek reads Σαμός but Xenophon (Hell. iii.1.1) has Σαμίος. 179

The Artaxerxes was far from unprepared. Diodorus suggests that he knew nothing of the plot until Pharnabazus warned him in 402, but Tissaphernes had also ogne to the king and the arrival of these two at the head of a substantial force near Babylon in 401 suggests that they had been preparing for some time. The two armies met at Cunaxa, near the city of Babylon on 3 September 401 BC. While descriptions of battles in our ancient sources are rarely reliable, Xenophon’s account of the Battle of Cunaxa is written by a participant and offers great insight into the progress of an ancient battle. Xenophon, Anabasis i.8.8 – 10; 17 - [8] And now it was midday, and the enemy were not yet in sight; but when afternoon was coming on, there was seen a rising dust, which appeared at first like a white cloud, but some time later like a kind of blackness in the plain, extending over a great distance. As the enemy came nearer and nearer, there were presently flashes of bronze here and there, and spears and the hostile ranks began to come into sight. [9] There were horsemen in white cuirasses on the left wing of the enemy, under the commaud, it was reported, of Tissaphernes; next to them were troops with wicker shields and, farther on, hoplites with wooden shields which reached to their feet, these latter being Egyptians, people said; and then more horsemen and more bowmen. All these troops were marching in national divisions, each nation in a solid square. [10] In front of them were the so-called scythe- bearing chariots, at some distance from one another; and the scythes they carried reached out sideways from the axles and were also set under the chariot bodies, pointing towards the ground, so as to cut to pieces whatever they met; the intention, then, was that they should drive into the ranks of the Greeks and cut the troops to pieces.

[17] … At length the opposing lines were not three or four stadia apart,1 and then the Greeks struck up the and began to advance against the enemy. [18] And when, as they proceeded, a part of the billowed out, those who were thus left behind began to run; at the same moment they all set up the sort of war-cry which they raise to ,2 and all alike began running. It is also reported that some of them clashed their shields against their spears, thereby frightening the enemy’s horses. [19] And before an arrow reached them, the barbarians broke and fled. Thereupon the Greeks pursued with all their might, but shouted meanwhile to one another not to run at a headlong pace, but to keep their ranks in the pursuit. [20] As for the enemy's chariots, some of them plunged through the lines of their own troops, others, however, through the Greek lines, but without charioteers. And whenever the Greeks saw them coming, they would open a gap for their passage; one fellow, to be sure, was caught, like a befuddled man on a race-course, yet it was said that even he was not hurt in the least, nor, for that matter, did any other single man among the Greeks get any hurt whatever in this battle, save that some one on the left wing was reported to have heen hit by an arrow.

1 A stadion is about 200 yards, or 180 meters. The two armies were well over one half a kilometer apart when the Greeks began their advance. 2 An epithet for Ares, the god of war. 180

[21] When Cyrus saw that the Greeks were victorious over the division opposite them and were in pursuit, although he was pleased and was already being saluted with homage as King by his attendants, he nevertheless was not induced to join the pursuit, but, keeping in close formation the six hundred horsemen of his troop, he was watching to see what the King would do. For he knew that the King held the centre of the Persian army; [22] in fact, all the generals of the barbarians hold their own centre when they are in command, for they think that this is the safest position, namely, with their forces on either side of them, and also that if they want to pass along an order, the army will get it in half the time. [23] So in this instance the King held the centre of the army under his command, but still he found himself beyond the left wing of Cyrus. Since, then, there was no one in his front to give battle to him or to the troops drawn up before him, he proceeded to wheel round his line with the intention of encircling the enemy.

[24] Thereupon Cyrus, seized with fear lest he might get in the rear of the Greek troops and cut them to pieces,1 charged to meet him; and attacking with his six hundred, he was victorious over the forces stationed in front of the King and put to flight the six thousand, slaying with his own hand, it is said, their commander Artagerses.2 [25] But when they turned to flight, Cyrus' six hundred, setting out in pursuit, became scattered also, and only a very few were left about him, chiefly his so-called ‘mess-mates.’3 [26] While attended by these only, he caught sight of the King and the compact body around him; and on the instant he lost control of himself and, with the cry “I see the man,” rushed upon him and struck him in the breast and wounded him through his breastplate – as Ctesias the physician says, adding also that he himself healed the wound.4

[27] While Cyrus was delivering his stroke, however, some one hit him a hard blow under the eye with a javelin; and then followed a struggle between the King and Cyrus and the attendants who supported each of them. The number that fell on the King's side is stated by Ctesias, who was with him. On the other side, Cyrus himself was killed and eight of the noblest of his attendants lay dead upon him. [28] Of Artapates, the one among Cyrus' chamberlains who was his most faithful follower, it is told that when he saw Cyrus fallen, he leaped down from his horse and threw his arms about him. [29] And one report is that the King ordered someone to slay him upon the body of Cyrus, while others say that he drew his dagger and slew himself with his own hand; for he had a dagger of gold, and he also wore a necklace and bracelets and all the other ornaments that the noblest Persians wear; for he had been honoured by Cyrus because of his affection and fidelity.

1 There must, then, have been a large gap: The Greek troops, having advanced too far ahead of Cyrus’ position, left a gap behind them and in front of Cyrus, which Artaxerxes attempted to fill. 2 Artaxerexes was in the centre, but in front of him were an elite cavalry unit of 6,000 (Xen. Anab. i.7.11). 3 The homotrapezoi (ὁμοτράπεζοι), a concept similar to the legend of Arthur’s Knights of the Round Table. Those who dined with the king, or any commander, were his closest companions and officers. See also Xen. vii.1.30; Hdt. ix.16. The Macedonians had a similar practice in the . 4 Ctesias of Cnidos was a physician who served in the court of Artaxerxes and, afterwards, wrote a history of Persia called The Persica. It survives only in fragements and in The Epitome of the Persica of Ctesias by the ninth-century Byzantine, Photius. It is interesting that Xenophon would defer to Ctesias on these details, especially since Ctesias is never credited with a careful, or even honest, approach to the writing of history. 181

[9.1] In this way, then, Cyrus came to his end, a man who was the most kingly and the most worthy to rule of all the Persians who have been born since Cyrus the Elder, as all agree who are reputed to have known Cyrus intimately.

From the standpoint of Greek history, and Greek perceptions of the Persian Empire, the important story here is not the battle, or the death of Cyrus, but the fact that a body of Greek soldiers, stranded deep inside the Persian Empire and opposed by overwhelming numbers of enemy troops, were able to fight their way out and make their way home. The March of the Ten Thousand from Cunaxa to Trapezus (on the Black Sea coast) inspired later Greek politicians, and Philip II of Macedon, to believe that the inviasion and conquest of Persia was a real possibility.

Further Reading: Bassett, Sherylee R. 1999. The Death of Cyrus the Younger. Classical Quarterly 49.2: 473 – 483. Bigwood, . M. 1983. The Ancient Accounts of the Battle of Cunaxa. American Journal of Philology 104: 340-357. Ehrhardt, C.T.H.R. 1994. Two Notes on Xenophon, Anabasis. Ancient History Bulletin 8.1: 1-4. Hirsch, Stephen . 1985. The Friendship of the Barbarians. Xenophon on the Persian Empire. Hanover and London: University Press of New England for Tufts University. Rahe, Paul A. 1980. The Military Situation in Western Anatolia on the of Cunaxa. American Journal of Philology 101: 79-96. Ruzicka, Steven. Cyrus and Tissaphernes, 407-401 B.C. The Classical Journal 80.3: 204 - 211. Westlake, H. D. Diodorus and the Epedition of Cyrus. Phoenix 41.3: 241 – 254. Wylie, Graham. 1992. Cunaxa and Xenophon. L’Antiquité Classique 61: 119 – 134.

182

Socrates, Plato and the birth of Moral Philosophy

The First Sophistic

We must now take a step back in time to the Xenophon Anabasis ii.6.16-21 (on )

Diodorus xii.53 on the visit of 427. The Life of Socrates Despite the countless treatises written about Socrates and his career written in the years after his death, not a single proper biography survives. The nearest to a biography is the clumsy and strangely selective chapter on Socrates in Diogenes Laertius' Lives of Eminent Philosophers, extracts from which are reproduced below.

Diogenes Laertius ii.5.1 - 2 [5.1] Socrates was the son of Sophroniscus, a sculptor, and of Phaenarete, a midwife, as we read in the of Plato; he was a citizen of Athens and belonged to the deme Alopece. It was thought that he helped Euripides to make his plays; hence Mnesimachus1 writes: "This new play of Euripides is The Phrygians;2 and Socrates provides the wood for frying:"3 And he calls Euripides "an engine riveted by Socrates." And Callias in The Captives:4 "Pray why so solemn, why this lofty air? I've every right; I'm helped by Socrates." Aristophanes5 in The Clouds: 'Tis he composes for Euripides Those clever plays, much sound and little sense." [5.2] According to some authors he was a pupil of Anaxagoras, and also of Damon,6 as Alexander states in his Successions of Philosophers.7 When Anaxagoras was condemned, he became a pupil of Archelaus the physicist; Aristoxenus8 asserts that Archelaus was very fond of him. Duris9 makes him out to have been a slave and to have been employed on stonework, and the draped figures of the Graces on the Acropolis have by some been

1 A playwright of the Middle Comedy style (fourth century BC). None of his works are extant. But how could a fourth-century writer refer to a "new" play by Euripides? Other manuscripts have Mnesilochus instead, but that makes no more sense: Mnesilochus was the name of Euripides' father in law and his son. Another Mnesilochus was one of the Thirty Tyrants (Xen. Hell. ii.3.2) 2 Non extant. 3 It is impossible to reproduce the pun in English. The Greek word for firewood sounds much like Phrygian. 4 Non extant. 5 An error; while did write a play entitled The Clouds, so too did Telecleides, a contemporary comic playwright. 6 Damon was a celebrated musician and sophist, and a teacher of Pericles. 7 Alexander Cornelius Polyhistor. A prodigious writer of the first century BC. None of his works are extant 8 A Peripatetic who studied under Aristotle. 9 Duris was the Tyrant of Samos in the late 4th and early 3rd c. BC. He wrote several Histories. 183 attributed to him…

Pausanias i.22.8/ ix.35.7 [i.22.8] Right at the very entrance to the Acropolis are a Hermes (called Hermes of the Gateway) and figures of Graces, which tradition says were sculptured by Socrates, the son of Sophroniscus, who the Pythia testified was the wisest of men, a title she refused to , although he desired it and came to Delphi to win it.

[ix.35.7] and near what is called the Pythium there is a portrait of Graces, painted by Pythagoras the Parian. Socrates too, son of Sophroniscus, made images of Graces for the Athenians, which are before the entrance to the Acropolis. All these are alike draped; but later artists, I do not know the reason, have changed the way of portraying them. Certainly to-day sculptors and painters represent Graces naked.

Diogenes Laertius ii.5.3; 5 - 6. He was formidable in public speaking, according to Idomeneus.1 [5.3] Moreover, as Xenophon tells us, the Thirty forbade him to teach the art of words. And Aristophanes attacks him in his plays for making the worse appear the better reason. For Favorinus in his Miscellaneous History says Socrates and his pupil Aeschines were the first to teach rhetoric; and this is confirmed by Idomeneus in his work on the Socratic circle. Again, he was the first who discoursed on the conduct of life, and the first philosopher who was tried and put to death.

[5.5] Unlike most philosophers, he had no need to travel, except when required to go on an expedition. The rest of his life he stayed at home and engaged all the more keenly in argument with anyone who would converse with him, his aim being not to alter his opinion but to get at the truth. They relate that Euripides gave him the treatise of and asked his opinion upon it, and that his reply was, "The part I understand is excellent, and so too is, I dare say, the part I do not understand; but it needs a Delian diver to get to the bottom of it."

He took care to exercise his body and kept in good condition. At all events he served on the expedition to Amphipolis; and when in the battle of Delium Xenophon had fallen from his horse, he stepped in and saved his life. [5.6] For in the general flight of the Athenians he personally retired at his ease, quietly turning round from time to time and ready to defend himself in case he were attacked. Again, he served at Potidaea, whither he had gone by sea, as land communications were interrupted by the war; and while there he is said to have remained a whole night without changing his position, and to have won the prize of valour. But he resigned it to Alcibiades, for whom he cherished the tenderest affection…

Plutarch, Alcibiades. 7.2 - 4

1 Of Lampsacus. A philosophical and historical writer who flourished about 290 BC. None of his works are extant. 184

[2] While still a stripling, he [Alcibiades] served as a soldier in the campaign of Potidaea, and had Socrates for his tent-mate and comrade in action. [3] A fierce battle took place, wherein both of them distinguished themselves; but when Alcibiades fell wounded, it was Socrates who stood over him and defended him, and with the most conspicuous bravery saved him, armour and all. The prize of valour fell to Socrates, of course, on the fairest calculation; but the generals, owing to the high position of Alcibiades, were manifestly anxious to give him the glory of it. Socrates, therefore, wishing to increase his pupil's honourable ambitions, led all the rest in bearing witness to his bravery, and in begging that the crown and the suit of armour be given to him. [4] On another occasion, in the rout of the Athenians which followed the battle of Delium, Alcibiades, on horseback, saw Socrates retreating on foot with a small company, and would not pass him by, but rode by his side and defended him, though the enemy were pressing them hard and slaying many. This, however, was a later incident.

Diogenes Laertius ii. 5. 7 [5.7] His strength of will and attachment to the democracy are evident from his refusal to yield to Critias and his colleagues when they ordered him to bring the wealthy Leon of Salamis before them for execution,1 and further from the fact that he alone voted for the acquittal of the ten generals;2 and again from the facts that when he had the opportunity to escape from the prison he declined to do so, and that he rebuked his friends for weeping over his fate, and addressed to them his most memorable discourses in the prison.

Aristotle, Metaphysics 13. 1078b The theory of Forms occurred to those who enunciated it because they were convinced as to the true nature of reality by the doctrine of Heraclitus, that all things that can be perceived by the senses are always in a state of flux; [15] so that if there is to be any knowledge or thought about anything, there must be certain other entities, besides sensible ones, which persist. For there can be no knowledge of that which is in flux. Now Socrates devoted his attention to the moral virtues, and was the first to seek a general definition of these [20] (for of the Physicists gained only a superficial grasp of the subject and defined, after a fashion, "the hot" and "the cold"; while the Pythagoreans at an earlier date had arrived at definitions of some few things—whose formulae they connected with numbers—e.g., what "opportunity" is, or "justice" or "marriage"); and he naturally inquired into the essence of things; for he was trying to reason logically, and the starting-point of all logical reasoning is the essence. [25] At that time there was as yet no such proficiency in Dialectic that men could study contraries independently of the essence, and consider whether both contraries come under the same science. There are two innovations which, may fairly be ascribed to Socrates: inductive reasoning and general definition. Both of these are associated with the starting-point of scientific knowledge.

