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Spotlight Europe # 2009/05 – May 2009 It's Hip to Be a Euro-Critic

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Spotlight Europe # 2009/05 – May 2009 It's Hip to Be a Euro-Critic spotlight europe # 2009/05 – May 2009 It's hip to be a euro-critic Isabell Hoffmann [email protected] Franziska Brantner [email protected] In the area of European policymaking, established parties are nowadays also confronted with pressure from the left-wing and right-wing fringes of the political spectrum. The fact is that, try as they might, they cannot ex- plain away all the negative results of EU policymaking. Instead of fighting a communications war from their entrenched positions, the supporters of European integration should recognize that there are contradictions in European policies which need to be dealt with frankly on a political level. Some people point out that the European And in fact after the referendum in Ireland Union was built on the basis of consensus, the European governments and the ad- whereas others warn that it needs contro- ministration in Brussels have tried to do versy, or else will lose its legitimacy. Jür- what they are best at: waiting until things gen Habermas and Günther Verheugen, have calmed down, conducting discreet two proponents of these opposing posi- talks, and preparing for another referen- # 2009/05 tions, crossed swords in the politics sec- dum. However, at the same time the de- tion of the Süddeutsche Zeitung in June bate on European policy, has already been 2008. “Politicize the debate,” demanded taken out on the streets. Not by the gov- the former. “Bring in the citizens.” “That ernments and the established political par- won’t work,” retorted the latter. “Europe is ties, but by players who do not have very based on consensus, and not on contro- deep roots in the system. They believe that versy. It is slow and painstaking, and of- the voters are sufficiently irritated to re- ten excruciating; but it is efficient. That is spond to their criticism of the Union, how we should go on. All of us, by working which enhances their profile and enables together.” them to generate influence. In this they are aided and abetted by centrist govern- ments and parties, which do not openly spotlight europe acknowledge that there are contradictions gal). This pan-European party is a product in European policymaking, and react in a of the Irish anti-Lisbon campaign. In the fundamentally defensive manner to fun- entrepreneur Declan Ganley it has an am- damental criticism. Thus they have failed bitious and by now fairly well-known to lift the debate on European policy to a leader who has described the debate on constructive and more differentiated level. the Treaty of Lisbon as a political awaken- ing which he wishes to share with all As a result the debate on European policy other Europeans. Yet hitherto Libertas has remains uninspiring and the electorate achieved fame more on account of its his- continues to be suspicious. Furthermore, tory than as a result of its political posi- the extraneous and internal systemic criti- tions, and Ganley is finding it more diffi- cism of the European Union continues to cult to recruit suitable comrades-in-arms gain momentum, and, in the context of the in the member states than he had antici- forthcoming elections to the European Par- pated. A meeting with euro-critical Czech liament in June, is becoming more cogent. President Vaclav Klaus generated a lot of Will this be the first test for the assump- buzz, but the Libertas lists include either tion that anger due to the Union is suffi- unfamiliar names or well-known radical ciently pronounced to reward the political nationalists such as Frenchman Philippe groupings which actually reject the EU? de Villiers. Yet Ganley differs from the ma- jority of right-wing nationalists not only I on account of his slick appearance, but 2 also on account of his market radicalism, Page which he has in common with self- Who is criticizing what appointed “EU dissident” Klaus. Both of Taken as a whole, the critics of Europe are them believe that the Treaty of Lisbon fragmented and rather inscrutable. And stipulates economic and social norms ever since the “No” votes in the referen- which simply go too far. In February 2009 dums in France, the Netherlands and Ire- Vaclav Klaus summed this up in a speech land they have started to be in a state of to the European Parliament as follows. “It flux, and new euro-critical groups are needs to be said quite openly that the cur- making an appearance. Nationalist parties rent EU economic system is a system are reorganizing themselves. Classical which oppresses market forces and con- tinually strengthens central control of the It’s hip to be a euro-critic euro-critic be a to hip It’s protest movements are stating