Confronting Terrorism the Club De Madrid Series on Democracy and Terrorism Volume II
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Annual Report 2007
Office of the Attorney General Annual Report 2007 Incorporating the · Second Progress Report on Implementation of Statement of Strategy 2006 – 2008, and · Third Progress Report on Implementation of Merrion Street Office’s Client Service Guide 2005–2007 and Chief State Solicitor’s Office Customer Action Plan 2005–2007 1 Contents Foreword by the Attorney General Introduction by the Director General Chapter 1: Roles and Functions Chapter 2: Mission Statement and Goals To pursue Mission as set out in the Statement of Strategy 2006–2008 Chapter 3: Main Developments in 2007 Part I Legal Developments Part II Organisational Developments Chapter 4: Progress Achieved in reaching Goal 1 – Advisory Counsel To support and advise the Attorney General in carrying out the duties of his office and provide specialist Advisory Counsel services in areas of law of importance to Government demonstrating responsiveness, efficiency and effectiveness. Chapter 5: Progress Achieved in reaching Goal 2 – Parliamentary Counsel To provide a professional legislative drafting service to the Government. Chapter 6: Progress Achieved in reaching Goal 3 – Chief State Solicitor’s Office To deliver a high quality specialist solicitor service to the Attorney General, the Departments and Offices in the areas of litigation, provision of legal advice and in property and transactional matters. Chapter 7: Progress Achieved in reaching Goal 4 – Business Support Services Merrion Street Office and CSSO To provide modern and professional corporate and business support services that -
Updating the Debate on Turkey in France, Note Franco-Turque N° 4
NNoottee ffrraannccoo--ttuurrqquuee nn°° 44 ______________________________________________________________________ Updating the Debate on Turkey in France, on the 2009 European Elections’ Time ______________________________________________________________________ Alain Chenal January 2011 . Programme Turquie contemporaine The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non- governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of the European debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. Contemporary Turkey Program is supporter by : ISBN : 978-2-86592-814-9 © Ifri – 2011 – All rights reserved Ifri Ifri-Bruxelles 27 rue de la Procession Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE 1000 – Brussels – BELGIUM Tel : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 Tel : +32 (0)2 238 51 10 Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Fax : +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email : [email protected] Email : [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Notes franco-turques The IFRI program on contemporary Turkey seeks to encourage a regular interest in Franco-Turkish issues of common interest. From this perspective, and in connection with the Turkish Season in France, the IFRI has published a series of specific articles, entitled “Notes franco-turques” (Franco-Turkish Briefings). -
Evaluation of the Irish Referendum on Lisbon Treaty, June 2008
Evaluation of the Irish Referendum on Lisbon Treaty, June 2008 Markus Schmidgen democracy international is a network promoting direct democracy. Our basic goal is the establishment of direct democracy (initiative and referendum) as a complement to representative democracy within the European Union and in the nation states. We also work on the general democratisation of the European Union, democratic reform and more direct and participatory democracy worldwide. http://www.democracy-international.org Written by Markus Schmidgen Layout: Ronald Pabst Proof-reading (contents):, Gayle Kinkead, Ronald Pabst, Thomas Rupp Proof-reading (language): Sheena A. Finley, Warren P. Mayr Advice: Dr. Klaus Hofmann, Bruno Kaufmann, Frank Rehmet Please refer all questions to: [email protected] Published by democracy international V 0.9 (4.9.2008) Evaluation of the Irish Referendum on Lisbon Treaty, June 2008 I Introduction This report examines the process of the Irish CONTENT referendum on the Treaty of Lisbon. The referendum was held on June 12, 2008 and was the only referendum on this treaty. The evaluation is I INTRODUCTION .......................................... 3 based on the criteria set by the Initiative and Referendum Institute Europe (IRIE). These criteria are internationally recognized as standards to II SETTING...................................................... 4 measure how free and fair a referendum process is conducted. This enables the reader to compare the II.1 Background ................................................... 4 Irish Lisbon referendum to other referendums and to identify the points that could be improved as well II.2 Actors ............................................................. 4 as those that are an example to other nations. II.3 Evaluation...................................................... 7 We at Democracy International and our European partners have already published a series of reports on the EU constitutional referenda of 2005: Juan III CONCLUSION......................................... -
Last Chance for Lisbon: Ireland's EU Referendum