[30] But whereas Socrates regarded neither universals nor definitions as existing in

1 See Plato, Apology 32c. 2 See above, Arginusae 185 separation, the Idealists gave them a separate existence, and to these universals and definitions of existing things they gave the name of Ideas.

Diogenes Laertius ii.5. 9 - 26 [5.9] Aristotle says that he married two wives: his first wife was , by whom he had a son, ; his second wife was , the daughter of Aristides the Just, whom he took without a dowry. By her he had Sophroniscus and .1

[5.10] He could afford to despise those who scoffed at him. He prided himself on his plain living, and never asked a fee from anyone. He used to say that he most enjoyed the food which was least in need of condiment, and the drink which made him feel the least hankering for some other drink; and that he was nearest to the gods in that he had the fewest wants. This may be seen from the Comic poets, who in the act of ridiculing him give him high praise. Thus Aristophanes: O man that justly desires great wisdom, how blessed will be your life amongst Athenians and Greeks, retentive of memory and thinker that you are, with endurance of toil for your character; never are you weary whether standing or walking, never numb with cold, never hungry for breakfast; from wine and from gross feeding and all other frivolities you do turn away. (Clouds 412 - 417).

[5.14] …He would extol leisure as the best of possessions, according to Xenophon in the . There is, he said, only one good, that is, knowledge, and only one evil, that is, ignorance; wealth and good birth bring their possessor no dignity, but on the contrary evil. At all events, when someone told him that ' mother was a Thracian, he replied, "Nay, did you expect a man so noble to have been born of two Athenian parents?" He made ransom who, having been taken prisoner in the war, was kept in degrading slavery, and so won him for philosophy.

[5.15] …He used to say that his supernatural sign warned him beforehand of the future; that to make a good start was no trifling advantage, but a trifle turned the scale; and that he knew nothing except just the fact of his ignorance. He said that, when people paid a high price for fruit which had ripened early, they must despair of seeing the fruit ripen at the proper season. And, being once asked in what consisted the virtue of a young man, he said, "In doing nothing to excess."

[5.19] …These and the like were his words and deeds, to which the Pythian priestess bore testimony when she gave Chaerephon the famous response: "Of all men living Socrates most wise."

[5.20] For this he was most envied; and especially because he would take to task those who thought highly of themselves, proving them to be fools, as to be sure he treated

1 According to Plato (Crito 45d; Phaedo 116b) Socrates had two young sons and one older one at the time of his death. It seems reasonable that the younger were Sophroniscus and Menexenus. In the Phaedo (116b) it says that the women (plural) spoke with Socrates just before his death. 186

Anytus, according to Plato's . For Anytus could not endure to be ridiculed by Socrates, and so in the first place stirred up against him Aristophanes and his friends; then afterwards he helped to persuade Meletus to indict him on a charge of impiety and corrupting the youth. The indictment was brought by Meletus, and the speech was delivered by Polyeuctus, according to Favorinus in his Miscellaneous History. The speech was written by Polycrates the sophist, according to Hermippus; but some say that it was by Anytus. Lycon the demagogue had made all the needful preparations.

[5.22] The affidavit in the case, which is still preserved, says Favorinus, in the Metron, ran as follows: "This indictment and affidavit is sworn by Meletus, the son of Meletus of Pitthos, against Socrates, the son of Sophroniscus of Alopece: Socrates is guilty of refusing to recognize the gods recognized by the state, and of introducing other new divinities. He is also guilty of corrupting the youth. The penalty demanded is death." The philosopher then, after Lysias had written a defence for him, read it through and said: "A fine speech, Lysias; it is not, however, suitable to me." For it was plainly more forensic than philosophical. [5.23] Lysias said, "If it is a fine speech, how can it fail to suit you?" "Well," he replied, "would not fine raiment and fine shoes be just as unsuitable to me?"1

When therefore he was condemned by 281 votes more than those given for acquittal,2 and when the judges were assessing what he should suffer or what fine he should pay, he proposed to pay 25 drachmae. Eubulides indeed says he offered 100. [5.24] When this caused an uproar among the judges, he said, "Considering my services, I assess the penalty at maintenance in the Prytaneum at the public expense." Sentence of death was passed, with an accession of eighty fresh votes. He was put in prison, and a few days afterwards drank the hemlock, after much noble discourse which Plato records in the Phaedo.

[5.25] So he was taken from among men; and not long afterwards the Athenians felt such remorse that they shut up the training grounds and gymnasia. They banished the other accusers but put Meletus to death; they honoured Socrates with a bronze statue, the work of Lysippus, which they placed in the hall of processions. And no sooner did Anytus visit than the people of that town expelled him on that very day.

[5.26] … He was born, according to Apollodorus in his Chronology, in the archonship of Apsephion, in the fourth year of the 77th Olympiad, on the 6th day of the month of

1 Lysias was a speechwriter by profession: Men who could not write their own speeches for the assembly or the courts would hire others to write the speeches for them. Several of Lysias' speeches are extant and through them we learn a great deal about Athenian law and society. 2 The apparent translation is that the first vote was 110 to 391, and the second vote 30 to 471. The text should read "condemned by 281 votes, a number which was more than those given for acquittal." The first vote was 221 to acquit, 280 to convict (Plato, Apology 36a). 187

Thargelion, when the Athenians purify their city, which according to the Delians is the birthday of Artemis.1 He died in the first year of the 95th Olympiad at the age of seventy.2

Two of Plato's Dialogues, Crito and Phaedo, take place in the prison where Socrates awaited the day of his execution. From the Phaedo we learn the details of his detainment:

Plato, Phaedo [57A] ECHECRATES: Were you with Socrates yourself, Phaedo, on the day when he drank the poison in prison, or did you hear about it from someone else?

PHAEDO: I was there myself, Echecrates.

ECHECRATES: Then what did he say before his death? And how did he die? I should like to hear, for nowadays none of the Phliasians go to Athens at all, and no stranger has come from there for a long time, [57b] who could tell us anything definite about this matter, except that he drank poison and died, so we could learn no further details.

[58A] PHAEDO: Did you not even hear about the trial and how it was conducted?

ECHECRATES: Yes, someone told us about that, and we wondered that although it took place a long time ago, he was put to death much later. Now why was that, Phaedo? PHAEDO: It was a matter of chance, Echecrates. It happened that the stem of the ship which the Athenians send to Delos was crowned on the day before the trial.

ECHECRATES: What ship is this?

PHAEDO: This is the ship, as the Athenians say, in which Theseus once went to Crete with the fourteen youths and maidens, and saved them and himself. [58b] Now the Athenians made a vow to Apollo, as the story goes, that if they were saved they would send a mission every year to Delos. And from that time even to the present day they send it annually in honour of the god.3 Now it is their law that after the mission begins the city must be pure and no one may be publicly executed until the ship has gone to Delos and back; and sometimes, when contrary winds detain it, this takes a long time. [58c] The beginning of the mission is when the of Apollo crowns the stern of the ship; and

1 Apsephion took office on 4 July 469 = 1 Hecatombaeon. The New Moon marking the beginning of Hecatombaeon of the next year occurred on 23 July 468. Counting back, the 6th of Thargelion would, then, have been 29 May, 468 BC. All of this assumes, of course, that the Athenian calendar was on course that year. 2 Olympiad 95.1 was 400/399 BC. Socrates would have turned 70 in May of 399. On his birthday, the Salamina, the sacred ship of State, would have been at Delos having conveyed the Athenian embassy to the festival of Apollo, the Delia. See below. 3 Not quite true, the mission was suspended for a time and revived in 426 BC. Whether the Salamina, or another, much older, ship called the Delia was used is a matter for debate. 188

this took place, as I say, on the day before the trial. For that reason Socrates passed a long time in prison between his trial and his death.1

Diodorus xiv. 37.7 [7] At the same time in Athens, Socrates the philosopher accused by Anytus and Melitus of atheism and corrupting the youth, was condemned to die, and afterwards executed by drinking hemlock; of which wicked action the people in a short time after repented, when in vain they could have wished that excellent and worthy man alive again: therefore they turned all their fury upon his accusers, and killed them without waiting for any formalities of law.

Plato Plato was an Athenian born to an aristocratic family in 427 BC. Very little is known about his private life and, as with Socrates, it seems odd that no satisfactory biography comes down to us. Plato became a student of Socrates in 407 and, therefore, only knew Socrates for eight years. Plato produced a body of literature known as the Socratic Dialogues which purport to be faithful transcriptions of conversations Socrates had with various people over the course of his career, but this cannot be true: Most of the dialogues take place before Plato even met Socrates and in several, the Phaedo for example, it is overtly stated or implied that Plato was not present. Indeed, Plato mentions himself only twice; in the Phaedo and the Apology. This corpus has been so influential that A. N. Whitehead (Process and Reality. 1979: 39) famously says that all of "consists of a series of footnotes to Plato." The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy suggests that Philosophy "as it is often conceived - a rigorous and systematic examination of ethical, political, metaphysical, and epistemological issues, armed with a distinctive method…" was Plato's invention.2 Plato had inherited from his father a small garden within the precinct of the Academy - one of the three public gymnasiums of Athens. After in 399, Plato withdrew from public life and, sometime between 398 and 388, opened a school at the Academy. With the exception of several sojourns, most notably to Syracuse, Plato worked and taught at the Academy until his death in 348/7.

Pausanias i.30.3 Not far from the Academy is the monument of Plato, to whom heaven foretold that he would be the prince of philosophers. The manner of the foretelling was this. On the night before Plato was to become his pupil Socrates in a dream saw a swan fly into his bosom.

Diogenes Laertius iii.1 – 8 [1] Plato was the son of Ariston and a citizen of Athens. His mother was Perictione (or Potone), who traced back her descent to Solon. For Solon had a brother, Dropides; he was the father of Critias, who was the father of Callaeschrus, who was the father of Critias,

1 If Diogenes Laertius is correct on the birth date for Socrates, then he would have spent his 70th birthday in prison. 2 http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/plato/ 189 one of the Thirty, as well as of Glaucon, who was the father of and Perictione. Thus Plato, the son of this Perictione and Ariston, was in the sixth generation from Solon. And Solon traced his descent to and Poseidon. His father too is said to be in the direct line from Codrus, the son of Melanthus, and, according to Thrasylus, Codrus and Melanthus also trace their descent from Poseidon.

[2] Apollodorus in his Chronology fixes the date of Plato's birth in the 88th Olympiad, on the seventh day of the month Thargelion, the same day on which the Delians say that Apollo himself was born. He died, according to Hermippus, at a wedding feast, in the first year of the 108th Olympiad, in his eighty-first year.1 [4] He had two brothers, Adeimantus and Glaucon, and a sister, Potone, who was the mother of Speusippus.

[8] …he went on service three times, first to Tanagra, secondly to Corinth, and thirdly at Delium,2 where also he obtained the prize of valour. He mixed together doctrines of Heraclitus, the Pythagoreans and Socrates. In his doctrine of sensible things he agrees with Heraclitus, in his doctrine of the intelligible with Pythagoras, and in political philosophy with Socrates.

Included in the Platonic corpus are thirteen letters, , purportedly written by Plato to various friends. The authenticity of these letters has been disputed for centuries but in the ancient world they were accepted as genuine and cited by Plutarch, Diogenes Laertius and others. Genuine or not, the letters were certainly written by someone who had intimate knowledge of the life of Plato and, on that merit at least, form a valuable source of information.

Plato, Epistles, vii [324b]… In the days of my youth my experience was the same as that of many others. I thought that as soon as I should become my own master I would immediately enter into public life. [324c] But it so happened, I found, that the following changes occurred in the political situation. In the government then existing, reviled as it was by many, a revolution took place; and the revolution was headed by fifty-one leaders, of whom eleven were in the City and ten in the Piraeus—each of these sections dealing with the market and with all municipal matters requiring —and Thirty were established as irresponsible rulers of all. [324d] Now of these some were actually connections and acquaintances of mine; and indeed they invited me at once to join their administration, thinking it would be congenial.3 The feelings I then experienced, owing to my youth, were in no way surprising: for I imagined that they would administer the State by leading it out of an unjust way of life into a just way, and consequently I gave my mind to them very diligently, to see what they would do. And indeed I saw how these men within a short time caused men to look back on the former government as a golden age; and above all how they treated my aged

1 If the day and month are correct that would put his birth in May of 427; his death in 348/7. 2 All of this is quite impossible, these battles having taken place before his time. 3 Charmides was Plato's uncle and Critias, the leader of the Thirty, was his cousin. See above The Thirty Tyrants. 190 friend Socrates, [324e] whom I would hardly scruple to call the most just of men then living, when they tried to send him, along with others, after one of the citizens, to fetch him by force that he might be put to death— [325a] their object being that Socrates, whether he wished or no, might be made to share in their political actions; he, however, refused to obey and risked the uttermost penalties rather than be a partaker in their unholy deeds.1 So when I beheld all these actions and others of a similar grave kind, I was indignant, and I withdrew myself from the evil practices then going on. But in no long time the power of the Thirty was overthrown together with the whole of the government which then existed. Then once again I was really, though less urgently, impelled with a desire to take part in public and political affairs. [325b] Many deplorable events, however, were still happening in those times, troublesome as they were, and it was not surprising that in some instances, during these revolutions, men were avenging themselves on their foes too fiercely; yet, notwithstanding, the exiles who then returned exercised no little moderation.2 But, as ill-luck would have it, certain men of authority summoned our comrade Socrates before the law-courts, laying a charge against him which was most unholy, and which Socrates of all men least deserved; [325c] for it was on the charge of impiety that those men summoned him and the rest condemned and slew him—the very man who on the former occasion, when they themselves had the misfortune to be in exile, had refused to take part in the unholy arrest of one of the friends of the men then exiled. When, therefore, I considered all this, and the type of men who were administering the affairs of State, with their laws too and their customs, the more I considered them and the more I advanced in years myself, the more difficult appeared to me the task of managing affairs of State rightly. [325d] For it was impossible to take action without friends and trusty companions; and these it was not easy to find ready to hand, since our State was no longer managed according to the principles and institutions of our forefathers; while to acquire other new friends with any facility was a thing impossible. Moreover, both the written laws and the customs were being corrupted, and that with surprising rapidity. [325e] Consequently, although at first I was filled with an ardent desire to engage in public affairs, when I considered all this and saw how things were shifting about anyhow in all directions, I finally became dizzy; and although I continued to consider by what means some betterment could be brought about not only in these matters but also in the government as a whole, [326a] yet as regards political action I kept waiting for an opportune moment; until, finally, looking at all the States which now exist, I perceived that they are, one and all, badly governed; for the state of their laws is such as to be almost incurable without some marvellous overhauling and good-luck to boot. So in my praise of the right philosophy I was compelled to declare that by it one is enabled to discern all forms of justice both political and individual. Wherefore the classes of mankind (I said) will have no cessation from evils until either the class of those [326b] who are right and true philosophers attains political supremacy, or else the class of those who hold power in the States becomes, by some dispensation of Heaven, really philosophic.