their argu- ments in a new and upbeat manner. At the economy. (...) The solution can only be the same time the topics and the mode of ex- liberalization and deregulation of the pression are moving in from the fringes to European economy.” some of the centrist parties, which quite obviously believe that they have to show Since Libertas is still a party without a where they stand so as not to lose voters manifesto three weeks before the Euro- pean elections, statements about political # 2009/05 to their new opponents. positions can only be made on a provi- „Eurocriticism is moving in sional basis. However, when it comes to communication and marketing, Libertas is from the fringes to some certainly innovative. It landed a real pub- lic relations coup by managing to secure of the centrist parties.” the support of Polish trade union legend Libertas, the newcomer among the right- Lech Walesa. At the start of the election wing critics of Europe, has provoked some campaign in Rome Walesa told the dele- broken coalitions and new alliances in the gates to be courageous. “You have the po- right-wing and conservative camp tential to change Europe for the better.” throughout Europe (for example, in Walesa’s appearance was not only of con- France, the Czech Republic, and in Portu- siderable importance on account of his spotlight europe popularity. He is a member of the group of political parties, in Germany, for example, “Wise Men” which has been assembled by to Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, and especially the heads of state and government and to Die Linke, which for the 2009 European next year is due to present its vision of the elections has adopted a more strident future of the European Union. euro-critical tone. Even if Lothar Bisky, the party leader, always emphasizes his Libertas not only makes use of prominent party’s essentially pro-European attitude, names, but also utilizes the new media in there have been, especially with regard to a professional way. The few messages are assessments of the Treaty of Lisbon, bitter presented on its website in a style that is disputes within the party, in the course of straightforward and easy to understand. In which those who completely reject the a manner reminiscent of the Obama treaty have gained the upper hand. method, the visitor is asked either to be- come involved or at least to sign up to the Left-wing criticism of Europe tends to see mailing list. Ganley himself has not made the EU as a purely elitist project, espe- any mistakes in public. Hard-hitting stuff cially a project of the economic elite. Busi- such as “We’re going to hunt for Barroso!” ness and capitalist interests, such critics he leaves to his comrades-in-arms and pre- complain, are deliberately encouraged, a fers to cultivate the image of a successful fact which they trace back to the neo- businessman who wants to put things liberal ideology of European treaties, poli- right in the political sphere. In this way he cymaking and court rulings. A general mo- 3 has managed to Page prise right-wing euro-criticism out of its unsavoury nationalist sur- roundings, thereby making it more palatable to the main- stream, and thus putting pressure on other conser- It’s hip to be a euro-critic euro-critic be a to hip It’s vative parties. On the left-wing fringe of the po- litical spectrum a number of actors have adopted a euro- tion proposed at the party congress of Die critical stance. They include the pan- Linke in Essen devoted to European mat- # 2009/05 European protest network Attac, and left- ters stated that “The confiscation of the wing parties such as Die Linke in Germany money of female and male workers and of and Nouveau Parti Anticapitaliste (NPA) in those who are socially disadvantaged has France. At the end of the 1990s Attac and swept more and more capital into the in- its systemic critics had demonstrated that ternational financial markets. The deregu- they are able to seize on a certain topic lation of the international financial mar- and turn on the heat in political terms. Re- kets was a project that the European gov- cently they have begun to focus on the ernments also supported.” Beyond the con- European Union. Despite the fact that they fines of the EU, development and peace stand aloof from the system – they are not policy were supposedly being neglected. in favour of “marching through the institu- Both EU enlargement in eastern Europe tions” – there are clearly visible links to and negotiations on regional trade agree- spotlight europe ments are repeatedly cited as examples of wrong-headed policymaking. “The EU European positions, and as a result pro- Commission continues to propagate free voked a breakdown of the governing coali- trade as the basis for ‘competitive econo- tion last year.
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