LAST CHANCE FOR LISBON: IRELAND’S EU REFERENDUM By Hugo Brady Ireland will hold a second referendum on the Treaty of Lisbon on October 2 nd . Most opinion polls in the run-up to the vote show that a majority of Irish voters now back the EU treaty they rejected in June 2008. However, despite Ireland having subsequently won a special deal on the treaty, and despite the country’s economic dependence on the Union, the result of the referendum is far from certain. The government is the most unpopular since Ireland won its independence, the public mood is volatile amidst a deep recession and many voters remain unconvinced and confused about the treaty’s merits. At stake is much more than the credibility of Ireland’s already enfeebled government. A Yes vote would allow the EU to improve the way it makes decisions, particularly in foreign policy. A No vote would lead to recrimination, policy paralysis and probably a freeze on further EU enlargement. The EU’s leaders – divided on what to do next – would be distracted from the many urgent tasks that face the Union, ranging from responding in an effective and co-ordinated manner to the economic crisis, to making a success of negotiations on climate change, to putting in place a new European Commission. Not in the bag Ireland’s voters shocked EU governments on June 13 th 2008 by rejecting the Lisbon treaty by 53 to 47 per cent. 1 Despite the fact that the country’s businesses, media and political mainstream are almost uniformly 1 See Annex, pages 5-7, for a break - pro-European, the government failed to assuage the fears – mostly spurious – down of the treaty’s principal reforms. -
Download Economic Battle Plan
[Economic patriot score: 85) EP13 5G, The next economic boom URGENT: AMERICA MUST WIN THE 5G WAR We are in a battle with China for high tech and who will be the superpower for the 21st century. The key driver in the race is whoever controls the dominant platform for 5G wireless, or Fifth-Generation telecommunications. The future is dependent on 5G. Whoever establishes the dominant 5G platform infrastructure will determine not only how technology transfers information, but who has access to the system. Imagine the impact on Defense systems, utility grids, intellectual property, and the Internet of Things. China has been working aggressively to build the infrastructure and finance 5G for countries around the world. America is behind, but hopefully now waking up to this threat. This is a major national security and economic challenge that needs America’s attention now! page 1 [Economic patriot score: 85) EP13 5G, The next economic boom 5G is not an incremental change in communications, it is a giant leap. It is up to 100 times faster and a denser available network than 4G. It will revolutionize products and infrastructure for the next 30 years. YOUR MISSION: To understand the potential of 5G and the threat that exists if the primary infrastructure is made in China. Contact your representatives and ensure they are putting pressure on allies that they need to develop a better plan for 5G than one made in China. Look now for investment opportunities with the 5G economic revolution. “Through the ‘made in China 2025’ plan, the Chinese communist party has set it’s sites on controlling 90 percent of the worlds most advanced industries, including robotics, bio technology, and artificial intelligence including 5G.” –Mike Pence, Vice-President of the United States page 2 [Economic patriot score: 85) EP13 5G, The next economic boom (OSINT)– Open Sourced Intelligence Briefing Open Sourced Intelligence Briefing - Kevin Freeman, CFA and Declan Ganley. -
Azerbaijan's Perspectives on the Osce Minsk Group
security and human rights 27 (2016) 442-466 brill.com/shrs Azerbaijan’s Perspectives on the osce Minsk Group Complicity in the Status Quo? Zaur Shiriyev Academy Associate at the Royal Institute of International Affairs ( Chatham House) in London Abstract The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (osce) led Minsk Group – the principal mediator tasked with the resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, is often criticised by Azerbaijan, due to the stalemate in negotiations. The intensive period of engagement between 2006 and 2009 brought first the initial and then the “updated” Madrid Principles. This was the chief working document that set forth the basic principles for peaceful resolution. The inactivity of the Minsk Group is often con- ceded as the result of maintaining “minimalist goals” – preventing full scale war and trying to bring conflict parties to the negotiating table. The April war in 2016 tested the fragility of the first goal: preventing skirmishes from leading to larger scale conflict. Similarly, after the April 2016 war, the attempt to revitalise the second goal – i.e. bring- ing the parties to the negotiating table – also collapsed, due to the increased mistrust between the parties after the war. The article will evaluate the geopolitical changes and their impact on the Minsk Group’s work since 2008, the reasons for the demands to change the format of the Minsk Group, and finally Azerbaijan’s perspectives on the limitations of the Minsk Group’s current mandate and mechanisms. Keywords Azerbaijani-Armenian conflict – Nagorno-Karabakh conflict – fragile peace – April War * Zaur Shiriyev is an Academy Associate at the Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House) in London. -
A Final Status Vote for Nagorny Karabakh: Choosing Politics?