1 The event being referred to here is the arrest of Leon of Syracuse. See Apology 32c; Xenophon, Hellenica 2 The exiles from Phyle, led by Thrasybulus. 191

Plato made his first trip to Syracuse in 388/7 (Plato Epist. 324a):

Plutarch, 4. 1 - 5. [1] …But though Dion was even before of a lofty character, magnanimous, and manly, he advanced still more in these high qualities when, by some divine good fortune, Plato came to Sicily. [2] This was not of man's devising, but some heavenly power, as it would seem, laying far in advance of the time a foundation for the liberty of Syracuse, and devising a subversion of tyranny, brought Plato from Italy to Syracuse and made Dion his disciple. Dion was then quite young, but of all the companions of Plato he was by far the quickest to learn and the readiest to answer the call of virtue, as Plato himself has written,1 and as events testify. [3]…(Dion) brought it to pass that the tyrant, in a leisure hour, should meet Plato and hear him discourse. [5.1] At this meeting the general subject was the virtue (Areté) of men. And when Plato set forth that tyrants least of all men had this quality, and then, treating of justice, maintained that the life of the just was blessed, while that of the unjust was wretched, the tyrant, as if convicted by his arguments, would not listen to them, and was vexed with the audience because they admired the speaker and were charmed by his utterances. [2] At last he got exceedingly angry and asked the philosopher why he had come to Sicily. And when Plato said that he was come to seek a virtuous man, the tyrant answered and said: "Well, by the gods, it appears that you have not yet found one." Dion thought that this was the end of his anger, and as Plato was eager for it, sent him away upon a trireme, which was conveying Pollis the Spartan to Greece. [3] But Dionysius privately asked Pollis to kill Plato on the voyage, if it were in any way possible, but if not, to sell him into slavery; for he would take no harm, but would be quite as happy, being a just man, even if he should become a slave. Pollis, therefore, as we are told, carried Plato to Aegina and there sold him; for the Aeginetans were at war with the Athenians and had made a decree that any Athenian taken on the island should be put up for sale.2

Diodorus has a slightly different version:

Diodorus xv. 7.1 [1] …because [Dionysius] was a man eminent in philosophy, and for some time at the first he greatly honoured him. But, taking offence at something he said to him, he hated him to that degree, that he ordered him to be brought into the common market-place, and there sold as a slave for five minas: but the philosophers (who consulted together on the matter) afterwards redeemed him, and sent him back to Greece, with the friendly advice that a philosopher should very rarely converse with tyrants; and when he did, he should be on his best behaviour.

1 Epistle vii. 327a. 2 Aegina entered the war in 389/8 (Xen. Hell. v.1). 192

That first visit, in 388/7, was during the reign of Dionysius I (405 - 368). Plato made a second trip, at the invitation of Dion, very early in the reign of Dionysius II (368 - 356), probably in 367/6 BC.

Plutarch, Dion 11.1 - 13.1. [11.1] Since Dion frequently gave him such advice, and artfully mingled with it some of Plato's doctrines, Dionysius was seized with a keen and even frenzied passion for the teachings and companionship of Plato. At once, then, many letters began to come to Athens from Dionysius, and many injunctions from Dion, as well as others from the Pythagorean philosophers of Italy, all of whom urged Plato to come and get control of a youthful soul now tossed about on a sea of great authority and power, and steady it by his weighty reasoning. [2] Plato, accordingly, as he tells us himself,1 out of shame more than anything else, lest men should think him nothing but theory and unwilling to take any action; and further, because he expected that by the purification of one man, who was, as it were, a controlling factor, he would cure all Sicily of her distempers, yielded to these requests. [12.1] Dion had hopes, as it seems likely, that by means of the visit of Plato he could mitigate the arrogance and excessive severity of the tyranny, and convert Dionysius into a fit and lawful ruler; [2] but if Dionysius should oppose his efforts and refuse to be softened, he had determined to depose him and restore the civil power to the Syracusan people; not that he approved of a democracy, but he thought it altogether better than a tyranny in lack of a sound and healthy aristocracy. 2 [13.1] Such was the condition of affairs when Plato came to Sicily.

Plato's attempts to institute a philosopher-tyrant in Syracuse failed and he returned to Athens and spent most of the remainder of his life teaching in the Academy. His most famous student was Aristotle.

The numbering of the texts: In 1578 the humanist Henri Estienne, also known as Stephanus, printed the complete works of Plato in a three volume set and these editions are still the standard and authoritative manuscripts. Each volume has continuous page numbering, beginning with page one, and each page is presented in two columns - the original Greek on the left of the page and a Latin translation on the right. At the time, Latin was the language of scholarship and instruction at most of the universities of Europe. Each column is divided into five sections: a, b, c, d and e. Reference numbers for all of Plato's works follow the Stephanus page and section numbers. So; Protagoras 331b derives from volume 1, page 331, section b. In all modern editions the same reference numbers are used to refer to the same text. So, for example, in the Loeb edition those lines appear on page 158/9 but the reference number 331b appears next to the appropriate lines in the text.

The Stephanus numbers are as follows:

1 Epistle vii. 329a - b. 2 Around 367, the exact date is uncertain. 193

Volume 1 Volume 2 Volume 3 2a - 16a 11a - 67b 17a - 92c Apology 17a - 42a Meno 70a - 100b Critias 106a - 121c Crito 43a - 54e Alcibiades I 103a - 135e Parmenides 126a - 166c Phaedo 57a - 118a Alcibiades II 138a - 151c Symposium 172a - 223d 121a - 131a Charmides 153a - 176d Phaedrus 227a - 279c Lovers 132a - 139a Laches 178a - 201c Hippias Maj. 281a - 304e Theaetetus 142a - 210d 203a - 223b Epistles 309a - 363e Sophist 216a - 268b 225a - 232c Axiochus 364a - 372a 271a - 307c Menexenus 234a - 249e 372a - 375d Protagoras 309a - 362a Statesman 257a - 311c 376a - 379d Hippias Min. 363a - 376c Minos 313a - 321d 380a - 386b 383a - 440e Republic 327a - 621d Sisyphus 387b - 391d Gorgias 447a - 527e Laws 624a - 969d Eryxias 392a - 406a Ion 530a - 542b 973a - 992e Cleitophon 406a - 410e Definitions 411a - 416a At the time Stephanus published there were several works attributed to Plato that have since been deemed spurious. They include Axiochus, On Justice, On Virtue, Demodocus, Sisyphus, Eryxias and, perhaps, Cleitophon. 194

The Fourth Century: Struggle for Hegemony

The end of the Peloponnesian War in 404 BC was not the end of hostilities between Greek city-states; if anything it seems to have intensified hostility. Sparta attempted to fill the power vacuum left from the collapse of the Athenian Empire but she proved an even more onerous master than the Athenians had been. The Persians, especially Pharnabazus and Tissaphernes, tried to take advantage of the instability to regain Persian control of the Aegean coast, and Thebes saw the weakness of Athens and Sparta as an opportunity to sieze the leadership, the hegemony, of the Greek world. Spartan Hegemony Diodorus xiv. 10.1 - 2 [1] In Greece, after the end of the Peloponnesian war, the Spartans, by the general consent of all, had supremacy both by land and sea. They appointed Lysander again high admiral, with orders to visit each city and establish Harmosts, (as they called them). For, because the democracies were enemies to the Spartans, they ordered an oligarchy to be established in every city. [2] They also imposed a tribute upon all they subdued. And although they made no use of money at any time before, yet now they collected an annual tribute of more than one thousand talents.

The sudden acquisition of power and wealth seems to have eroded the Spartan dedication to simplicity and discipline…

Plurtarch, Life of Agis When the love of gold and silver had once gained admittance into the Lacedaemonian commonwealth, it was quickly followed by avarice and baseness of spirit in the pursuit of it, and by luxury, effeminacy, and prodigality in the use. Then Sparta fell from almost all her former virtue and repute, and so continued till the days of Agis and Leonidas, who both together were kings of the Spartans.

What Sparta hadn't counted on was that the Persians would be hostile to anyone who attempted to control territory on the eastern side of the Aegean. Now that Athens was expelled, the Spartans became the target of Persian aggression. Tissaphernes took over the territory once ruled by Cyrus and immediately undertook to recapture the Greek cities.

Diodorus xiv.35.2 – 7: [2] At the same time1 Artaxerxes, king of Asia, after the defeat of Cyrus, sent Tissaphemes to take into his care and charge all the governments on the sea-coasts; upon which the satraps and the cities which had sided with Cyrus were greatly terrified, lest they should be punished for what they had done against the king. [3] And while most of the satraps sought to appease Tissaphernes by their messengers, and every one to the utmost of his power endeavoured to procure his favour, Tamos, the most powerful of them all and governor of Ionia, put on triremes all his wealth and all his children except one called Glos;

1 400/399 in Diodorus’ account. But we should see this beginning soon after the death of Cyrus. 195 who was afterwards the king of Persia's general. [4] Tamos then fled, out of fear of Tissaphernes, and went to Egypt for protection, to Psammetichus the king, (descended from the ancient Psammetichus),1 whom he had formerly obliged by several good offices, and therefore hoped he should there find shelter and safe harbour to secure him from the impending storm of the king’s wrath. [5] But Psammetichus neither valuing former benefits, nor regarding the law of nations to them in distress, (out of covetousness to gain the money and the ships), cut the throat of his friend and suppliant and of all his children. [6] In the mean time, the Greek cities throughout Asia, hearing of the descent of Tissaphernes, sent ambassadors to the Spartans and earnestly entreated them that they would not suffer them to be utterly destroyed by the barbarians. Upon this they promised forthwith to send them aid, and by their ambassadors solicited Tissaphernes that he would not invade the Greek cities with his army. [7] However, regardless of their ambassadors, he set upon the Cumeans first and wasted and spoiled the country round about and took a vast number of prisoners and afterwards besieged the city; but by reason of winter coming on,2 he could not take it, and therefore, after he had received a great sum of money for the redemption of the captives, he raised his siege.

In 399 BC the Spartans sent a force to Asia under Thribron, and his force was soon augmented by the mercenaries who had fought for Cyrus:

Diodorus xiv.37.1 – 4: About this time part of those soldiers that went along with Cyrus against his brother returned into Greece, every one to their own country. Others (the greater part of them that were always accustomed to military employment) to the number almost of five thousand chose Xenophon for their general. [2] And Xenophon made an expedition against the Thracians, who inhabited .3 This territory lies along the left side of Pontus and is well known for the many shipwrecks that have been there. [3] For this reason the Thracians near those parts used to seize upon the merchants that escaped on shore, and carry them away as captives. Xenophon therefore, with his forces, invaded that territory and, defeating the Thracians in battle, burned many of their villages. [4] After this they were summoned by Thibron with promise of pay and so they marched to join the Spartans in campaigning against the Persians.

In 398 Thibron was recalled because of his harsh and abusive treatment of the very people he was sent to protect. He was replaced by Dercylidas who made some progress against Pharnabazus, but when Pharnabazus and Tissaphernes agreed to join forces, and the Persians brought a naval force into the Aegean, Dercylidas agreed to terms: Conon Diodorus xiv.39:

1 Psammetichus I () ruled from 664 to 610 BC. He was the first king of the 26th Dynasty and re- affrirmed Egyptian independence from Assyria. This Psammetichus is likely an error on Diodorus’ part. The ruler of Egypt at the time was Amyrtaeus, who led an Egyptian rebellion against Persian rule in 404. 2 November of 400 BC. 3 A city about 60 miles northwest of the Bosphorus, on the Black Sea coast. 196

[1] …Pharnabazus went up to the king and he and others persuaded him to equip a navy, and make Conon, the Athenian, admiral, for he was a very skilful and expert soldier, the best that was then in Cyprus with king Evagoras.1 Pharnabazus, having wrought upon the king, and received five hundred talents for that purpose, forthwith made it his business to fit out a fleet, [2] and, after he had sounded Conon concerning his acceptance of chief command at sea, he created him admiral, making him many great and fair promises in the king's name. [3] Hereupon Conon accepted the office, in hopes not only to recover the sovereignty of the seas for his country, by subduing the Spartans, but to advance his own reputation by the success of his arms. [4] But in regard the whole fleet was not as yet ready, he sailed away only with forty sail into Cilicia, and there prepared himself for the war.

Pharnabazus, likewise, and Tissaphernes, having raised men out of their several provinces, marched forth, and made their way towards Ephesus, because the enemy's forces lay there. [5] There were with them, under their command, twenty thousand foot, and ten thousand horse. Dercyllidas the Lacedaemonian, hearing of the enemy's march, drew forth his army, having no more than seven thousand men. [6] But when the armies drew near one to another a truce was agreed upon and a certain time prefixed, within which Pharnabazus might send the articles to the king to know his pleasure, whether he would have peace or war, and that Dercylidas might inform the Spartans how affairs stood in the meantime. And upon these terms the armies drew off into their several quarters.

Both sides were motivated for a truce: Dercylidas was outnumbered and, with Pharnabazus and Tissaphernes now cooperating, could no longer play one off against the other: But he may not have known that Pharnabazus was buying time for Conon to assemble a fleet, with which the Spartans could be cut-off from the sea. Had Dercylidas known, he may have risked a battle there and then. Agesilaus Agis, the King of Sparta, died in 398 BC and, because of Alcibiades, who seems capable of mischief even from the grave, it was Agesilaus, the brother of Agis, rather than Leotychides, the son, who succeeded to the throne: Plutarch, Life of Agesilaus 1.1 - 3.4 [1.1] Archidamus, the son of Zeuxidamas, after an illustrious reign over the Spartans, left behind him a son, Agis, by Lampido, a woman of honourable family; and a much younger son, Agesilaus, by Eupolia, the daughter of Melesippidas. The kingdom belonged to Agis by law, and it was thought that Agesilaus would pass his life in a private station. He was therefore given the so-called agoge, or course of public training in Sparta, which, although austere in its mode of life and full of hardships, educated the youth to obedience. [2] For this reason it was, we are told, that Simonides gave Sparta the epithet of "man-subduing," since more than in any other state her customs made her citizens obedient to the laws and tractable, like horses that are broken in while yet they are colts. From this compulsory training the law exempts the heirs-apparent to the throne. [3] But

1 This is the same Conon of Athens who was in command of the Athenia fleet in 404. After the Battle of Aegospotami, when the entire fleet, and the war, was lost, Conon fled to Cyprus and lived there with his friend Evagoras, the king of Salamis. 197

Agesilaus was singular in this also, that he had been educated to obey before he came to command. For this reason he was much more in harmony with his subjects than any of the kings; to the commanding and kingly traits which were his by nature there had been added by his public training those of popularity and kindliness.

[2.1] While he was among the so-called "bands" of boys who were reared together, he had as his lover Lysander who was smitten particularly with his spirit.1 For although he was contentious and high-spirited beyond his fellows, wishing to be first in all things, and having a vehemence and fury which none could contend with or overwhelm, on the other hand he had such a readiness to obey and such gentleness, that he did whatever was enjoined upon him, not at all from a sense of fear, but always from a sense of honour, and was more distressed by censure than he was oppressed by hardships. [2] As for his deformity, the beauty of his person in its youthful prime covered this from sight, while the ease and gaiety with which he bore such a misfortune, being first to jest and joke about himself, went far towards rectifying it. Indeed, his lameness brought his ambition into clearer light, since it led him to decline no hardship and no enterprise whatever. We have no likeness of him (for he himself would not consent to one, and even when he lay dying forbade the making of "either statue or picture" of his person), but he is said to have been a little man of unimposing presence. [3] And yet his gaiety and good spirits in every crisis, and his raillery, which was never offensive or harsh either in word or look, made him more lovable, down to his old age, than the young and beautiful. But, according to Theophrastus, Archidamus was fined by the Ephors for marrying a little woman, "For she will bear us," they said, "not kings, but kinglets."

[3.1] It was during the reign of Agis that Alcibiades came from Sicily as an exile to Sparta, and he had not been long in the city when he incurred the charge of illicit intercourse with Timaea, the wife of the king. The child, too, that was born of her, Agis refused to recognize as his own, declaring that Alcibiades was its father. Duris says that Timaea was not very much disturbed at this, but in whispers to her Helot maids at home actually called the child Alcibiades, not Leotychides; [2] moreover, that Alcibiades himself also declared that he had not approached Timaea out of wanton passion, but because he was ambitious to have the Spartans reigned over by his descendants. On this account Alcibiades withdrew from Sparta, being in fear of Agis; and the boy was always an object of suspicion to Agis, and was not honoured by him as legitimate. But when the king lay sick, the supplications and tears of Leotychides prevailed upon him to declare him his son in the presence of many witnesses. [3] Notwithstanding this, after the death of Agis,2 Lysander, who by this time had subdued the Athenians at sea and was a man of the greatest influence in Sparta, tried to advance Agesilaus to the throne, on the plea that Leotychides was a bastard and had no claim upon it. Many of the other citizens also, owing to the excellence of Agesilaus and the fact that he had been reared with them under the common restraints of the public training, warmly espoused the plan of Lysander and co- operated with him. But there was a diviner in Sparta, named Diopeithes, who was well

1 See also Plutarch's Lycurgus 17.1, Lysander 22.3. 2 In 398 BC. 198

supplied with ancient prophecies, and was thought to be eminently wise in religious matters. [4] This man declared it contrary to the will of Heaven that a lame man should be king of Sparta, and cited at the trial of the case the following oracle:

"Think carefully, Spartans, even though you are great and glorious now In case you, who enjoy a sound foundation, produce a lame monarchy For then you will be gripped for a long time by unexpected ills And rolling waves of deadly war!"

[5] To this Lysander answered that, in case the Spartans stood in great fear of the oracle, they must be on their guard against Leotychides; for it mattered not to the god that one who halted in his gait should be king, but if one who was not lawfully begotten, nor even a descendant of Heracles, should be king, this was what the god meant by the "lame monarchy." And Agesilaus declared that Poseidon also had borne witness to the bastardy of Leotychides, for he had cast Agis forth from his bedchamber by an earthquake, and after this more than ten months elapsed before Leotychides was born.1

[4.1] In this way, and for these reasons, Agesilaus was appointed king…

Agesilaus and the Asian Campaign.

Plutarch, Life of Agesilaus 6.1 - 3 [6.1] Agesilaus had but recently come to the throne,2 when tidings were brought from Asia that the Persian king was preparing a great armament with which to drive the Spartans from the sea. Now, Lysander was eager to be sent again into Asia, and to aid his friends there. These he had left governors and masters of the cities,3 but owing to their unjust and violent conduct of affairs, they were being driven out by the citizens, and even put to death. He therefore persuaded Agesilaus to undertake the expedition and make war on behalf of Greece, proceeding to the farthest point across the sea, and thus anticipating the preparations of the Barbarian. [2] At the same time he wrote to his friends in Asia urging them to send messengers to Sparta and demand Agesilaus as their commander. Accordingly, Agesilaus went before the assembly of the people4 and agreed to undertake the war if they would grant him thirty Spartiates as captains and counsellors, a select corps of two thousand enfranchised Helots, and a force of allies amounting to six thousand. [3]

1 An interesting passage on a number of levels: Plutarch repeats the story in Alcibiades 23.8 and Lysander 22.3. Alcibiades arrived at Sparta in the winter of 415/4 and in the Spring of 414 Agis led an attack on Argos, which was cut short by an earthquake (Thuc. vi. 95.1). This would put the birth of Leotychides somewhere about January of 413. In 398, Leotychides would be only 15 years old. On the death of Agis see Xenophon Hellenica iii.3.1. 2 In 398 BC. 3 ἄρχοντας καὶ κυρίους, rather than harmost. 4 At Sparta, the assembly was called the . Despite the similarity, this should not be confused with Appelate in English, which comes from Latin rather than Greek and derives from appeal. Nor should it be confused with the Latin appello - to call or name. The Greek actually derived from the Doric version of Apollo, Apello (Ἀπέλλων), and the Apella is an assembly in the name of Apollo Founder of Cities. 199

They readily voted everything, owing to the co-operation of Lysander, and sent Agesilaus forth at once with the thirty Spartiates. Of these Lysander was first and foremost, not only because of his own reputation and influence, but also because of the friendship of Agesilaus, in whose eyes his procuring him this command was a greater than his raising him to the throne.

Agesilaus crossed into Asia in 396 BC and after initial success campaigning in Phrygia he returned to his base at Ephesus in order to increase his cavalry. The following excerpt says much about ancient attitudes both towards military service and non-Greeks: Plutarch, Agesilaus 9.3 - 5 [3] …However, since he was inferior in cavalry and his sacrifices were unpropitious, he retired to Ephesus and began to get together a force of horsemen, commanding the well-to-do, in case they did not wish to perform military service themselves, to furnish instead every man a horse and rider. [4] There were many who chose this course, and so it came to pass that Agesilaus quickly had a large force of warlike horsemen instead of worthless infantry. For those who did not wish to do military service hired those who did, and those who did not wish to serve as horsemen hired those who did. Indeed, Agesilaus thought Agamemnon had done well in accepting a good mare and freeing a cowardly rich 1 man from military service.

[5] And once when, by his orders, his prisoners of war were stripped of their clothing and offered for sale by the venders of booty, their clothing found many purchasers, but their naked bodies, which were utterly white and delicate, owing to their effeminate habits, were ridiculed as useless and worthless. Then Agesilaus, noticing, said: "These are the men with whom you fight, and these the things for which you fight."2

In the summer of 395 BC Agesilaus defeated Tissaphernes, the Satrap of Sardis, in a battle near that city. For his failure, Tissaphernes was executed by Artaxerxes and succeeded by Tithraustes. Diodorus xiv. 80.7 – 8: [7] Artaxerxes therefore made Tithraustes general, and commanded him to seize Tissaphernes, giving him likewise letters directed to all the cities and governors of the provinces ordering them to observe his commands. [8] As soon as Tithraustes came to in Phrygia, with the help off Ariaeus, a satrap, he seized Tissaphernes in a bath, and cut off his head and sent it to the king. Then he made a truce with Agesilaus for six months.

The truce was more of a purchase. Pharnabazus was as much a rival of Tithraustes as he had been of Tissaphernes: Xenophon, Hellenica iii.4.25 – 26: [25] …Tithraustes sent ambassadors to Agesilaus with this message: “Agesilaus, the man

1 Iliad xxiii.296 2 The cause of the slur is simply a misunderstanding of other people and their culture. The Persian soldiers covered their bodies from head to toe to protect their skin from the sun. The Greeks, coming from a more moderate climate, often went about all but naked and sun-tanning was not uncommon. 200

who was responsible for the trouble in your eyes and ours has received his punishment; and the King deems it fitting that you should sail back home, and that the cities in Asia, retaining their independence, should render him the ancient tribute.” [26] When Agesilaus replied that he could not do this without the sanction of the authorities at home, Tithraustes said, “But at least, until you receive word from the city, go over into the territory of Pharnabazus, since it is I who have taken vengeance upon your enemy.” Agesilaus answered: “Then, until I go there, give me provisions for the army.” Tithraustes accordingly gave him thirty talents; and he took it and set out for Pharnabazus' province of Phrygia.

Between 395 and 394 BC, Agesilaus campaigned in Phrygia and his generals were able to capture the camp and the treasure of Pharnabazus. A meeting was then arranged between Pharnabazus and Agesilaus:

Plutarch, Agesilaus 12.1 - 4. After this, Pharnabazus desired to have a conference with him, and Apollophanes of Cyzicus, who was a guest-friend of both, brought the two together. Agesilaus, with his friends, came first to the appointed place, and throwing himself down in a shady place where the grass was deep, there awaited Pharnabazus. [2] And when Pharnabazus came, although soft cushions and broidered rugs had been spread for him, he was ashamed to see Agesilaus reclining as he was, and threw himself down likewise, without further ceremony, on the grassy ground, although he was clad in raiment of wonderful delicacy and dyes. After mutual salutations, Pharnabazus had plenty of just complaints to make, since, although he had rendered the Spartans many great services in their war against the Athenians, his territory was now being ravaged by them. [3] But Agesilaus, seeing the Spartans with him bowed to the earth with shame and at a loss for words (for they saw that Pharnabazus was a wronged man), said: "We, Pharnabazus, during our former friendship with the King, treated what belongs to him in a friendly way, and now that we have become his enemies, we treat it in a hostile way. Accordingly, seeing that you also desire to be one of the King's possessions, we naturally injure him through you. [4] But from the day when you will think yourself worthy to be called a friend and ally of the Greeks instead of a slave of the King consider this army, these arms and ships, and all of us, to be guardians of your possessions and of your liberty, without which nothing in the world is honourable or even worthy to be desired."

Following Xenophon's unapologetic admiration for Agesilaus, Plutarch reports that the Persian elite were so impressed by Agesilaus' austerity and incorruptibility that they would often quote the poet : "Ares is Lord; of gold Greece has no fear" (Ages. 14.2). This passage is an example of Plutarch's crafty and manipulative use of narrative. The quote implies that Greeks are incorruptible because in their worship of Ares they fight for honour rather than wealth. But the , especially for the informed reader, is thick: We know what is coming next, and we recall the speech of Demaratus of Sparta in Herodotus (vii.102).

Plutarch, Agesilaus 15.1 – 3: [15.1] Asia being now unsettled and in many quarters inclining to revolt, Agesilaus set the cities there in order, and restored to their governments, without killing or 201 banishing any one, the proper form. Then he determined to go farther afield, to transfer the war from the Greek sea, to fight for the person of the King and the wealth of Ecbatana and Susa, and above all things to rob that monarch of the power to sit at leisure on his throne, playing the umpire for the Greeks in their wars, and corrupting their popular leaders. [2] But at this point Epicydidas the Spartiate came to him with tidings that Sparta was involved in a great war with other Greeks, and that the Ephors called upon him and ordered him to come to the aid of his countrymen.

"0h barbarous ills devised by Greeks!"1

How else can one speak of that jealousy which now leagued and arrayed the Greeks against one another? They laid violent hands on Fortune in her lofty flight, and turned the weapons which threatened the Barbarians, and War, which had at last been banished from Greece, back again upon themselves. [3] I certainly cannot agree with Demaratus the Corinthian, who said that those Greeks had missed a great pleasure who did not behold Alexander seated on the throne of Darius, instead, I think that such might well have shed tears when they reflected that this triumph was left for Alexander and Macedonians by those who now squandered the lives of Greek generals on the fields of , , and Corinth, and in Arcadia.

[6] Persian coins were stamped with the figure of an archer, and Agesilaus said, as he was breaking camp, that the King was driving him out of Asia with ten thousand "archers"; for so much money bad been sent to Athens and Thebes and distributed among the popular leaders there, and as a consequence those peoples made war upon the Spartans.2

Plutarch's meta-narrative here is that the ideal of Greek incorruptibility is a myth. He can focus the blame on the Thebans and the other Greeks who accepted the bribe, but does not reject the story that Agesilaus accepted money from Tithraustes with the promise that peace terms were being considered, that his campaignin Phrygia was temporary and that he would relinquish claims to Asia. Instead, Agesilaus seems to have played Tithraustes false and was, all along, intending to press the war deeper into Persian territory. Tithraustes, unsuccessful in bribing Agesilaus to accept peace, bribed other Greeks to make war. The strategy was both sound and effective.