Discussion Paper May 2018 A final status vote for Nagorny Karabakh: Choosing politics? Logo using multiply on layers Logo drawn as seperate elements with overlaps coloured seperately Cover photo: Nagorny Karabakh. © Conciliation Resources A final status vote for Nagorny Karabakh: Choosing politics? • 3 Nagorny Karabakh © Conciliation Resources A vote to decide the final political status of This concern is central to the clash between “step- Nagorny Karabakh (NK), the territory at the heart by-step” (phased) or “package” (simultaneous) of Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict, would mark the approaches to implementing a peace agreement culmination of the Minsk Process, mandated by that has complicated Armenian-Azerbaijani the Organisation of Security and Co-operation negotiations from the outset. in Europe (OSCE). A final status vote would, in In the current climate of militarisation, escalation theory, supersede NK’s preceding interim status, and the possible threat of all-out war, a NK final legitimate its final political identity and bring status vote appears not only an unlikely prospect the 30-year old Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict to but even an inflammatory one. The idea of an open- an end. ended vote on the status of NK strikes at the heart The idea of a final status vote is one of several of the Armenian and Azerbaijani narratives that principles comprising the current peace proposal focus on exclusively retaining or reclaiming control developed by the Minsk Group Co-Chairs for more of the territory respectively. But a final status vote than a decade, known as the Madrid Principles. also offers the only route to a popular mandate and It is the most vulnerable single principle as it is locally generated solution to the conflict, even if this envisaged as being chronologically the last to be looks a distant prospect today. -
Armenia-Azerbaijan Wars: Looking for Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict
Armenia‐Azerbaijan Wars: Looking for Nagorno‐Karabakh Conflict Resolution Air University Advanced Research Program Next Generation Intelligence, Surveillance, Reconnaissance Aigerim T. Akhmetova Squadron Officer School Class – 21C March 31, 2021 "Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the Air University, the United States Air Force, the Department of Defense, or any other US government agency." Abstract The Nagorno‐Karabakh territorial dispute is one of the longest inter‐ethnic conflicts from the former Soviet Union, devastating Azerbaijan and Armenia since 1988. The geographic location complicates the situation from a geopolitical perspective by bringing several outside stakeholders to the discussion table. The efforts of one key organization to mitigate the conflict, the Minsk Group, have been questioned by both Armenia and Azerbaijan. The Minsk Group was established in 1992 to provide a peaceful resolution to this territorial dispute by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. Competing regional and international interests further complicate this stalemate and finding a single resolution that fits all involved parties’ interests has been an arduous path. This paper explores the complexities of this conflict, discusses if Minsk Group should continue leading negotiation efforts, and proposes possible courses of actions for the international community to take with these countries. Background and Involved Parties The inter‐ethnic tensions between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the Karabakh region can be traced back to the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union era (Migdalovitz 2001, 6). For a brief period in 1921, Nagorno‐Karabakh (NK) was part of Armenia before Stalin acknowledged their ties to Azerbaijan (ibid). -
Nagorno-Karabakh Security Situation 5 2.3 Countries Briefing on Armenia and Azerbaijan 6 2.4 Eu Approach and Instruments: a Role for the Eu 7 2.5 Overview 7
DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES OF THE UNION DIRECTORATE B POLICY DEPARTMENT WITH THE SUPPORT OF THE SUB-COMMITTEE ON SECURITY AND DEFENCE NAGORNO KARABAKH: SECURITY SITUATION WORKSHOP Held on Wednesday 20 June 2012 14.30 - 16.30 Room: Altiero Spinelli (ASP) 3E2 EXPO/B/AFET/FWC/2009-01/Lot6/18 July 2012 PE 433.836 EN Policy Department DG External Policies This workshop was requested by the European Parliament's Sub-Committee on Security and Defence. AUTHOR: Marco SIDDI, Marie Curie researcher under the Marie Curie Integrated Training Network on EU External Action (EXACT), TEPSA, BELGIUM ADMINISTRATOR RESPONSIBLE: Ulrich KAROCK Directorate-General for External Policies of the Union Policy Department Altiero Spinelli Building (ASP)03F374 rue Wiertz 60 B-1047 Brussels Editorial Assistant: Elina STERGATOU LINGUISTIC VERSIONS Original: EN ABOUT THE EDITOR Editorial closing date: 25 July 2012. © European Union, 2012 Printed in Belgium ISBN 978-92-823-3790-5 DOI 10.2861/96049 The Information Note is available on the Internet at http://www.europarl.europa.eu/activities/committees/studies.do?language=EN If you are unable to download the information you require, please request a paper copy by e-mail : [email protected] DISCLAIMER Any opinions expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament. Reproduction and translation, except for commercial purposes, are authorised, provided the source is acknowledged and provided the publisher is given prior notice and supplied with a copy of the publication. 2 Workshop Nagorno - Karabakh: security situation TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. -