Xenophon, Hellenica iii.5.1 – 2 [1] But now Tithraustes, who thought he had found out that Agesilaus despised the power of the King and did not in the least intend to depart from Asia, but rather had great hopes that he would overcome the King, being perplexed to know how to deal with the situation, sent Timocrates the Rhodian to Greece, giving him gold to the value of fifty talents, and bade him undertake, on receipt of the surest pledges, to give the money to the leaders in the various states on condition that they should make war upon the Spartans. SoTimocrates went and gave his money; at Thebes to Androcleidas, Ismenias, and

1 Euripides Troades 766. 2 Xenophon (Hell. 5.1) says the Athenians refused the money. 202

Galaxidorus; at Corinth to Timolaus and Polyanthes; and at Argos to Cylon and his followers. [2] And the Athenians, even though they did not receive a share of this gold, were nevertheless eager for the war, thinking that theirs was the right to rule. Then those who had taken the money set to work in their own states to denounce the Spartans; and when they had brought their people to a feeling of hatred toward them, they undertook, further, to unite the largest states with one another.

The question becomes one of blame. As we saw above, Plutarch is critical of those Greeks who accepted the money but is rather general in his condemnation of Greeks for fighting amongst themselves instead of against a common enemy. In the initation of the war itself, Diodorus seems to avoid assigning blame:

The Boeotian War Diodorus xiv. 81.1-3: [1] While affairs went thus in Asia, the Phocians made war upon the Boeotians, and prayed aid and assistance from the Spartans. Upon which, Lysander was sent with a few soldiers, raising more after he arrived in Phocis; but not long after, Pausanias, king ot Sparta, was sent to Phocis with six thousand men. [2] The Boeotians had convinced the Athenians to take part in the war as their allies, but at this time took to the field without them. The Thebans found Haliartus besieged by Lysander and the Phocians; whereupon a battle was fought in which Lysander and many of the Spartans and their confederates were killed. The Boeotians did not pursue far, but two hundred Thebans lost their lives by falling down some steep precipices through their own carelessness. [3] This was afterwards called the Boeotian War.

There is no discussion in Diodorus about why Phocis was at war with Thebes. Xenophon is more direct, claiming that the Thebans manipulated the ourbreak of war. We recall that Xenophon is unapologetically biased toward the Spartans.

Xenophon, Hellenica iii.5.3- 4 [3] But the leading men in Thebes, being aware that unless someone began war the Spartans would not break the peace with their allies, persuaded the Opuntian Locrians to levy money from the territory which was in dispute between the Phocians and themselves, for they thought that if this was done the Phocians would invade . And they were not disappointed, for the Phocians did at once invade Locris and seize property many times as valuable.

[4] Then Androcleidas and his followers speedily persuaded the Thebans to aid the Locrians, on the ground that the Phocians had invaded, not the disputed territory, but Locris, which was admitted to be a friendly and allied country. And when the Thebans made a counter-invasion into Phocis and laid waste the land, the Phocians straightway sent ambassadors to Sparta and asked the Spartans to aid them, setting forth that they had not begun war, but had gone against the Locrians in self defence.

203

Pausanias, the Spartan king, arrived too late to save Lysander and his troops. But with his fresh troops he was about to attack the battle-weary Thebans whe the Athenian forces arrived on the scene. Pausanias did not believe that he had sufficient forces to attack the combined Theban and Athenian armies so he negotiated a truce, collected the bodies of the fallen, and went back to Sparta. There, he was indicted and condemned on a variety of charges and spent his remaining days in exile.

In the summer of 394 BC, While Agesilaus was making his way back to Greece, the Spartan army marched north and defeated a coalition army at the Battle of Nemea, between Argos and Corinth. Agesilaus was at Amphipolis when he heard the news of the battle and he led his forces through Macedon and into Thessaly – where he met some resistance – finally arriving in Boeotia in the middle of August, 394. This is one of the rare occasions when we can be certain of a date: On 14 August 394, there was an annular eclipse of the sun and the shadow passed directly over Greece between 9:55 and 10:01 am. Shortly before that date, the Spartans suffered heavy losses in a naval battle:

Xenophon, Hellenica iv.3.10 - 12: [10] When he was at the entrance to Boeotia, the sun seemed to appear crescent- shaped, and word was brought to him that the Spartans had been defeated in the naval battle and the admiral, Peisander, had been killed. It was also stated in what way the battle had been fought. [11] For it was near Cnidus that the fleets sailed against one another, and Pharnabazus, who was admiral, was with the Phoenician ships, while Conon with the Greek fleet was posted in front of him. [12] And when Peisander, in spite of his ships being clearly fewer than the Greek ships under Conon, had formed his line of battle against them, his allies on the left wing immediately fled, and he himself, after coming to close encounter with the enemy, was driven ashore, his trireme damaged by the enemy's beaks; and all the others who were driven ashore abandoned their ships and made their escape as best they could to Cnidus, but he fell fighting on board his ship.

Conon certainly took his time, but the delay may have been part of the strategy. While Agesilaus was in Asia the ports on the east coast of the Aegean would not have been safe for the Persian fleet to capture and use as bases. But as soon as Agesilaus was in Europe, Conon and Pharnabazus sailed into the Aegean and began their naval campaign. Agesilaus marched into Boeotia and was met by the forces of the at Coronea. In the Battle of Coronea both sides suffered defeat and won victory on various wings, but the Spartans claimed the overall victory even though Agesilaus himself was wounded.

Diodorus xiv.84.1-2 But Agesilaus being strengthened with forces from the Peloponnese, entered with an army into Boeotia, where the Boeotians and their confederates quickly met him at Coronea, and engaged, in which battle the Boeotians put that wing of the Sartans to flight that opposed them, and pursued them to their camp; but the rest, after a small resistance, were routed by Agesilaus and his forces. [2] Therefore the Spartans, looking upon themselves as conquerors, erected a trophy in token of victory, and gave leave to the enemy to bury their dead. For there were killed of the Boeotians and their confederates above six hundred; and 204

of the Spartans and their allies above three hundred and fifty; Agesilaus himself was wounded, and carried to Delphi to be treated.

The In the spring of 393 the focus of the war moved from Boeotia to the Peloponnese. Political , or policy if you will, had long been a weapon of war not only in Athens but in other Greek cities as well. For the most part, oligarchs, traditionalists, were in favour of peace with Sparta and a balance of power in the Greek world; while democrats, or radicals, were in favour of the destruction of Spartan influence. Whether traditionalists or radicals were in power tended to determine the foreign policy of any city-state, and therefore regime change was a military tactic.

Xenophon, Hellenica iv.4.1 – 6: [1] After this the various contingents of the army were dismissed to their several cities and Agesilaus also sailed back home. And from that time on the Athenians, Boeotians, Argives, and their allies continued the war, making Corinth their base, and the Spartans and their allies from .1 As the Corinthians, however, saw that their own land was being laid waste and that many of them were being killed because they were continually near the enemy, while the rest of the allies were living in peace themselves and their lands were under cultivation, the most and best of them came to desire peace, and uniting together urged this course upon one another. [2] But the Argives, Athenians, Boeotians, and those among the Corinthians who had received a share of the money from the King, as well as those who had made themselves chiefly responsible for the war, realizing that if they did not put out of the way the people who had turned toward peace, the state would be in danger of going over to the Spartans again, undertook, under these circumstances, to bring about a general massacre.2 And in the first place, they devised the most sacrilegious of all schemes; for other people, even if a man is condemned by process of law, do not put him to death during a religious festival; but these men chose the last day of the Euclea,3 because they thought they would catch more people in the market-place, so as to kill them. [3] Then again, when the signal was given to those who had been told whom they were to kill, they drew their swords and struck men down - one while standing in a social group, another while sitting in his seat, still another in the theatre, and another even while he was sitting as judge in a dramatic contest. Now when the situation became known, the better classes immediately fled, in part to the statues of the gods in the market-place, in part to the altars; then the conspirators, utterly sacrilegious and without so much as a single thought for civilized usage, both those who gave the orders and those who obeyed, kept up the slaughter even at the holy places, so that some even among those who were not victims of the attack, being right-minded men, were dismayed in their hearts at beholding such impiety. [4] In this way many of the older men were killed; for it was they especially who chanced to be in the market-place; while the

1 It is now the spring of 393 BC. 2 In 392. 3 The festival of Artemis Euclea (the Glorious). This version of Artemis is mostly associated with Boeotia. There was, for example, a sanctuary of Artemis Euclea at Plataea (Plut. Arist. 20.5-6) and a temple at Thebes (Paus. ix.17.1). 205 younger men, since Pasimelus suspected what was going to happen, had remained quietly in the gymnasium of Craneium. But when they heard the outcry and some had come to them in flight from the massacre, thereupon, rushing up on the slopes of Acrocorinthus, they beat off an attack, which the Argives and the rest made upon them. [5] While they were deliberating, however, as to what they should do, the capital fell from a column, although there had been neither earthquake nor wind. Likewise, when they sacrificed, the omens from the victims were such that the seers said it was better to descend from the place. And at first they retired beyond the territory of Corinth with the intention of going into exile; but when their friends and mothers and sisters kept coming to them and trying to dissuade them, and, further, some of the very men who were in power promised under oath that they should suffer no harm, under these circumstances some of them returned home. [6] They saw, however, that those who were in power were ruling like tyrants, and perceived that their state was being put out of existence, inasmuch as boundary stones had been removed and their fatherland was called Argos instead of Corinth; and, while they were compelled to share in the rights of citizenship at Argos, for which they had no desire, they had less influence in their state than aliens.

In the meantime Conon of Athens and Pharnabazus, the Satrap of Phrygia, were prosecuting the war against the Spartans in the Aegean. Our narrative returns to the late summer of 394 and the aftermath of the Battle of Cnidus:

Xenophon, Hellenica iv.8.1 – 2. [1] …Pharnabazus and Conon, after defeating the Spartans in the naval battle,1 made a tour of the islands and the cities on the sea coast, drove out the Spartan governors, and encouraged the cities by saying that they would not establish fortified citadels within their walls and would leave them independent.2 [2] And the people of the cities received this announcement with joy and approval, and enthusiastically sent gifts of friendship to Pharnabazus. Conon, it seems, was advising Pharnabazus that if he acted in this way, all the cities would be friendly to him, but if it should be evident that he wanted to enslave them, he said that each single city was capable of making a great deal of trouble and that there was danger that the people of Greece also, if they learned of this, would become united. [3] Pharnabazus, accordingly, accepted this counsel. Then, disembarking at Ephesus, he gave Conon forty triremes and told him to meet him at Sestus, while he himself proceeded by land along the coast to his own province.

There was little time left in the sailing season and Pharnabazus wanted to take the winter to raise more troops. In the spring of 393 BC, despite the fact that Dercylidas was still in possession of some cities on the Hellespont, Conon and Pharnabazus decided to take the war directly to Spartan territory:

Xenophon, Hellenica iv.8.7 – 10

1 The text here picks up from the Battle of Cnidus, narrated at . 3.10ff. 2 In other words, Conon promised that the Athenian Empire would not be re-established, while Pharnabazus promised that he would not make them Persian possessions. 206

[7] …but at the opening of spring,1 having fully manned a large number of ships and hired a force of mercenaries besides, Pharnabazus, and Conon with him, sailed through the islands to Melos, and making that their base, went on to Sparta. And first Pharnabazus put in at Pherae2 and laid waste this region, then he made descents at one point and another of the coast and did whatever harm he could. But being fearful because the country was destitute of harbours, because the Spartans might send relief forces, and because provisions were scarce in the land, he quickly turned about, and sailing away and came to anchor at on the island of Cythera. [8] And when those who held possession of the city of the Cytherians abandoned their walls through fear of being captured by storm, he allowed them to depart to Laconia under a truce, and having repaired the wall of the Cytherians, left in Cythera a garrison of his own and Nicophemus, an Athenian, as governor. After doing these things and sailing to the Isthmus of Corinth and there exhorting the allies to carry on the war zealously and show themselves men faithful to the King, he left them all the money that he had and sailed off homeward. [9] But when Conon said that if he would allow him to have the fleet, he would maintain it by contributions from the islands and would meanwhile put in at Athens and aid the Athenians in rebuilding their long walls and the wall around Piraeus, adding that he knew nothing could be a heavier blow to the Spartans than this. “And by this act, thereroe,” he said, “you will have conferred a favour upon the Athenians and have taken vengeance upon the Spartans, inasmuch as you will undo for them the deed for whose accomplishment they underwent the most toil and trouble.” Pharnabazus, upon hearing this, eagerly dispatched him to Athens and gave him additional money for the rebuilding of the walls. [10] Upon his arrival Conon erected a large part of the wall, giving his own crews for the work, paying the wages of carpenters and masons, and meeting whatever other expense was necessary. There were some parts of the wall, however, which the Athenians themselves, as well as volunteers from Boeotia and from other states, aided in building.

The arrival of Pharnabazus on Greek soil is a moment of symbolic importance: It is the first time a Persian military officer has operated in Greece since the defeat of Mardoinius at Plataea in 479 BC and this, in combination with the ‘ten thousand Persian archers’ sent by Tithraustes, meant that all of the gains made, all of the battles fought, by the Greeks since 479 had been for naught. Xenophon makes very little of the event. Diodorus doesn’t even mention that Pharnabazus was present, giving all of the credit to Conon. We recall that Themistocles had, immediately after 479, begun the reconsruction of the walls around the Piraeus Harbour at Athens and shortly thereafter the construction of the long walls between the city and the harbour were begun. Lysander’s conditions at the end of the Peloponnesian War included the desctruction of those walls. The fortification of the harbour is strategically important to the Athenians, but it is also symbolic, in our narrative sources, of Athenian power and of major turning points in the balance of power.

1 The spring of 393 BC. 2 There were a number of places in Ancient Greece called Pherae. There one also called Pharis or in Laconia between and the coast, see Pausanias iii.2.6. But this cannot be the town Xenophon is referring to since that would put Conon and Pharnabazus kilometers inland. He must be referring to Pherae in . 207

All of this caused the Spartans to send to Persia in an attempt to win the Persians back to their side. The first round of negotiations failed:

Xenophon, Hellenica iv.8.12 - 17 [12] Now the Spartans, upon hearing that Conon was not only rebuilding their wall for the Athenians out of the King's money, but was also, while maintaining his fleet from the latter's funds, engaged in winning over the islands and the coast cities on the mainland to the 1 Athenians, conceived the idea that if they informed Tiribazus, who was the King's general, of these things, they could either bring Tiribazus over entirely to their side or at least put an end to his maintaining Conon's fleet. Having come to this conclusion, they sent Antalcidas to Tiribazus with instructions to inform Tiribazus of these facts, and to endeavour to make peace between the state and the King. [13] But when the Athenians learned of this, they likewise sent ambassadors,-Conon at their head, and , Dion, Callisthenes, and Callimedon. They also invited ambassadors from their allies to go with them; and ambassadors did come from the Boeotians, from Corinth, and from Argos. [14] When they had reached their destination, Antalcidas said to Tiribazus that he had come desiring peace between his state and the King, and, furthermore, just such a peace as the King had wished for. For the Spartans, he said, urged no claim against the King to the Greek cities in Asia and 2 they were content that all the islands and the Greek cities in general should be independent. “And yet,'” he said, “if we are ready to agree to such conditions, why should the King be at war with us or be spending money? Indeed, if such terms were made, we could not take the field against the King, either; the Athenians could not unless we assumed the leadership, and we could not if the cities were independent.” [15] Now Tiribazus was mightily pleased at hearing the words of Antalcidas; but to the opponents of Antalcidas these proposals went no further than words. For the Athenians were afraid to agree that the cities and the islands should be independent lest they should be deprived of Lemnos, , and Scyros, and the Thebans, lest they should be compelled to leave the Boeotian cities independent; while the Argives thought that they could not keep Corinth as Argos, a thing which they desired, if such an agreement and peace were concluded. So it was that this project of peace came to naught, and the ambassadors returned to their several homes. [16] As for Tiribazus, he thought that it was not safe for him to take the side of the Spartans without the King's approval; in secret, however, he gave money to Antalcidas, to the end that a fleet might be manned by the Spartans and thus the Athenians and their allies be made more desirous of peace, and he also imprisoned Conon, on the ground that he was wronging the King and that the charges made by the Spartans were true. [17] After doing these things he proceeded to go up to the King for the purpose of telling him not only the proposals of the Spartans, but also that he had arrested Conon as a wrong-doer, and likewise to ask the King what he should do about all these matters. The problem with this first attempt is a classic lesson in negotiation and conflict resolution: None of the parties saw that they had more to gain in the peace than they risked in war, and all

1 Tiribazus had been Satrap of Armenia, but now seems to have been promoted to the command of the coastal regions, a command previously held by Cyrus and Tissaphernes. 2 What this really means is that the Spartans were willing to guarantee that they would not interfere should Artaxerxes want to reconquer the Greeks of Asia Minor. 208 thought that the price of the peace – what they would have to give up to secure a peace – was more costly than war.

Meanshile, Agesilaus led the Spartan army in support of the Corinthian exiles and the Spartans were quickly able to take Lechaeum, the main port of Corinth (in 393/2), and the , or sanctuary of Hera, also fell (in 391/90). While Agesilaus was enjoying this latter victory, news of a serious setback reached him: For centuries the Greek hoplite, especially the Spartiate, was the most feared and respected agent of war, so much so that very little attention had been paid to other types of infantry. In the Battle of Lechaeum, all of that changed.

Xenophon, Hellenica iv.5.11 – 18 [11] Now it was in the following way that the disaster to the regiment happened. The Amyclaeans invariably go back home to the festival of the Hyacinthia1 for the paean to Apollo, whether they chance to be on a campaign or away from home for any other reason.

Accordingly, Agesilaus had on this occasion left behind at Lechaeum all the Amyclaeans in

the army. Now the polemarch in command of the garrison there detailed the garrison troops

of the allies to guard the wall, and himself with the regiment of hoplites and the regiment of

horsemen conducted the Amyclaeans along past the city of the Corinthians. [12] And when

they were distant from Sicyon about twenty or thirty stadia, the polemarch with the hoplites,

who were about six hundred in number, set out to return to Lechaeum, and ordered the

commander of horse to follow after him with the regiment of horsemen after they had

escorted the Amyclaeans as far as they themselves directed. Now they were by no means

unaware that there were many and many hoplites in Corinth; but on account of their

previous successes they contemptuously thought that no one would attack them. [13] But

those in the city of the Corinthians, both Callias, the son of Hipponicus, commander of the

Athenian hoplites, and Iphicrates, leader of the peltasts, when they saw the Spartans and saw

that they were not only few in number, but also unaccompanied by either peltasts or cavalry,

thought that it was safe to attack them with their force of peltasts. For if they should proceed

along the road, they could be attacked with javelins on their unprotected side and destroyed; and if they should undertake to pursue, they with their peltasts, the nimblest of all troops,

could easily escape the hoplites. Having come to this conclusion, they led forth their troops.

[14] And Callias formed his hoplites in line of battle not far from the city, while Iphicrates with his peltasts attacked the Spartans. Now when the Spartans were being attacked with javelins, and several men had been wounded and several others slain, they directed the hypaspists2 to take up these wounded men and carry them back to Lechaeum, and these were the only men in the regiment who were really saved. Then the polemarch ordered the first ten year-classes to drive off their assailants. [15] But when they pursued, they caught no one, since they were hoplites pursuing peltasts at the distance of a javelin's cast; for Iphicrates had given orders to the peltasts to retire before the hoplites got near them; and further, when the Spartans were retiring from the pursuit, being scattered because each man had pursued as swiftly as he could, the troops of Iphicrates turned about, and not only did those in front

1 A festival held in early summer at Amyclae, south of Sparta. 2 Hypaspists (ὑπασπιστής), literally ‘shield bearers,’ were attendants who accompanied the hoplites and assisted them with their armour and weapons. Later, in the Macedonian army, the name is applied to an elite infantry brigade. 209

again hurl javelins upon the Spartans, but also others on the flank, running along to reach their unprotected side. Indeed, at the very first pursuit the peltasts shot down nine or ten of them. And as soon as this happened, they began to press the attack much more boldly. [16] Then, as the Spartans continued to suffer losses, the polemarch again ordered the first fifteen year-classes to pursue. But when these fell back, even more of them were shot down than at the first retirement. And now that the best men had already been killed, the horsemen joined them, and with the horsemen they again undertook a pursuit. But when the peltasts turned to flight, at that moment the horsemen managed their attack badly; for they did not chase the enemy until they had killed some of them, but both in the pursuit and in the turning backward kept an even front with the hoplites. And what with striving and suffering in this way again and again, the Spartans themselves kept continually becoming fewer and fainter of heart, while their enemies were becoming bolder, and those who attacked them continually more numerous. [17] Therefore in desperation they gathered together on a small hill, distant from the sea about two stadia, and from Lechaeum about sixteen or seventeen stadia. And the men in Lechaeum, upon perceiving them, embarked in small boats and coasted along until they came opposite the hill. Then the troops, being now desperate, because they were suffering and being slain, while unable to inflict any harm themselves, and, besides this, seeing the Athenian hoplites also coming against them, took to flight. And some of them plunged into the sea, and some few made their escape with the horsemen to Lechaeum. But in all the battles and in the flight about two hundred and fifty of them were killed. [18] Thus it was that these events took place.

The Peace of Antalcidas The Corinthian War, now having expanded into the Aegean, continued until 387 BC, when the Spartans sent Antalcidas again into Persia. This time he negotiated without the interference of the Athenians, Thebans or Argives and returned to Greece with an ultimatum for peace.

Plutarch, Agesilaus 23.1 – 3: When Conon and Pharnabazus with the Great King's fleet were masters of the sea and were ravaging the coasts of Laconia, and after the walls of Athens had been rebuilt with the money which Pharnabazus furnished, the Spartans decided to make peace with the king of Persia. To that end, they sent Antalcidas to Tiribazus, and in the most shameful and lawless fashion handed over to the King the Greeks resident in Asia, on whose behalf Agesilaus had waged war. [2] Agesilaus, therefore, could have had no part at all in this infamy. For Antalcidas was his enemy, and put forth all his efforts to make the peace because he saw that the war enhanced to the utmost the reputation and power of Agesilaus. Notwithstanding this, to one who remarked that the Spartans were favouring the Medes, Agesilaus replied that the Medes were the rather favouring the Spartans. [3] Moreover, by threatening with war the Greeks who were unwilling to accept the peace, he forced them all to abide by the terms which the Persian dictated, more especially on account of the Thebans, his object being to make them weaker by leaving Boeotia independent of the King.

Plutarch is critical of the Peace but offers no details. Xenophon fills in some of the blanks. The previous attempt at a universal peace brokered by the King was defeated by the lack of 210 motivation on the parts of the many parties as discussed above. But Xenophon explains how the calculations had changed, and how all of the parties now saw the risks of war as far greater than the price of peace. Had Antalcidas made his way directly for Sparta after his negotiations with the king, this peace too may have failed. Instead he detoured to the Hellespont to address Athenian naval action there, and in a very short time was able to secure naval supremacy. This, more than anything else, turned the tide:

Xenophon, Hellenica v.1.25; [25] And now Antalcidas returned with Tiribazus from the Persian capital, having effected an agreement that the King should be an ally of the Spartans if the Athenians and their allies refused to accept the peace which he himself directed them to accept.

Xenophon the recounts the events around the Hellespont.

[29] The Athenians, therefore, seeing that the enemy's ships were many, fearing that they might be completely subdued, as they had been before,1 now that the King had become an ally of the Spartans, and being beset by the raiding parties from Aegina,2 for these reasons were exceedingly desirous of peace. On the other hand the Spartans, what with maintaining a garrison of one regiment at Lechaeum and another at Orchomenus, keeping watch upon their allied states - those which they trusted, to prevent their being destroyed, and those which they distrusted, to prevent their revolting - and suffering and causing trouble around Corinth, were out of patience with the war. As for the Argives, knowing that theSpartans had called up the army to march against them, and being aware that their plea of the sacred months would no longer be of any help to them, they also were eager for peace. [30] So that when Tiribazus ordered those to be present who desired to give ear to the peace which the King had sent down, all speedily presented themselves. And when they had come together, Tiribazus showed them the King's seal and then read the writing. It ran as follows: [31] “King Artaxerxes thinks it just that the cities in Asia should belong to him, as well as Clazomenae and Cyprus among the islands, and that the other Greek cities, both small and great, should be left independent, except Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros; and these should belong, as of old, to the Athenians. But whichever of the parties does not accept this peace, upon them I will make war, in company with those who desire this arrangement, both by land and by sea, with ships and with money.” [32] Upon hearing these words the ambassadors from the various states reported them to their own several states. And all the others swore that they would steadfastly observe these provisions, but the Thebans claimed the right to take the oath in the name of all the Boeotians. Agesilaus, however, refused to accept their oaths unless they swore, just as the King’s writing directed, that every city, whether small or great, should be independent. But the ambassadors of the Thebans said that these were not the instructions which had been given them. “Go then,” said Agesilaus, “and ask your people; and report to them this also, that if they do not so act, they will be shut out from the treaty.” The Theban ambassadors

1 They are reminded of the Peloponnesian War. 2 The Athenian had attempted to reconquer Aegina, but the Spartan had prevented them and were now using the island as a base to launch raids on the harbours of Athens. 211

accordingly departed. [33] Agesilaus, however, on account of his hatred for the Thebans, did not delay, but after winning over the ephors proceeded at once to perform his sacrifices. And when the offering at the frontier proved favourable, upon his arrival at Tegea he sent horsemen here and there among the Perioeci to hasten their coming, and likewise sent mustering officers to the various cities of the allies. But before he had set out from Tegea, the Thebans arrived with word that they would leave the cities independent. And so the Spartans returned home and the Thebans were forced to accede to the treaty, allowing the Boeotian cities to be independent. [34] But the Corinthians, on the other hand, would not dismiss the garrison maintained in their city by the Argives. Agesilaus, however, made proclamation to these peoples also, saying to the Corinthians that if they did not dismiss the Argives, and to the Argives that if they did not depart from Corinth, he would make war upon them. And when, as a result of the fear which seized both peoples, the Argives departed and the state of the Corinthians regained its self-government, the authors of the massacre and those who shared the responsibility for the deed withdrew of their own accord from Corinth, while the rest of the citizens willingly received back the former exiles. [35] When these things had been accomplished and the states had sworn that they would abide by the treaty which the King had proposed, thereupon the armies were disbanded and the naval armaments were likewise disbanded. Thus it was that this peace was established between the Spartans and Athenians and their allies, the first since the outbreak of the war which followed the destruction of the walls of Athens.

The Peace of Antalcidas, also knows as the King’s Peace, was short lived.

Diodorus xv. 5: [1] …the Spartans, without any regard to the treaty, decreed to march with an army against Mantinea, for the reasons following: There was now peace all over Greece, by the negotiation of Antalcidas,1 by virtue whereof all the cities were freed from garrisons, and governed according to their own laws. But the Spartans, naturally ambitious, and a long time contriving how to begin a war, looked upon the peace as a heavy burden, and coveting to gain their ancient dominion, began to endeavour innovations. [2] To this end, they stirred up seditions in the cities, and thence took occasion to disturb the present state of affairs. For they who were freed, and set at liberty to govern according to the laws of their own country, called them to an account who acted as magistrates under the Spartans, and, being somewhat severe and sharp, through the fresh resentment of the late injuries suffered, they banished many: upon this, the Spartans gave support to the defeated faction [3] and restored them by force of arms, and by that means first imposed upon the weaker cities, and brought them into slavery; but afterwards they gave laws to cities and places of great account, not having kept the league two years together. And now, because Mantinea was near to them, and full of valiant men, and by the peace grown very rich, they were jealous of it and resolved to bring down the lordly spirits of those inhabitants. [4] In the first place, therefore, they sent ambassadors to them, to require them to demolish their walls, and to settle themselves again in those five villages from whence they anciently removed to Mantinea; but their demands

1 Diodorus reports the terms of the Peace at xiv.110.3 with no real variation from the text of Xenophon above. 212 being slighted, they forthwith marched with their forces, and besieged the city. [5] Upon this, the Mantineans sent ambassadors to Athens for aid, but the Athenians would by no means do anything that might be construed a breach of the Peace. The Mantineans valiantly defended the place and opposed the enemy with their own forces. And thus Greece now began again to be embroiled in new wars.

This “new set of wars” came about for much the same reason as the old ones: We recall Thucydides’ assertion that the Peloponnesian War began because of Spartan fear of Athenian power. In the passage above, Diodorus suggests that Sparta was motivated by a desire to assert her own hegemony over all of the Greeks. It might also be the case that Sparta was simply fearful lest any other Greek state become hegemon. That might at least explain the Spartan involvement in the Chalcidice:

Diodorus xv.19 [1] The Spartans now… set their heads at work how to advance their power in Greece. And having persuaded some of the cities, and forced others to receive their exiles, they possessed themselves of the sovereignty of the whole, manifestly against the league amongst all the Greeks, made by Antalcidas, by the help of the king of Persia. [2] In Macedonia, king Amyntas,1 having been overcome by the Illyrians and doubting his ability to defend himself, simply gave to Olynthus a large tract of land which formed the border region between them. The Olynthians enjoyed this peace for some time; but, when the king recovered strength, and was reinstated in his former dignity, he demanded restitution of the land, which the Olynthians denied. [3] Upon which, Amyntas raised an army of his own, and entered into a league with the Spartans, and prevailed with them to send a general with a great army against the Olynthians. The Spartans, resolving to control those parts of Thrace, raised an army out of their own citizens and confederates, to the number of ten thousand men, over which they made Phoebidas, the Spartan, general, and commanded him to join with Anmyntas, and make war upon the Olynthians.2 They sent out another body against the people of Phlius, whom they subdued, and forced to submit to their government. [4] About this time the two Spartan kings, having diflerent agendas, disagreed one with another. For Agesipolis was a lover of peace, and a just and wise man, and therefore declared against oppressing the Greeks: for he said that Sparta would become infamous amongst all the people, if, after they had been instrumental in making the Greeks in Asia slaves to the Persians, they should now enslave all the cities of Greece to themselves, whose liberties they had sworm in the common league to preserve inviolable. On the other hand Agesilaus, being naturally turbulent and inclined to war, thirsted after dominion over all of Greece.

According to Xenophon (Hellenica 5.2.11 ff), it was an embassy from Acanthus, an independent city close to Olynthus and in the path of her expansion, which persuaded the

1 Amyntas III. He came to the throne in 393 only to be ousted by Illyrian invaders, even loosing control of the capital. 2 According to Xenophon, it was Acanthus and who asked for Spartan intervention against Olynthus, and that Eudamidas was the commander while Phoebidas was merely bringing reinforcements (Hell. v.2.11 – 24). 213

Spartans to send a force north. In Xenophon’s account Amyntas did not ‘give’ his land, but rather the Olynthians seized it; and it was not Phoebidas but his brother Eudamidas who was sent with an expeditionary force in 393. Xenophon also says that the Spartans did not ally with Amyntas of Macedon untile the next year, when Teleutias was sent into the theatre. The point that Xenophon makes is that Sparta acted to prevent the increase of the power of Olynthus in fear that she might become an hegemonic power. Whatever the motivation, our sources are unanimous and cannot be challenged on the point that Sparta’s actions in these years were largely in contravention of the treaty, and essentially illegal. Without question, the most egregious act was the illegal and unprovoked attack on the acropolis of Thebes, the Cadmeia. This action initiated an unnecessary war with Thebes, and eventually brought an end to Sparta’s power.

The Cadmeia

Diodorus xv.20: Afterwards, when Evander was Archon of Athens… the Spartans seized the Cadmea, the citadel of Thebes, for the reasons following: Considering that Boeotia was home to many towns and cities, and that the inhabitants were men of valour, and especially that Thebes, which continued to that day in its ancient state and grandeur, was even the guard and bulwark of all Boeotia, they were afraid lest, at some fit opportunity or other, they should become masters of Greece: [2] For this reason the Spartans gave private instructions to their commanders to seize upon the Cadmea as soon as they could spy a fit opportunity. Phoebidas the Spartan general, in his march against the Olynthians, (remembering his instructions), surprised the Cadmea, which so enraged the Thebans, that they rose in arms but were beaten; and he banished three hundred of the most eminent citizens, and put all the rest into a great fright: and, leaving there a strong garrison, marched away in pursuance of the business he had chiefly in hand. All the Greeks everywhere complained of the Lacedemonians for this unworthy act; and they indeed themselves fined Phoebidas for it but could not be brought to withdraw the garrison. [3] And thus the Thebans were robbed of their liberty, and brought under the power of the Spartans. But the Olynthians resolutely persisting in the war against Amyntas, king of Macedon, Phoebidas was ordered to lay down his commission and Eudamidas, his brother, was made general, and sent away with three thousand heavy-armed men to carry on the war against the Olynthians.

Diodorus’s assertion that Phoebidas was acting under orders is interesting. Xenophon argues the opposite. Phoebidas, he claims, was instructed to take reinforcements to his brother, Eudamidas, who had established a base of operations at Potidaea:1

Xenophon, Hellenica v.2.25 - [25] Then Phoebidas, after he had gathered together the remaining portion of Eudamidas’ troops, took them under his command and began his march. And when they

1 Compare these two accounts to Plutarch’s Agesilaus ch. 23. Here, too, we see reluctance to put the blame on Agesilaus, but the admission that Agesilaus refused to condemn the act. 214

arrived in the district of Thebes, they encamped outside the city, near the gymnasium. Now since the Thebans were divided by factions, it chanced that lsmenias and Leontiades, who were polemarchs, were at variance with one another, and both of them leaders of their respective political clubs. Hence Ismenias, on account of his hatred for the Spartans, did not even go near Phoebidas. Leontiades, however, not only paid court to him in various ways, but when he had become intimate with him, spoke to him as follows: [26] “Phoebidas, it is within your power this day to render the greatest service to your fatherland; for if you will follow me with your hoplites, I will lead you into the acropolis. And this once accomplished, be sure that Thebes will be completely under the control of the Spartans and of us who are your friends; [27] whereas now, as you see, proclamation has been made forbidding any Theban from serving with you against the Olynthians. But if you join with us and accomplish this deed, we will at once send with you many hoplites and many horsemen; so that you will go to the aid of your brother with a large force, and while he is getting ready to subdue Olynthus, you will already have subdued Thebes, a far greater state than Olynthus.” [28] When Phoebidas heard this, he was filled with buoyant hopes; for he was a man with a far greater passion for performing some brilliant achievement than for life itself, although, on the other hand, he was not regarded as one who weighed his acts or had much practical wisdom. And when he had agreed to the plan, Leontiades directed him to set out on his way, prepared as he was to depart from Thebes. “And when the proper time arrives,” said Leontiades, “I will return to you and act as your guide myself.” [29] Accordingly, while the senate was in session in the portico in the market-place, for the reason that the women were celebrating the festival 1 of the Thesmophoria in the Cadmea, and while, inasmuch as it was summer and midday, the streets were entirely deserted, at this time Leontiades rode out on horseback to overtake Phoebidas, turned him back, and led him straight to the acropolis. And after establishing Phoebidas there with the troops under his command, giving him the key to the gates, and telling him to let no one into the Acropolis unless he himself so ordered, he proceeded at once to the meeting of the senate. And when he had arrived there, he spoke as follows: [30] Be not at all despondent, gentlemen, because the Spartans are in possession of the Acropolis; for they say that they have not come as enemies to anyone who is not eager for war; as for me, since the law directs that a polemarch shall have power to arrest any man who seems to be doing deeds which deserve death, I arrest Ismenias here, as an instigator of war. Therefore do you captains, and you who have been detailed with them, arise, seize this man, and lead him away to the place where you have been directed to take him.” [31] Now those who knew of the plan were of course present, obeyed the order, and seized Ismenias; but of those who did not know about it and were opponents of Leontiades and his party, some fled at once out of the city, fearing that they would be put to death; others withdrew at first to their homes; when they learned, however, that Ismenias was imprisoned in the Cadmea, then all those who held the same views as Androcleidas and Ismenias retired to Athens, to the number of 2 about three hundred.

1 Normally the Senate would be meeting on the Cadmea, but the Thesmophoria – a festival of Demeter attended only by women – was being held there so the Senate met in the agora. Hence, the deserted streets: Most of the women were at the festival, most of the men at the meeting. 2 That is, those who were opposed to Sparta. Androcleidas was the Theban who accepted the infamous ‘ten thousand Persian archers’ and fomented war with Sparta. 215

[32] When these things had been accomplished, they chose another polemarch in place of lsmenias, but Leontiades proceeded at once to Sparta. There he found the ephors and the majority of the citizens angry with Phoebidas because he had acted in this matter without authorization by the state. Agesilaus, however, said that if what he had done was harmful to Sparta, he deserved to be punished, but if advantageous, it was a time-honoured custom that a commander, in such cases, had the right to act on his own initiative. “It is precisely this point, therefore,” he said, “which should be considered, whether what has been done is good or bad for the state.”

In 382 the Spartans sent Teleutias to Olynthus and in the summer of 381 he was killed outside of Olynthus (Xen. Hell. v.2.37 – 3.7). Agesipolis, the Agiad king, was sent in his place but in the summer of 380 he died of illness. Despite all of these setbacks, Agesilaus was able to force the city of Phlius to capitulate and later that same year Olynthus, weary of the long siege, agreed to terms and was brought into the Spartan sphere. Sparta had been struggling to deal with hegemony ever since the defeat of the Athenians in 404, and in 379 it finally seemed like they had pacified all of Greece.

Xenophon, Hellenica v.3.27 – 4.1: [27] And now that success had to such an extent attended the efforts of the Spartans that the Thebans and the rest of the Boeotians were completely in their power, the Corinthians had become absolutely faithful, the Argives had been humbled for the reason that their plea of the sacred months was no longer of any help to them, and the Athenians were left destitute of allies, while on the other hand those among the allies of the Spartans who had been unfriendly to them had been chastised, it seemed that they had at length established their empire most excellently and securely. 4 [1] Now one could mention many other incidents, both among Greeks and barbarians, to prove that the gods do not fail to take heed of the wicked or of those who do unrighteous things; but at present I will speak of the case which is before me. The Spartans, namely, who had sworn that they would leave the states independent, after seizing possession of the acropolis of Thebes were punished by the very men, unaided, who had been thus wronged, although before that time they had not been conquered by any single one of all the peoples that ever existed; while as for those among the Theban citizens who had led them into the acropolis and had wanted the state to be in subjection to the Spartans in order that they might rule despotically themselves, just seven of the exiles were enough to destroy the government of these men. How all this came to pass I will proceed to relate.

216

Theban Hegemony

In 379 BC the Theban exiles secreted themselves into the city and assassinated the Spartan supported tyrants. An Athenian cavalry contingent was waiting outside the city; the exiles rallied their supporters within Thebes and, with the help of the Athenians, drove the Spartan garrison out of the Cadmea.

The Boeotian War The Spartans saw this as an act of war:

Xenophon, Hellenica v.4.13 – 14 [13] When the Spartans learned of these events they put to death the governor who had abandoned the Cadmea instead of waiting for the relief force, and called up the army to march against the Thebans.1 Now Agesilaus said that it was more than forty years since he had come of military age, and pointed out that just as other men of his age were no longer bound to serve outside their own country, so the same law applied to kings also. He, then, on this plea would not undertake the campaign. It was not, however, for this reason that he stayed at home, but because he well knew that if he was in command the citizens would say that Agesilaus was making trouble for the state in order that he might give assistance to tyrants. Therefore he let them decide as they would about this matter. [14] But the ephors, hearing the stories of those who had been banished after the slaughter in Thebes, sent out , this being the first time that he had a command, in the dead of winter.

Cleombrotus marched into Boeotia but accomplished little of military importance. He did occupy and establish a base there, appointing Sphodrias as Harmost.

Xenophon, Hellenica v.4.19 – 24 [19] Now the Athenians, seeing the power of the Spartans and that the war was no longer in Corinthian territory, but that the Spartans were now going past Attica and invading the country of Thebes, were so fearful that they brought to trial the two generals who had been privy to the uprising of Melon against Leontiades and his party, put one of them to death, and, since the other did not remain to stand trial, exiled him. [20] The Thebans, for their part, being also fearful in case no others except themselves should make war upon the Spartans, devised the following expedient. They persuaded Sphodrias, the Lacedaemonian Harmost at Thespiae, by giving him money, it was suspected, to invade Attica, that so he might involve the Athenians in war with the Spartans. And he in obedience to their persuasions, professing that he would capture Piraeus, inasmuch as it still had no gates, led forth his troops from Thespiae after they had taken an early dinner, saying that he would finish the journey to Piraeus before daybreak. [21] But he was still at Thria when daylight came upon him, and then he made no effort to escape observation, but on the

1 Brownson has “called out the ban against the Thebans,” for the original: φρουρὰν δὲ φαίνοθσιν. A more litteral translation would be ‘call up the levy’ or even, ‘activate the troops.’ Essentially it means that an active duty armed force is to be assembled and sent to a specific theatre. 217 contrary, when he had turned about, seized cattle and plundered houses. Meanwhile some of those who fell in with him during the night fled to the city and reported to the Athenians that a very large army was coming against them. So they speedily armed themselves, both horsemen and hoplites, and kept guard over the city. [22] Now it chanced also that there were ambassadors of the Spartans in Athens at the house of Callias, their Proxenos, Etymocles, Aristolochus, and Ocyllus; and when the matter of the invasion was reported, the Athenians seized these men and kept them under guard, in the belief that they too were concerned in the plot. But they were utterly dismayed over the affair and said in their defence that if they had known that an attempt was being made to seize Piraeus, they would never have been so foolish as to put themselves in the power of the Athenians in the city, and, still less, at the house of their Proxenos, where they would most speedily be found. [23] They said, further, that it would become clear to the Athenians also that the Lacedaemonian state was not cognizant of this attempt, either. For as to Sphodrias, they said they well knew that they would hear that he had been put to death by the state. They accordingly were adjudged to be without any knowledge of the affair and were released. [24] But the ephors recalled Sphodrias and brought capital charges against him. He, however, out of fear did not obey the summons; but nevertheless, although he did not obey and present himself for the trial, he was acquitted. And it seemed to many that the decision in this case was the most unjust ever known in Sparta.

Xenophon’s account gives us the impression of a Spartan commander who undertook to win fame and glory through a bold act. Plutarch’s Sphodrias is a different man, and Plutarch emphasises the illegality by adding the displeasure of the gods:

Plutarch, Agesilaus 24.3 – 6 [3] Now, there was a certain Lacedaemonian named Sphodrias, of the party opposed to Agesilaus, who had been appointed harmost at Thespiae. He lacked neither boldness nor ambition, but always abounded in hopes rather than in good judgement. This man, coveting a great name, and considering that Phoebidas had made himself famous by his bold deed at Thebes, was persuaded that it would be a far more honourable and brilliant exploit for him to seize the Peiraeus on his own account and rob the Athenians of access to the sea, attacking them unexpectedly by land. [4] It is said, too, that the scheme was devised by Pelopidas and Melo, chief magistrates at Thebes. They privily sent men to him who pretended to be Spartan sympathizers, and they, by praising and exalting Sphodrias as the only man worthy to undertake so great a task, urged and incited him into an act which was no less lawless and unjust than the seizure of the Cadmeia, though it was essayed without courage or good fortune. [5] For full daylight overtook him while he was yet in the Thriasian 1 plain, although he had hoped to attack the Peiraeus by night. It is said also that his soldiers saw a light streaming from certain sanctuaries at Eleusis, and were filled with shuddering fear. Their commander himself lost all his courage, since concealment was no longer possible, and after ravaging the country a little, retired disgracefully and ingloriously to

1 At line 4 above, and here as well, Plutarch uses the Greek legousi (λέγουσι), “it is said…” We recall from our readings on Herodotus above, that this term is code and it means ‘this is a rumour and is likely not true.’ 218

Thespiae. [6] Hereupon men were sent from Athens to Sparta to denounce Sphodrias. They found, however, that the magistrates there had no need of their denunciation, but had already indicted Sphodrias on a capital charge. This charge he determined not to meet, fearing the wrath of his countrymen, who were ashamed in the presence of the Athenians, and wished to be thought wronged with them, that they might not be thought wrongdoers with Sphodrias.

The Athenians, of course, saw the acquittal of Sphodrias as an admition that Sparta intended to make war on Athens, and they took appropriate steps. Xenophon has surprisingly little to say about the Athenian reaction:

Xenophon, Hellenica v.4.34 & 60 – 61. [34] As for the Athenians, those among them who favoured the Boeotians pointed out to the people that the Spartans had not only not punished Sphodrias, but even commended him for plotting against Athens. Therefore the Athenians furnished the Piraeus with gates, set about building ships, and gave aid to the Boeotians with all zeal.

[60] When the allies gathered together at Sparta, speeches were forthcoming from them to the effect that, through slackness in prosecuting the war, they were going to be worn out by it. For they said it was within their power to man far more ships than the Athenians had and to capture their city by starvation; and it was also within their power to transport an army across to Thebes in these same ships, steering for Phocis if they chose, or, if they chose, for Creusis. [61] Influenced by these considerations they manned sixty triremes, and Pollis was made admiral of them. And those who had conceived these views were not disappointed, for the Athenians were in fact as good as besieged; for while their com ships got as far as Gerastus, they would not now venture to sail along the coast from that point, since the Spartan fleet was in the neighbourhood of Aegina, Ceos, and . Then the Athenians, realizing the necessity that was upon them, went on board their ships themselves, joined battle with Pollis under the leadership of Chabrias, and were victorious in the battle. Thus the corn was brought in for the Athenians.

The Battle of Mantinea Xenophon Hellenica vii.5.18 – 27 [18] As for , on the other hand, when he considered that within a few days it would be necessary for him to depart, because the time fixed for the campaign had expired, and that if he should leave behind him unprotected the people to whom he had come as an ally, they would be besieged by their adversaries, while he himself would have completely tarnished his own reputation, for with a large force of hoplites he had been defeated at Sparta by a few, and defeated likewise in a cavalry battle at Mantinea, and through his expedition to the Peloponnesse had made himself the cause of the union of the 219

Spartans, the Arcadians, the Achaeans, the Eleans, and the Athenians, he thought for these reasons that it was not possible for him to pass by the enemy without a battle, since he reasoned that if he were victorious, he would make up for all these things, while if he were slain, he deemed that such an end would be honourable for one who was striving to leave to his fatherland dominion over Peloponnesus.1

[19] Now the fact that Epaminondas himself entertained such thoughts seems to me to be in no way remarkable, for such thoughts are natural to ambitious men; but that he had brought his army to such a point that the troops flinched from no toil, whether by night or by day, and shrank from no peril, and although the provisions they had were scanty, were nevertheless willing to be obedient, this seems to me to be more remarkable. [20] For at the time when he gave them the last order to make ready, saying that there would be a battle, the 2 horsemen eagerly polished their helmets at his command, the hoplites of the Arcadians 3 painted clubs upon their shields, as though they were Thebans, and all alike sharpened their spears and daggers and burnished their shields. [21] But when he had led them forth, thus made ready, it is worthwhile again to note what he did. In the first place, as was natural, he formed them in line of battle. And by doing this he seemed to make it clear that he was preparing for an engagement; but when his army had been drawn up as he wished it to be, he did not advance by the shortest route towards the enemy, but led the way towards the mountains which lie to the westward and over against Tegea, so that he gave the enemy the impression that he would not join battle on that day. [22] For as soon as he had arrived at the mountain, and when his battle line had been extended to its full length, he grounded arms at the foot of the heights, so that he seemed like one who was encamping. And by so doing he caused among most of the enemy a relaxation of their mental readiness for fighting, and likewise a relaxation of their readiness as regards their array for battle. It was not until he had moved along successive companies to the wing where he was stationed, and had wheeled them into line, thus strengthening the mass formation of this wing, that he gave the order to take up arms and led the advance; and his troops followed. Now as soon as the enemy saw them unexpectedly approaching, no one among them was able to keep quiet, but some began running to their posts, others forming into line, others bridling horses, and others putting on breast-plates, while all were like men who were about to suffer, rather than to inflict, harm.

[23] Meanwhile Epaminondas led forward his army prow on, like a trireme, believing that if he could strike and cut through anywhere, he would destroy the entire army of his adversaries. For he was preparing to make the contest with the strongest part of his force, and the weakest part he had stationed far back, knowing that if defeated it would cause discouragement to the troops who were with him and give courage to the enemy. Again, while the enemy had formed their horsemen like a phalanx of hoplites, six deep and without intermingled foot soldiers, [24] Epaminondas on the other hand had made a strong column

1 A dauting sentence in English, but true to the Greek. 2 Brownson has “whitened” following the Greek, λευκόω. But it can also mean ‘to make bright’ which makes more sense here. The use of λαμπρύνω ‘to burnish’ or ‘polish’ in reference to the shields later in the line presents a problem – why not use the same term for both – but it makes even less sense to imagine a cavalryman covering his helmet with chalk. 3 The typical emblem on the Theban shield was the club of Heracles, who was born in Thebes. 220

of his cavalry, also, and had mingled foot soldiers among them, believing that when he cut through the enemy's cavalry, he would have defeated the entire opposing army; for it is very hard to find men who will stand firm when they see any of their own side in flight. And in order to prevent the Athenians on the left wing from coming to the aid of those who were posted next to them, he stationed both horsemen and hoplites upon some hills over against them, desiring to create in them the fear that if they proceeded to give aid, these troops would fall upon them from behind.

Thus, then, he made his attack, and he was not disappointed of his hope; for by gaining the mastery at the point where he struck, he caused the entire army of his adversaries to flee. [24] When, however, he had himself fallen, those who were left proved unable to take full advantage thereafter even of the victory; but although the opposing phalanx had fled before them, their hoplites did not kill a single man or advance beyond the spot where the collision had taken place; and although the cavalry also had fled before them, their cavalry in like manner did not pursue and kill either horsemen or hoplites, but slipped back timorously, like beaten men, through the lines of the flying enemy. Furthermore, while the intermingled footmen and the peltasts, who had shared in the victory of the cavalry, did make their way like victors to the region of the enemy's left wing, most of them were there slain by the Athenians.

[26] When these things had taken place, the opposite of what all men believed would happen was brought to pass. For since well-nigh all the people of Greece had come together and formed themselves in opposing lines, there was no one who did not suppose that if a battle were fought, those who proved victorious would be the rulers and those who were defeated would be their subjects; but the deity so ordered it that both parties set up a trophy as though victorious and neither tried to hinder those who set them up, that both gave back the dead under a truce as though victorious, and both received back their dead under a truce as though defeated, and that while each party claimed to be victorious, [27] neither was found to be any better off, as regards either additional territory, or city, or sway, than before the battle took place; but there was even more confusion and disorder in Greece after the battle than before.

Thus far be it written by me; the events after these will perhaps be the concern of another.

221

Macedon

Perdiccas to Amyntas Herodotus v.22 … that these descendants of Perdiccas are Hellenes, as they themselves say, I happen to know myself, and not only so, but I will prove in the succeeding history that they are Hellenes. Moreover the Hellanodicai, who manage the games at Olympia, decided that they were so: for when Alexander1 wished to contend in the games and had descended for this purpose into the arena, the Hellenes who were to run against him tried to exclude him, saying that the contest was not for Barbarians to contend in but for Hellenes: since however Alexander proved that he was of Argos, he was judged to be a Hellene, and when he entered the contest of the foot-race his lot came out with that of the first.

Herodotus viii.137 – 139 [137] Now of this Alexander the seventh ancestor was that Perdiccas who first became despot of the Macedonians, and that in the manner which here follows:--From Argos there fled to the Illyrians three brothers of the descendants of Temenos,2 Gauanes, Aëropos, and Perdiccas; and passing over from the Illyrians into the upper parts of Macedonia they came to the city of Lebaia. There they became farm- servants for pay in the household of the king, one pasturing horses, the second oxen, and the youngest of them, namely Perdiccas, the smaller kinds of cattle; for in ancient times even those who were rulers over men were poor in money, and not the common people only; and the wife of the king cooked for them their food herself. And whenever she baked, the loaf of the boy their servant, namely Perdiccas, became double as large as by nature it should be. When this happened constantly in the same manner, she told it to her husband, and he when he heard it conceived forthwith that this was a portent and tended to something great. He summoned the farm-servants therefore, and gave notice to them to depart out of his land; and they said that it was right that before they went forth they should receive the wages which were due. Now it chanced that the sun was shining into the house down through the opening which received the smoke, and the king when he heard about the wages said, being infatuated by a divine power: "I pay you then this for wages, and it is such as ye deserve," pointing to the sunlight. So then Gauanes and Aëropos the elder brothers stood struck with amazement when they heard this, but the boy, who happened to have in his hand a knife, said these words: "We accept, O king, that which thou dost give;" and he traced a line with his knife round the sunlight on the floor of the house, and having traced the line round he thrice drew of the sunlight into his bosom, and after that he departed both himself and his fellows. [138] They then were going away, and to the king one of those who sat by him at table told what manner of thing the boy had done, and how the youngest of them had taken that which was given with some design: and he hearing this and being moved with anger, sent after them horsemen to slay them. Now there is a river in this land to which the descendants

1 (497 – 454BC.) 2 A great-great grandson of Heracles, Temenos became King of Argos after the descendants of Heracles conquered the Peloponnese. 222 of these men from Argos sacrifice as a saviour. This river, so soon as the sons of Temenos had passed over it, began to flow with such great volume of water that the horsemen became unable to pass over. So the brothers, having come to another region of Macedonia, took up their dwelling near the so-called gardens of Midas the son of Gordias, where roses grow wild which have each one sixty petals and excel all others in perfume. In these gardens too Silenos was captured, as is reported by the Macedonians: and above the gardens is situated a mountain called Bermion, which is inaccessible by reason of the cold. Having taken possession of that region, they made this their starting-point, and proceeded to subdue also the rest of Macedonia. [139] From this Perdiccas the descent of Alexander was as follows:- Alexander was the son of Amyntas, Amyntas was the son of Alketes, the father of Alketes was Aëropos, of him Philip, of Philip Argaios, and of this last the father was Perdiccas, who first obtained the kingdom.

223

Aristotle

Aristotle Greek philosopher and founder of the ‘scientific method.’ Aristotle was born in Stageira in Chalcidice in 384 BC and died 322 BC. His father, Nicomachus, was a physician, an Asclepiad, in the service of Amyntas II of Macedon. He studied in Athens, under Plato, from 367 until the death of Plato in 347. It may be that he left Athens because of Plato's passing, but it seems equally likely that he left because of the antagonism between Philip II and the Athenians. At any rate, Aristotle travelled to , inside Persian territory, where he spent the next few years in the court of the tyrant, Hermias. In 342 Aristotle moved to Macedon to become tutor to Alexander, son of King Philip II: Aristotle and Philip II had known each other since childhood.

In 335 BC Aristotle returned to Athens and founded his own school, the Lyceum. That school is more commonly known as the Peripatetic school, after the περίπατοι (peripatoi), or walk-abouts during which Aristotle would lecture. After the death of Alexander, in 323, Aristotle's position in Athens became dangerous and he was brought up on charges of impiety. Aristotle fled Athens and spent the last year of his life in Chalcis, on Euboea. He died of illness in 322 BC.

Aristotle wrote prolifically and his extant works include: Physics; Politics; Rhetoric; Poetry; Nicomachian Ethics; Eudamian Ethics and others. The Constitution of Athens is attributed to Aristotle but may be the work of one of his students. The Poetics translation used herein is by S.H Butcher (1902)

224

Bibliography of Primary Sources in Translation

All of the translations contained herein are either public domain documents or translations by the editor. Occasionally I have edited the translations either to update the English or to correct errors and/or omissions. Aeschylus, Agamemnon. Herbert Weir Smyth trans. Loeb. 1926. Aesop’s Fables, George Fyler Townsend trans. 1887. Apollodorus, Library. James George Frazer trans. 1921. Aristotle, Metaphysics. Hugh Tredennick trans. Loeb, 1933. Aristotle, Politics. H. Rackham trans. Loeb.1959 (1932). Critias, ‘Fragments.’ Kathleen Freeman, trans. 1948. Diodorus of Sicily, Bibliotheca. G. Booth trans. 1814. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Eminent Philosophers. Robert Drews Hicks trans. Loeb, 1925 Herodotus, Histories. G. C. Macaulay trans. 1890. Hesiod, Homeric Hymns, , Homerica. Hugh Evelyn-Whyte trans. 1922. Homer, The Iliad. Samuel Butler trans. 1898. Justin, Epitome of the Philippic History of Pomepeius Trogus. John Selby Watson trans. 1853. Pausanias, Description of Greece. W. H. S. Jones trans. Loeb. 1918. Plato, Epistles, R.G. Bury trans. Loeb, 1966. (This translation is subject to copywright). Plutarch, Lives. John Dryden trans. Plutarch, Alcibiades. Bernadotte Perrin trans. Loeb, 1916 Plutarch, Dion. Bernadotte Perin trans. Loeb, 1918. Solon, Select Fragments, John Porter trans. (This translation is subject to copywright). Sophocles, Oedipus Rex and Antigone, . Storr trans. Loeb, 1912. Strabo, Geography. H. C. Hamilton and W. Falconer trans. 1903. Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War. Richard Crawley trans. 1903. Xenophon, Hellenica. H. G. Dakyns trans.1897: Carleton L. Brownson trans. Loeb. 1918. ------‘The Spartan Constitution’. J.S. Watson trans.